USA > Maryland > The history of Maryland : from its first settlement, in 1633, to the restoration, in 1660 ; with a copious introduction, and notes and illustrations > Part 25
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# It may, perhaps, not be unnecessary to mention, that this Sir Thomas was not the learned Sir Thomas Smith, who was so celebrated in the reign of queen Elizabeth. That gentleman died in August, 1577. See Rapin's Hist.'(Tindal's edit.) vol. 7, p. 404. This was probably some eminent merchant of London, and a city knight. He was appointed treasurer of the Virginia company by the king, in the body of the second charter of Virginia, of May 23, 1609; though provision was made by that charter, that such treasurer should afterwards be elected by a majority of the company, and the third charter seems to have con- firmed that privilege.
§ Sir Edwin Sands (or Sandys,) is represented by Hume, (Hist. of England, note [DD] to chap. 45,) as "a man of the greatest parts and knowledge in Eng- land," at this time next to Sir Francis Bacon. It was, on Sir Edwin's sugges- tion, after he was at the head of the company as treasurer, that a freight of
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SECTION his letter to Mr. Robinson and Mr. Brewster, of November 12th, VIII. 1617, he appears to have been friendly to their proposal of re- 1619. moving to America. It is couched in those polite and obliging terms, which the chief officer of such a company, who posses- sed liberal and generous sentiments, would have written .*
The extraordinary ill treatment of a certain captain Blackwell, towards some passengers of his ship, whom he carried about this time, as colonists in the settlement on James river, in Virginia, operated much in the discouragement of the intended removal of the Puritans .; However, a patent being at length obtained from the Virginia company, it was carried to Leyden for the con- sideration of the people there, with several proposals from En- glish merchants and friends, for their transportation. By the ad- vice of some friends, it seems, this patent was not taken in the name of any of the society at Leyden, but in the name of a cer- tain John Wincob, or Wincoll, who was a servant in the family of the Countess of Lincoln.
1620. Embark for Ameri- After mature deliberation, it was at last agreed, among the Puritans at Leyden, that a part of their congregation should go ca, and set- to America, in order to make preparation for the rest; and there- tle in Ply- fore, such as chose to become the first adventurers were requested Massachu- to fit and prepare themselves for the voyage. Several of the con- mouth, setts. gregation sold their estates, and made a common bank; which, together, with money received from other adventurers, enabled them to purchase a small vessel of sixty tons, and to hire in En- gland another of one hundred and eighty tons, for their intended enterprise. In this smaller vessel, the first adventurers embark- ed at or near Leyden, for Southampton, where most of them were to re-embark on board the larger ship, called the May Flower. They were under the conduct and direction of William Brewster, the ruling elder of their church; for Robinson did not accompany them .¿ After their arrival at Southampton, their
young women was sent over, in the year 1620, to the planters of Virginia, to be bought by them as wives, they being mostly destitute of families. The scheme succeeded so well, that it was repeated. It was probably also owing to him, that the commerce with the colony in Virginia, which had hitherto been mo- nopolized by the treasurer and company, to the great depression of the colony as it was said, was in the same year laid open to all without restrictions. See Holmes's Annals, vol. 1, p. 204, 266.
* See this letter and their answer in Hazard's Collections, vol. 1. p. 362.
t See Cushman's letter in Hazard's Collections, vol. 1, p. 362.
