The history of Maryland : from its first settlement, in 1633, to the restoration, in 1660 ; with a copious introduction, and notes and illustrations, Part 4

Author: Bozman, John Leeds, 1757-1823
Publication date: 1837
Publisher: Baltimore : J. Lucas & E.K. Deaver
Number of Pages: 1062

USA > Maryland > The history of Maryland : from its first settlement, in 1633, to the restoration, in 1660 ; with a copious introduction, and notes and illustrations > Part 4

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HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

space of 100 leagues sayling," as before mentioned, unless SECT. I. we suppose that harbour to have been that of New York? 1524. Both the havens described cannot be that of New York-on a contrary supposition, that the latter haven was the harbor of Newport in Rhode Island, the difficulties are not insurmounta- ble. The distance from the island to the "other lande," which we may suppose to be either Sacconet Point or the southern ex- tremity of Rhode Island, the latter easily to be mistaken at that distance for main land, to wit, "15 leagues," or forty-five miles, would nearly answer in measurement. But what seems to put it beyond a doubt is, that Verazzini has given the lati- tude of this "haven," to wit : "the parallelle of Rome in 41 degrees and 2 terees." Supposing the word "teree" to be the same as "tierce," meaning in English, a third, he must have meant to say, that it was in 41° and two thirds of a degree, that is, in 41º 40'. The latitude of Rome is about 41º 50. But according to late American geographers,* the town of Newport in Rhode Island is in 41° 35' north latitude, making the trifling variance from Verazzini of only five minutes. It is not so with the harbour of New York, which, according to the best maps and latest geographers, lies in about 40° 40', varying from Verazzi- ni one whole degree. The "five small islands" also may be more easily found in the harbour of Newport than in that of New York. Their course, after leaving the "haven" in question, cor- responds better with the supposition of its being that of New- port. The "coast running eastward" for the space of fifty leagues, and trending afterwards to the north, seems to describe the bending of the continent round Cape Cod. In short all the preceding courses and distances seem to be irreconcileable in any other way than by referring the description of the last men- tioned haven to the harbour of Newport.

The remainder of Verazzini's "Relation" presents but little deserving notice. He appears to have proceeded northwardly along the coast of the country, to fifty degrees, nearly to the most northern part of the coast of Newfoundland, "the lande," as he says, "that was in times past discoured by the Brit- tons."} Having now, says he, "spent all our provisions and vic- tuals, and having discoured about 700 leagues and more of new

*See Morse's geography.

t Verazzini must have here meant the natives of Bretagne or Brittany in France, who, as before mentioned, had, about the year 1504, visited Newfound- land, for the purpose of fishing on its banks.

INTRODUCTION TO A

SECT.I. countreys, and being furnished with water and wood, we conclu - 1524. ded to returne to France ;"-where he must have arrived some short time previous to the date of his letter, which is the 8th of July, 1524. He afterwards undertook a third voayage, in which he and all his company perished by some unknown disaster, and were no more heard of.

1525. Stephen Gomez's voyage.

About this time also a voyage was made by the Spaniards, which is said to be the first performed by that nation, in which the whole of that part of the coast of North America, now com- posing the United States, was attempted to be explored by them. One Estevan Gomez, (called by the English, Stephen Gomez,) a Portuguese by birth, who, on account of the great reputation he had acquired as an able navigator, had been selected to ac- company Ferdinand Magellan, then in the service of Spain, in his remarkable voyage in the year 1520, wherein he discovered the Straits which have ever since borne his name; and who, perfidiously deserting Magellan, soon after they had entered the South Seas through those Straits, had returned back to Spain, probably jealous of the honour which he perceived Magellan was about acquiring, proposed, soon after his return to the em- peror Charles V. the discovery of a more direct passage into the South Seas than that found by Magellan, through the north- ern part of America. But the emperor, for many reasons which appear to have induced him at that time to discountenance an opposition to the Portuguese claim of the Moluccas, and at the same time, perhaps, disgusted with Gomez's base desertion of Magellan, did not listen to his application in so favourable a manner as he expected. He therefore made proposals of the same nature to the count de Aranda, a Spanish nobleman, and some others, to induce them to send him by this supposed pas- sage to the Moluccas. Less tender of the Portuguese rights than the emperor, and willing to avail themselves of this man's abilities as a pilot, they agreed to furnish him with a ship for that purpose. Accordingly (in the year 1525, as it appears,) Gomez sailed to Cuba, and thence in search of this passage he coasted the continent northward, as high as Cape Ras, at Newfoundland. His heart now failing him, as it is said, or more probably chagrined at not succeeding in finding the much desired passage, he returned to Corunna, carrying with him only some of the unhappy natives, whom he had captured some- where on the coast. An unlucky jest, which occurred immedi-

HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

ately on his return, injured both his reputation and the credit of SECT. I. the famed north west passage. When the ship came into port, 1525. somebody asked what they had on board ? A seaman answered, Esclavos,-slaves ; meaning the poor Indians. A person on shore, not far from the ship, mistaking the sound for Clavos- cloves ; and setting off immediately for the Spanish court, re- ported there that Gomez had returned with a cargo of spice from Moluccas. When the mistake came to be discovered, the dis- appointment, as it generally happens when hopes are unreason- ably elevated, produced on the contrary equally unreasonable ridicule and derision on his voyage. The mention of it here, however, serves to illustrate the more early discoveries of the continent of North America .*

attempt to

north-west passage.

This delusion of a north west passage to the East Indies 1527. which had thus in Spain prompted this expedition, was at the English same time operating in other parts of Europe. As Henry the discover a eighth of England, among other of his inordinate passions, was often actuated with the avidity of wealth, he was induced to listen to the advice of a Mr. Robert Thorne, an English mer- chant, who had long resided at Seville, in Spain, and had there acquired some knowledge of the East India trade. This gen- tleman represented to Henry the advantages which his kingdom might derive from such a commerce, and proposed that endea- vours should be made to find out a passage to the East Indies, by the north west parts of America.t The king, on mature deliberation, gave orders for two ships to be fitted out for that purpose. They sailed on the 20th of May, 1527, but the voy- age was productive of no discovery of importance. One of the ships was lost in the gulf of St. Lawrence, and the other return- ed in the month of October following, to England. One cir- cumstance attending this voyage of discovery, is perhaps worth mentioning. The king ordered, that " several cunning men" should embark in the voyage. The writer, who mentions this,} explains them to mean-" persons skilled in the mathematics ; who, with the common sort of people, passed now, and long after, for cunning men and conjurers." By an uncommon asso- ciation for those days, one of these cunning men, it seems, was

* Mod. Univ. Hist., vol. 9, p. 388, 575.

+ Mod. Univ. Hist., vol. 10, p. 11, 12.

Į Harris' Voyages, vol. 2, p. 192.

INTRODUCTION TO A

SECT. I. a priest,-"a Canon of St. Paul's in London, who was a great mathematician, and a man indued with wealth."*

1527.

1528. Pamphilo Narvez's grant.

To return to the Spaniards : Notwithstanding their disappoint- ment in Vasquez's expedition, before mentioned, they were not altogether discouraged from pursuing their discoveries in Florida. In about four years afterwards, (in 1528,) Pamphilo Narvez, the same commander, it would seem, who a few years before had been ungenerously sent by Velasquez, governor of Cuba, to su- persede the great Cortez in his important conquest of Mexico, which he was just at that time completing, obtained from his Catholic majesty, the emperor Charles V., a grant of "all the lands lying from the River of Palms to the cape of Florida."t

Narvez, in pursuance of his grant, fitted out a powerful arma- ment to conquer the country, with which he landed somewhere on the western side of the coast of Florida, in the month of April, 1528. It does not appear that he explored any part of the conti- nent at any great distance from the coast bordering on the Gulf of Mexico. His expedition was entirely unsuccessful; and he and all his men perished miserably, except a very few, who, after undergoing inexpressible hardships, found their way to Mexico.} His grant, however, serves to recognise the Spanish claim at this early period of time, to a most extensive part of the southern coast of North America, comprehending a considerable portion of Louisiana, particularly the most valuable part of it to the United States-the territory of New Orleans.

Before we quit our observations on the progress of the Span- iards in the southern part of North America, we must trespass a 1539. Ferdinand de Soto's little on the order of time, in briefly mentioning a subsequent ex- pedition of that nation, in about ten years after that of Narvez, expedition for making a conquest of Florida. Ferdinand de Soto, who was

* Hackluyt's Voyages, cited in Holmes' Annals, vol. 1, p. 75.

t The above description of Narvez's grant is taken from Holmes' Annals, vol. 1, p. 75, who appears to have extracted it from the commission as in Purchas's Pilgrims, which he there cites. The Rio de las Palmas, or River of Palms, empties itself into the Gulf of Mexico, in that part of the coast thereof now called the New Kingdom of Leon. The mouth of the river is in about 25° of north latitude. This river is laid down in the map to Vol. 2, of Robertson's Hist. of America, as being very large, and in the latitude above mentioned. But no river of that name appears in the late map of that country, published in Pike's Expeditions. A small river, denominated Rio Tigre, is there laid down, the mouth of which is nearly in the same latitude as the Rio Palmas above men- tioned.