į Mr. Robinson's caution, in evading the accompaniment of his flock to Ame- rica, seems to afford some ground to suspect that his "Catholicism," (though praised by Mr. Holmes in his note V. before cited, partook somewhat of that of
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small ship being deemed unfit for sea, they were obliged all to em- SECTION bark on board the May Flower, in which they finally left En- VIII. gland on the sixth of September, 1620. After a boisterous pas- 1620. sage, they discovered on the ninth of November, the land of Cape Cod. Perceiving that they had been carried to the north- ward of the place of their destination, they stood to the south- ward, intending to find some place near Hudson's river for set- tlement. Falling, however, among shoals, they were induced, from this incident, together with the consideration of the ad- vanced season of the year, and the weakness of their condition, to relinquish that part of their original design. The master of the ship, influenced by the fears of the passengers, and their ex- treme solicitude to be set on shore, shifted his course to the northward. The real cause of his doing which has been alleged to have been, a reward clandestinely promised to him in Holland, if he would not carry the English to Hudson's river .* Be that as it may, steering again for the cape, the ship was clear of the danger before night; and the next day, a storm coming on, they
kis prototype, Robert Brown. This seems to be confirmed by what Mr. Holmes, in the same note observes, that "at first indeed, he favoured the rigid separation from the Church of England; but, after his removal to Holland, he was convinced of his mistake, and became ever after, more moderate in his sentiments respecting separation." And further, by what is said in Hutchinson's Hist. of Massachu- setts, appendix No. 1. to vol. 2: " He was at first a thorough separatist, and Mr. Hubbard says, was transported with their principles so far as to publish his opi- nions against hearing any of the preachers of the Church of England, were they never so learned and pious, but afterwards acknowledged his error in a judicious and Godly discourse." Although the American republic is indebted to these "mistakes" and "errors" for those populous and flourishing states, denominated New England, yet, as Mr. Robinson evidently had no such sublime ideas in contemplation, and, if he had, the end would not sanctify the means, these "mis- takes" and "errors" seem to form a lesson to ambitious religionists, to be cau- tious in leading simple and ignorant country people into situations, wherein they must necessarily endure inexpressible hardships and misery.
* Although it is alleged by Morton, (New England Memorial 13,) that "Of this plot, betwixt the Dutch and Mr. Jones, I have had late and certain intelli- gence." To which Mr. Holmes, in his Annals, (vol. 1, p. 199,) appears to give entire credit : yet, as it is stated by Hutchinson, (Hist. of Massachusetts, vol. 1, p. 11,) that "the Dutch laboured to persuade them (the English at Leyden, ) to go to Hudson's river, and settle under their West India Company;" the fact is stated as above with some hesitation. It is possible, however, that as these ad- venturers preferred being under the government and protection of the English, and their designed place of settlement was near Hudson's river, but to be con- sidered as a part of the government of Virginia, the Dutch might be averse to having them as neighbours in that way, and for that reason bribed the captain to carry them farther from their settlement at New York. See the Appendix No. 1, to Hutchinson's Hist. vol. 2.
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SECTION dropped anchor in Cape Cod harbour, where they were secure VIII. from winds and shoals.
1620.
Finding the harbour to be in the forty-second degree of north latitude, and therefore beyond the territory of the South Vir- ginia company, they perceived that their charter, received from that company, was here useless .* The consequence of this inutility of their charter, was, that they were destitute of the powers usually held necessary to institute a government. The danger of this situation was strongly enforced upon the minds of the more prudent part of them, by some symptoms of faction and disorganization exhibited during the passage among the in- ferior class of them, who were heard to mutter, that when they should get on shore, one man would be as good as another, and they would do as they pleased. It was, therefore, judged expedient, that before disembarkation, they should combine them- selves into a body politic, to be governed by the majority. A written instrument, drawn for that purpose, was accordingly sub- scribed on board the ship, on the eleventh day of November, by forty-one of their number, who are supposed to have been all the males of age in the company, which amounted to one hun- dred and one persons.t John Carver was then unanimously chosen their governor, for one year. The principal intention of this written instrument of express covenant, is said to have been "of a mere moral nature, that they might remove all scruples of inflicting necessary punishments, even capital ones, seeing all had voluntarily subjected themselves to them." It does not appear, however, notwithstanding the expediency of this express com- pact, that the leaders of these colonists considered themselves so entirely brought back to a state of nature, and so totally emanci- pated from all former obligations, as to acknowledge no superior political power, and to be independent of all other governments. Although the most of them had been residents for some time in Holland, and therefore, in modern construction, were now expa- triated from their native country; yet they seem to have consi- dered themselves a English subjects, and entitled to all the be- nefits and privileges resulting from the common law of England,
* This seems to be a better and stronger reason, why they never made any subsequent use of their charter from the South Virginia company, than that which has been usually assigned by historians; that is, because Wincob, the patentee, never went to New England.
t See this instrument in Hutchinson's Hist. of Massachusetts, vol. 2, appen- dix No. 1, and in Hazard's Collections, vol. 1, p. 119.
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and such English statutes, as were applicable to their local situa- SECTION tion. This indeed might possibly have been so deemed, as being VIII. the consequence of both their contract with the Virginia compa- 1620. ny, and the permission of the king to settle in North America. They are said to have, therefore, "resolved to make the laws of England their rule of government, until they should agree upon laws suited to their peculiar circumstances .* "
Several of their principal men now went in their boat or shal- lop to search for a suitable place where they might fix their first settlement. After ranging for some days about the bay of Cape Cod, they entered a harbour, which after sounding they found to be fit for shipping, and after exploring the land adjacent to the harbour, they judged it a convenient situation for a settle- ment, and returned with the welcome intelligence to the ship. They proceeded with the ship to the newly discovered port, where they arrived on the sixteenth day of December, a very im- proper season of the year, indeed, for the commencement of a colonial settlement, in such a climate. But necessity seemed now to have left them no choice, and as soon as they could erect habi- tations to receive their company, they were landed. The place, it seems, was called by the natives Patuxet, but is now well known by the name of Plymouth, in the State of Massachusetts. From this small beginning, time has at length produced those now populous States, which lie to the northward of New York. It is unnecessary for us to pursue their history any farther in this place.
* Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, vol. 2, Appendix No. 1.
SECTION IX.
Causes of the severe statutes against Roman Catholics in England, during the reign of Elizabeth-Their conduct on the accession of James I .- The cause of additional statutes against them-The excesses of the Catholics and Puri- tans give rise to political parties-First scheme of a colony of English Catho- lics in Newfoundland, under the patronage of Sir George Calvert-Sir George Calvert created lord Baltimore, visits Virginia, with further views of coloni- zation-The conduct of the Virginians towards him-Differences among the Catholics with respect to the oaths of allegiance and supremacy-Lord Balti- more forms the scheme of settling a colony in Maryland-Settlement of a co- lony of Swedes on the Delaware-The Virginians oppose the lord Baltimore's scheme-William Claybourne's claim-Lord Baltimore returns to England, and relinquishes his views of a settlement on Newfoundland-Obtains the promise of a grant of the province of Maryland, which is given on his death to his son Cecilius.
While the Puritans had thus sought an asylum in America, from the rigour of those laws which the government of Eng- land, in the reigns of Elizabeth and James, had thought proper to be enacted against non-conformists to their established church, the Papists, who were equally obnoxious to the majority of the nation, had now begun also, from similar motives, to look about for a place of refuge. But it will be proper to examine a little into the precedent causes, which brought them into this situation.
It must be acknowledged by every candid Catholic, at this day, that the church of Rome, from the third century to the French revolution, having considered itself as the only true chris- tian church, has uniformly held that all persons who ventured to promulgate and maintain religious doctrines contrary to those which the ancient church are supposed to have received from Jesus Christ, were to be deemed heretics, liable, upon the prin- ciples of christianity, to the punishment of death. Intolerance, therefore, with respect to other sects of the christian religion, seems to have been a principle necessarily inherent in the papal hierarchy. Those who professed this system of religion, seem to have been bound by the obligation of their religious profes- sion, to apply the strong arm of persecution, in order to correct any presumptuous aberration from the doctrines of their church. It appears, therefore, that the reformers in general entertained ir- rational expectations, when they demanded a toleration of their
SEC. IX.
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opinions. It was, without doubt, under these impressions, that SEC. IX. the English reformers, especially in the reign of Elizabeth, re- nounced such expectations, as visionary hopes. The cruel per- secutions also, which they experienced during the reign of Mary, taught them what they were to expect, should the Papists retain their power in that nation. There were, moreover, certain prin- ciples maintained by the Papists on the continent of Europe, at the period of time of which we are now treating, which were totally inconsistent with any thing like good government. That the pope had a power of excommunicating kings who refused to obey his directions, and that thereupon all subjects of such king so excommunicated, were absolved from their allegiance to him; and besides, that any of the subjects of such king might privately assassinate him, and for such deed not only obtain the pardon and blessing of his holiness, but thereby merit an everlast- ing crown of glory in heaven; and moreover, that it was lawful to put heretics to death by private assassination, without the formali- ty of legal trial and public execution; that these were political as well as religious tenets, held by the greater number of the zealous Roman Catholics until the latter end of the seventeenth century, cannot possibly be denied .* The horrid massacre of the French Protestants on St. Bartholomew's day, in the year 1572, and the assassinations of two kings of France, Henry III. and IV. and that of the prince of Orange were all in the sixteenth century, avowedly justified on these principles.} Much cause, therefore,
* See note (P) at the end of the volume.