{ Mod. Univ. Hist. vol. 40, p. 380.

HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

governor of Cuba, received from Charles V. the title of Marquis SECT. I. of Florida, with authority as we may suppose, to acquire that 1539. country by conquest. He accordingly on the 12th of May, 1539, embarked three hundred and fifty horse, and nine hundred foot, on board of nine ships, at the port of Havanna; the most formi- dable armament of Europeans that till then had appeared in North America. Pursuing his course to Florida, he disembarked on the 25th of the same month, at the bay of Spiritu Sancto, which lies on the western side of the peninsula of East Florida, on the Gulf of Mexico. His route from thence seems to have been in various directions from one Indian tribe to another, as they were then scat- tered throughout that part of the continent now called the Flori- das ; and from the length of some of his marches, as mentioned in the account of his expedition, he must have penetrated also far into Georgia, and what is now called the Mississippi Territory, among the Creeks and Cherokees : who are probably the remains of those populous and flourishing tribes of the natives, who are so pompously described by the famous Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, one of the historians of this expedition, and who probably felt a partiality for those, whom he might consider as his countrymen, and consequently a natural indignation at the barbarous usage of them practised on this occasion by Soto. After a series of ad- ventures, experienced by himself and his army, which have the appearance more of romance than reality, during a period of al- most five years, and having lost the greater part of his armament, he died of a fever on the banks of the Mississippi; on which event, the officer next in command, prudently contrived to con- duct the miserable remnant of them, by water, along the shores of the Gulf, to Panuco, in the kingdom of Mexico. "Thus," says the historian, "ended this expedition, in ruin and poverty to all who were concerned in it; nor did they leave a Spaniard in all Florida."*

We may now attend to the proceedings of the French, in the northern parts of the American continent, when they first began to make serious attempts to form settlements in Canada. Al- though the loss of Verazzini had discouraged them, for a few years, from fitting out ships for discovery in America, yet, agree- ably to the genius and character of that nation, their accustomed activity and energy on such occasions, soon again revived. A certain Jacques Quartier, (called by the English, James Cartier,)

* Mod. Univ. Hist. Vol. 40, p. 381.

VOL. I .- 5

INTRODUCTION TO A

SECT. I. a native and an experienced pilot of St. Malo, was prevailed

1534. Jacques Quartier's voyage.

upon by admiral Chabot to undertake another expedition. He accordingly, on the 20th of April, 1534, sailed from that port under a commission from the French king; and on the 10th of May following, he arrived at cape Bonavista, in Newfoundland. Although in cruising along that coast to the southward, he found many commodious harbors, yet the land was so uninviting, and the climate so cold, that he directed his course to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and entered within a bay there, which he called Le Baye des Chaleurs, on account of the sultry weather which he there experienced, and which has been sometimes since called Spanish Bay .*

It may, perhaps, gratify the curiosity of those who are amused with the origin of names, to take notice here of a traditional re- port, mentioned by some writers, that the Spaniards had long before this voyage of Cartier, visited this coast, but finding no signs of gold or silver, they hurried to get off again, crying out in the Spanish language, Aca Nada! that is, There is nothing here ! These words the Indians retained in their memory, and when the French now visited the country, and landed, they were sa- luted by the natives with the cry of Aca Nada ! Aca Nada! this the French mistook for the name of the country, and have ever since called it Canada. The writer from whom this is taken, ob- serves, that this is a very strange derivation, but as he found it in the best French authors, he thought it worth setting down.t

Leaving the bay of Chaleurs, Cartier landed at several places along the coast of the Gulf, and took possession of the country in the name of his most christian majesty. After which, he return- ed to France, where he arrived on the 5th of September, 1534.

1535. First at- tempt of the French to colonise Candaa.

Cartier's report to the French monarch, of his proceedings, was so favorably received by him, that it was now resolved to attempt the settlement of a colony in the country which he had visited. He was accordingly furnished with three large ships for that purpose, and sent out again with a sufficient number of colonists ; among whom were many young men of distinction, who were desirous of accompanying him in the character of vo- lunteers. He arrived in the Gulf on the 10th of August, 1535, and because that was St. Lawrence's day, he then gave it the name of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, which name was subse-

* Harris's Voyages, Vol. 2, p. 349. Mod. Univ. Hist. Vol. 39, p. 407.

t Harris's Voyages, Vol. 2, p. 349.

HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

quently extended to the river, and which both retain to this day. SECT. I. Passing by an island, to which he gave the name of Assump- 1535. tion, since called Anticosti, he sailed up the Saguenay, a river emptying into that of St. Lawrence. Returning from thence, and proceeding up the river St. Lawrence, he passed a small island, to which he gave the name of Isle aux Coudriers, Isle of Hazels, from the number of those trees growing on it; and afterwards came to another island so full of vines, that he called it the Isle of Bacchus ; but it has since acquired the name of the Isle of Orleans. He had in his last voyage, the precaution to carry two of the natives with him to France, where they learned as much of the language, as enabled them now to serve as in- terpreters between him and their countrymen. Sailing further up the St. Lawrence, he entered a small river, where he had an interview with an Indian chief, whose name was Donnacona, and where he was informed of an Indian town called Hochelaga, which was deemed the metropolis of the whole country, and si- tuated in an island now known by the name of Montreal, near to which it would seem he then was. The inhabitants here, who are supposed to have been the Hurons, the most tractable of all the Indians then in Canada, treated Cartier and his attendants with much hospitality, expressing at the same time astonishment at their persons, dress, and accoutrements. He had at this time with him only one ship and two long boats, having left the rest at St. Croix, a port in the river St. Lawrence, to which port he returned, and there spent the winter. The severe cold of the climate, together with a more probable cause ; the use of salt provisions, brought on them the scurvy, with which he and his people would have perished, it is supposed, had they not, by the advice of the natives, used a decoction of the bark and tops of the white pine. On the approach of spring, Cartier prepared to return to Europe. Whetever other excellencies of character he might have possessed, gratitude does not appear to have been a prevalent sentiment with him. He was ungenerous enough to kidnap his Indian friend, Donnacona, and carry him to France, where he arrived in the spring of 1536 .* 1208934

As Henry VIII. and Francis I. were at this time upon the very best terms, and as neither of them expected to draw much imme- diate wealth from their North American expeditions, it was natu- ral that that they should not suffer that harmony, which then sub-

* Harris's Vol. 2, p. 349. Mod. Uuiv. Hist. Vol. 39, p. 408.

INTRODUCTION TO A

SECT. I. sisted between them, to be interrupted by the feeble attempts which

English attempt to settle New-

1536. the subjects of each were then carrying on for the establishment of colonies in America. In corroboration of this it may be observ- ed, that such establishments were with Henry but secondary ob- jects ; for, his principal desire was to find out a north-west pas- sage, so that, agreeably to his- imperious temper, he might have a way of his own to the East Indies, and not be obliged to fol- low the route either of the Spaniards or Portuguese. It was this inclination of the king, that indirectly produced a spirit in the English nation, at this time, for discoveries and settlements in the northern parts of America, notwithstanding the many diffi- culties and dangers which appeared to attend them. According- ly a Mr. Hore, a merchant of London, a man of considerable foundland. estate, of an athletic constitution and undaunted fortitude, and addicted to the study of the sciences of geography and astrono- my, resolved to undertake a voyage, and attempt a settlement in Newfoundland. He no sooner made his intention known, than he received all the countenance and encouragement from the crown that he could expect ; and as this gave much credit to the expedition, so that in a short time many young gentlemen of good fortunes and distinguished families, offered to share both the expense and dangers of the undertaking. Among these were some men of the learned professions, particularly a Mr. Thomas Butts, son of Sir William Butts, the king's first physician, and a Mr. Rastal, brother to Serjeant Rastal, the eminent special plea- der. About the end of April, 1536, all things were ready, and the whole of the companies of both ships, amounting to one hun- dred and twenty, mustered at Gravesend, where, with much cer- emony they embarked. They soon after sailed, and arrived in the space of two months at cape Breton ; from whence they sailed round a great part of Newfoundland, to Penguin island. They afterwards went on shore upon the east side of Newfoundland, where they staid till their provisions were nearly exhausted. Be- ing then afraid to trust themselves at sea in such a condition, they delayed going on board till they were in such distress, that they began secretly to murder and eat one another! This horrid practice coming to the knowledge of their captain, or governor, he, by a most judicious and pathetic speech, brought them to re- solve rather to live upon grass and herbs, than to subsist any longer by this detestable method. But it happened soon after that a French ship put in there well manned and well victualled, of which the Englishmen resolved to take advantage ; and there-

HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

fore, watching a fair opportunity, they possessed themselves of the SECT. I. French ship, and leaving their own, sailed directly for the coast of 1540. England. They returned safely; but some of them so much altered by their fatigues, that their friends did not know them again ; parti- cularly young Mr. Butts, whose parents could not recognise him, but by a mark on his knee. Another circumstance relating to this unfortunate enterprise, is mentioned also, as redounding much to the credit of Henry VIII. The Frenchmen, whose ship had been thus taken, came to England not long afterwards, to complain of the violence committed upon them. King Henry examined very minutely into the affair, and finding that extreme want was the sole cause of an action, otherwise inexcusable, he satisfied the French to the full extent of their demands, out of his own cof- fers, and pardoned in his own subjects that wrong, which neces- sity forced them to commit .*

The accounts which had been given in France of the before mentioned voyage of Cartier to Canada, had, according to some writers, made an unfavorable impression on both the nation and its monarch. Not being able to produce either gold or silver, all that this unfortunate gentleman could urge about the utility of the settlement and the fruitfulness of the country was treated with neglect by the public. Some individuals, however, appear to have cherished a different opinion. For, in about four years after Cartier's expedition before mentioned, the project of settling Ca- nada began again to be talked of, and a gentleman of Picardy, whose name was Francis de la Rocque, Lord of Roberval, under- La Roc- took to accomplish this design. To qualify him for this, king que's at- "tempt to Francis I. by letters patent dated January 15th, 1540, created him settle Ca- viceroy, and lieutenant-general in Canada, Hochalaga, Sague- nada .. nay, Newfoundland, Belle-isle, cape Breton and Labrador, giv- ing him the same power and authority in those places that he had himself. This gentleman, who had a good estate, fitted out two ships at his own expense, and prevailed upon James Cartier, by the large promises he made him, to undertake another voyage to Canada. La Rocque not being ready for embarkation him- self, he sent Cartier with five ships before him, having previously obtained for him a royal commission as captain-general.t Car-

* Harris' Voyages, vol. 2, p. 192.

t This commission is inserted entire in Hazard's Collections, vol. 1, p. 19, 21 .. It is worthy of remark, that in this commission to Cartier, power is given to him to choose fifty persons out of such criminals in prison as shall have been con -- victed of any crimes whatever, except treason and counterfeiting money, whom

INTRODUCTION TO A

SECT. I. tier commenced this voyage in May, and after encountering many 1540. storms landed in Newfoundland, on the 23d of August. Rober- val not arriving, he proceeded to Canada ; and on a small river four leagues above the port de St. Croix, and at no great dis- tance from where Quebec now stands, he built a fort and began the first settlement in Canada, which he called Charlebourgh. Cartier having waited there in vain above a year, for the arrival of the viceroy Roberval, and having nearly consumed all his pro- visions, and now dreading an attack from the savages, set out in the year 1542 on his return to France. Roberval, with three ships and two hundred persons, coming to recruit the settlement in Canada, met him at Newfoundland, and would have obliged him to return to his province ; but Cartier eluded him in the night and sailed for Bretagne. The viceroy proceeding up the river St. Lawrence four leagues above the island of Orleans, and find- ing there a convenient harbor, built a fort, and remained over the winter. It is probable that he returned to France in the next year ; for we find him again, in the year 1549, embarking for the river St. Lawrence, accompanied by his brother and a numerous train of adventurers ; but they were never heard of afterwards. With them expired, or at least ceased for many years, all the hopes which had been conceived in France of making settlements in America .*

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The history of Maryland : from its first settlement, in 1633, to the restoration, in 1660 ; with a copious introduction, and notes and illustrations, Part 4

Author: Bozman, John Leeds, 1757-1823 Publication date: 1837 Publisher: Baltimore : J. Lucas & E.K. Deaver Number of Pages: 1062

Author: Bozman, John Leeds, 1757-1823
Publication date: 1837
Publisher: Baltimore : J. Lucas & E.K. Deaver
Number of Pages: 1062