t The assassins of the two kings of France were evidently instigated thereto more by their religious tenets than the political principle of tyrannicide. Ser- mons were preached, and books were written, to prove that, these princes being heretics, and excommunicated by the pope, it was meritorious, even in individ- uals, to remove them. Nor do these tenets appear to have been peculiar only to the Jesuits. John Clement, who assassinated Henry III. was a jacobin monk, of the order of Dominicans. The whole convent knew his design, before he went on the execution of it, and approved it; and pope Sixtus, Vth, of hypo- critical notoriety, was not ashamed, in a full consistory, to magnify the holy zeal of this bloody villian, and to extol his courage and piety beyond that of Judith. The reward set on the head of William, prince of Orange, (the Wash- ington of the states of Holland,) by Philip II. of Spain, was, perhaps, the real motive of both the assassins who attempted his life; but the first of them, who only wounded him, had confessed his intention to a Dominican priest, and receiv- ed from him absolution, and a promise of eternal reward. The massacre of St. Bartholomew's was done by the orders of the king, (Charles IX.) who openly avowed it, and was complimented upon it by the parliament of Paris, and pope Gregory XIII. went in a procession on foot, to a church in Rome, to give public thanks on the news thereof, and ordered a jubilee over all Europe to be observed, in consideration of that great blow given to the heretics. See Bayle's Hist.
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SEC. IX. had the people of England to apprehend danger in the enjoy- ment of their civil and religious liberties, had the crown of that kingdom descended, on the death of Mary, to any other claim- ant than Elizabeth. Hence, therefore, the severe laws which were enacted against Papists during the reign of that princess, were naturally to have been expected. Not that the free enjoy- ment of religious opinions is not a natural right, inherent in eve- ry individual member of society, but if political opinions are so mingled with religion, as to affect the just as well as necessary administration of the government, without the preservation of which mankind cannot well, or at least happily exist, and those who profess such opinions are constantly endeavouring to put them into action and practice, through the medium of religion; reason and common sense dictate the necessity of suppressing the exercise of even such ostensible rights, by such laws as shall be adequate to the purpose .* Whether the several statutes en- acted against popish recusants, during the reigns of Elizabeth and James, transcended these ends and purposes, and were un- necessarily severe, is quite a different question from that which involves the position just mentioned.
1558. Causes of the severe statutes against Roman Catholics, in Eng- land, dur- ing the reign of Elizabeth.
In confirmation of these observations, one of the first inci- dents which occurred on the accession of Elizabeth to the throne, before any parliament had sat, or statutes been enacted, deserves notice .- Edward Carne, the English ambassador, at Rome, had orders to notify to the pope, (Paul IV.) Mary's death and Elizabeth's accession to the crown. This haughty high priest, whose bigotry of mind and austerity of temper appear to have increased in his extreme old age, replied to the ambassador, "That it was great boldness in her to assume the crown with- out his consent; that England was a fief of the holy see; that being illegitimate, she could not possibly inherit that kingdom; that she deserved no favour at his hands; but if she would re- nounce her pretentions, and refer herself wholly to him, he would show a fatherly affection for her."t In these more en-
Dict. art. Boucher, Chastel, Guignard, Hen. III. and Sanctesius. Also, the Mod. Univ. Hist. vol. 24, p. 271, 328, 354, 361, 435 .- Vol. 26, p. 368, 398 .- Vol. 31, p. 91.
* Voltaire well observes upon the dispute between the Gallican church and the pope, in the seventeenth century, before mentioned, "that it was the cause of the people, whose repose requires, that their sovereign be independent of any foreign power." Age of Louis XIV. ch. 31.
t Rapin's Hist. of England, (Tindal's edit.) vol. 7, p. 183. Hume's Hist. ch. 38. This pope refused, but a few months before this, nearly upon the same
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lightened days, no person can understand this in any other sense, SEC. IX. than an assumption of power by a high priest of a particular 1558. sect of christians, to dispose of the civil government, and with it, the people of an independent nation.
The barbarous association entered into, in a few years after- wards, between the courts of France and Spain, at their cele- brated interview at Bayonne, in the year 1565, for a total extermination of the Protestants by fire and sword, (of which the massacre of St. Bartholomew's, before mentioned, was, with- out a doubt, a consequence,) affords strong indication of the principles of the Catholics at this era of time: which associa- tion seems to be too well authenticated in history, to admit of doubt .*
1565.
1569.
As a further proof of the improper intermixture of religion and politics, by the Catholics of these times, may be mentioned the bull of excommunication, issued by pope Pius V. against Elizabeth, bearing date February 25, 1569, wherein, after de- claring, "that, as successor of St. Peter, he was constituted by Him that reigneth on high, over all nations and all kingdoms, that he might pluck up, destroy, dissipate, ruinate, plant, and build," he proceeds thus: "We deprive her of her pretended right to the kingdom, and of all dominion, dignity, and privi- lege whatsoever; and absolve all the nobles, subjects, and people of the kingdom, and whoever also have sworn to her, from their oath and all duty whatsoever, in regard of dominion, fidelity, and obedience."t It was evident, from the concurrent events of the times, that this bull was intended to foment plots and insur- rections against her, and particularly to forward a rebellion of her subjects, which was at that time in agitation in the north of England. In pursuance of these objects, one John Felton had the hardihood to affix the bull to the gates of the bishop of Lon- don's house ; and scorning either to fly or to deny the fact, he was arrested, tried, condemned, and hanged: and thereby ob- tained the empty repute of a glorious martyrdom.}
principles, to confirm the election of Ferdinand I. of Austria, as emperor of Germany, on the resignation of Charles V. "contending that the pope, as the vicegerent of Christ, was entrusted with the keys both of celestial and terrestial government; and that from him the imperial jurisdiction was derived." Robert- son's History of Charles V. b. 12.
* Rapin's Hist. (Tindal's edit.) vol. 7, p. 261. Hume's Hist. ch. 39.
t Woodeson's Lect. vol. 2, p. 535.
# Hume's Hist. ch. 40. Rapin's Hist. (Tindal's edit.) vol. 7, p. 350.
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SEC. IX.
1585.
Not content with these means of dethroning the queen, and thereby restoring themselves to their former ascendancy in the state, the Catholics had recourse to the inhuman scheme, of causing her to be assassinated. One William Parry, an English Catholic gentleman, had received the queen's pardon, for a crime, by which he was exposed to capital punishment; and having obtained permission to travel, he retired to Milan, and made open profession of his religion, which he had concealed while he remained in England. He was here persuaded by a Jesuit, that he could not perform a more meritorious action, than to take away the life of his sovereign and his benefactress. The pope's nuncio at Milan, when consulted by him, approved ex- tremely of this pious undertaking; and Parry, though still agi- tated with doubts, went to Paris, with an intention of passing over to England, and executing his bloody purpose. He was here also encouraged in the design by one Thomas Morgan, an English Catholic refugee, then residing in France, of great credit in the party ; and though some other Catholic priests told him that the enterprise was criminal and impious, yet having receiv- ed the further encouragement of the pope's nuncio at Paris, he determined to persist in his resolution. Before he left Paris, he wrote a letter to the pope on the subject ; in which he commu- nicated his intention to the holy father, and craved his absolu- tion and paternal benediction. This letter being conveyed to the pope, through the cardinal Como, he received an answer from the cardinal ; by which, he found that his purpose was ex- tremely applauded, and he went over to England, with a full de- sign of carrying it into execution. But, as Hume on this occa- sion justly observes, "so deeply are the sentiments of morality engraved in the human breast, that it is difficult even for the pre- judices of false religion, totally to efface them." This bigotted assassin resolved, before he came to extremities, to try every other expedient for alleviating the persecutions under which the Catholics at that time laboured. He found means of being in- troduced to the queen : assured her that many conspiracies were formed against her ; and exhorted her, as she tendered her life, to give the Romanists some more indulgence in the exercise of their religion. But, lest he should be tempted by the opportuni- ty, to assassinate her, he always came to court unprovided with every offensive weapon. He even found means to be elected a member of parliament ; and having made a vehement harangue
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