The history of Maryland : from its first settlement, in 1633, to the restoration, in 1660 ; with a copious introduction, and notes and illustrations, Part 6

Author: Bozman, John Leeds, 1757-1823
Publication date: 1837
Publisher: Baltimore : J. Lucas & E.K. Deaver
Number of Pages: 1062

USA > Maryland > The history of Maryland : from its first settlement, in 1633, to the restoration, in 1660 ; with a copious introduction, and notes and illustrations > Part 6

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Newfound- land.

On the fourth of August, Sir Humphrey, whom they called session of the general, and his company, was conducted on shore by the Takes pos- masters of the English fishing vessels, and their owners or mer- chants, who were with them. On the fifth, the general having caused a tent to be set up in view of all the ships in the harbour, to the number of between 30 and 40 sail, and being accompa- nied by all his captains, masters, gentlemen, and soldiers, sum- moned all the merchants and masters, both English and foreign- ers, to be present at his taking a formal and solemn possession of those territories. Being assembled, he caused his commission, under the great seal of England, to be openly read before them, and to be interpreted to those who were strangers to the English

* See note (E) at the end of this volume.

HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

tongue. By virtue of this commission, he declared that he took SECT. II. possession of the harbour of St. John, and two hundred leagues 1583. every way; invested her majesty with the title and dignity there- of, and having had (according to custom) a rod and turf of soil delivered to him, entered and took possession also for himself, his heirs, and assigns forever. He signified to those who were present, and through them to all men, that from thenceforward they should look upon those territories as appertaining to the queen of England, and himself, authorized, under her majesty, to possess and enjoy them, with power to ordain laws for the government thereof, agreeable (as near as conveniently could be) to the laws of England, under which all people coming thither for the future, either to inhabit or by way of traffic, should sub- mit and be governed. He then published three laws for the gov- ernment of the territory. By the first, public worship was es- tablished according to the church of England; by the second, the attempting of any thing prejudicial to her majesty's title, was declared treason, according to the laws of England ; by the third, the uttering of words to the dishonour of her majesty, was to be punished with the loss of ears and the confiscation of property. To all this, the multitude then present, as well strangers as Eng- lishmen, assented, it is said, by a general voice. The assembly was then dismissed, and not far from the same place a pillar of wood was erected, to which was infixed a plate of lead, with the arms of England engraven thereon. For the further establish- ment of this possession so taken, the general granted "in fee: farme" several parcels of land lying by the water side, both in the harbour of St. John, and elsewhere, with a reservation of a. certain rent and service unto Sir Humphrey Gilbert, his heirs, or- assigns for ever.

Some writers have attributed all this solemnity to a high de- gree of vanity in the west country knight; and have ridiculed his pretences to improve the trade of the kingdom, and enlarge the queen's dominions by cutting a turf; in which, however, they injure this gentleman's memory extremely ; for, the plain reason of Sir Humphrey's conduct throughout this affair, was his anxiety to give some effect to his grant, which was perpetual to him, and his heirs, in case he took possession of any coun- tries within six years, as before mentioned, and otherwise it was- void. There were now but a few months of this period to come. He had sold his estate in England, and it concerned him very

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SECT. II. nearly to secure an estate somewhere else; and therefore this 1583. parade was not from any principle of vanity, but from justifiable prudence and good economy, especially under the full expecta- tion, as we may suppose him to have then been, of settling a colony in that part of the country. The important public con- sequences, also, which are said by later writers to have flowed from his conduct herein, will effectually do away all ridicule at- tending it. This formal possession now taken, in consequence of the prior discovery by Cabot, has been considered by the English as the foundation of the right and title of the crown of England to the territory of Newfoundland, and to the fishery on its banks. It is perhaps unnecessary to add, that their powerful navy has enabled them to support this right, however flimsy and exceptionable it may appear.

Is lost on his return Sir Humphrey remained at St. John's some time, to collect a to England tax of provisions, granted to him by every ship which fished upon the coast adjoining, to repair his ships, and in the mean time to explore the island. They found no inhabitants in the southern part of the island, the natives having probably aban- doned it on its being so much frequented by Europeans ; but in the northern there were some savages who appeared to be harm- less and inoffensive in their tempers and dispositions. He now resolved to proceed in his discoveries southward ; and according- ly sailed, on the 20th of August, from the harbour of St. John's. Pursuing this route for some days, they found themselves on the 29th of the month in the midst of dangerous shoals, in latitude 44°, somewhere about Nova Scotia or Cape Breton. Here they lost one of their best ships, in which perished near a hun - dred persons. Of this number was Stephen Parmenius Budeius, a learned Hungarian, who had accompanied the adventurers to record their discoveries and exploits. After this loss, the men being generally discouraged and in want of necessaries, Sir Humphrey proposed returning to England, having, in his judg- ment, made discoveries sufficient to procure assistance enough for a new voyage, in the succeeding spring. His people, when he made this proposal, were at first reluctant in their assent to it ; but upon hearing his reasons they submitted; and, according to his advice, on the last of August, they altered their course and steered for England. When they left St. John's, Sir Humphrey had embarked himself on board of the smallest vessel he had with him, which was only of ten tons burthen, thinking her the

HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

fittest for observing and discovering the coast. In a few days SECT. II. after they had taken their departure from Cape Race, the most 1536. eastern promontory of Newfoundland, they met with violent storms, attended with heavy seas, which so small a vessel was unable to sustain. About midnight, on the 9th of September, the men in the larger ship, having watched the lights in the small vessel in which Sir Humphrey was, observed them to be suddenly extinguished. It was supposed, that she sunk that in- stant, for she was never afterwards heard of. Thus perished a man, whose spirit of adventure certainly contributed much, at least by example, to the early population of British America, and whose genius and talents entitled him to a better fortune .*

*Harris's Voyages, Vol. 2, p. 199, 200. Holmes's Annals, Vol. 1, p. 113.

SECTION III.

Sir Walter Raleigh-his rise and character-obtains a renewal of Sir Hum- phrey's letters patent to himself-Voyage of capts. Amidas and Barlow .- The effects of their voyage in England-Sir Richard Greenville's attempt to settle a colony in North Carolina.

SEC. III. The laudable schemes of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, happily for 1584. mankind, did not expire with him. His half and younger bro- Sir Walter ther, Sir Walter Raleigh, as he appeared to inherit his useful his rise and qualities, seemed also to become heir to his pursuits. He was Raleigh, character. at this period of time in high favour with the queen. Some writers seem to insinuate, that most of Queen Elizabeth's fa- vourites were remarkable for their personal attractions. All his- torians who speak of Sir Walter appear to agree that he was conspicuous in his time, not only for the symmetry of his form and the manliness of his deportment, but for his insinuating ad- dress with the ladies. Although most authors place the era of his rise at court about this time, yet they do not agree so exact- ly in assigning the cause of it. The military eclat which he had, a year or two before, acquired in Ireland, where he commanded a company under Lord Grey, against the Spaniards and Irish rebels, was, according to some, the cause of his being known at court. Others would have the earl of Leicester to have been the chief agent in his rise, who, being in the decline of life him- self, thought that he might still continue to govern the queen through the intermediate agency of Sir Walter's youthful form and pleasing manners. Others again, attribute his introduction at court to the influence of Ratcliffe, earl of Sussex, in order to supersede his great enemy, the earl of Leicester, himself. But his biographer, in a small tract of his life, prefixed to his Histo- ry of the World,* thinks it proper to lay some stress on a ridicu- lous incident, which as he supposes, might have been one cause of his aggrandizement. For the mention of this he apologizes, by remarking, that "little transactions are often the best inlets to truth and the mysteries of state;" and thus relates it: "Our captain (Raleigh) coming over out of Ireland upon the afore-

*This tract here cited, does not appear to be the one written by Oldys, but one prior to it, printed in 1687.

HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

mentioned cause to court, in very good habit, (which it seems SEC. III. was the greatest part of his estate,) which is often found to be 1584. no mean introducer where deserts are not known, found the queen walking, till she was stopt by a plashy place, where she scrupled treading on ; presently he spread his new plush coat on the ground, on which the queen gently trod, being not a little pleas- ed, as well as surprised, with so unexpected a compliment. Thus, as one remarks upon this story, an advantageous admission into the first notices of a prince, is more than half a degree to preferment .* For he presently after found some gracious beams of favour reflecting on him, which he was resolved, and well knew how, to cherish and contract. To put the queen in re- membrance, he wrote in a window obvious to her eye,

" Fain would I climb, yet fear I to fall ;

which her majesty either espying or being shown, under-wrote this answer,

" If thy heart fail thee, climb not at all."

Whichever of the foregoing causes be adopted, and it is proba- ble that they all might have combined in his promotion, it is very certain, that he stood high at this time in the favour of the queen.t

Sir Walter, thus placed in a familiar intercourse with royal au- He obtains thority, would naturally be led to avail himself of his situation, a renewal in carrying into effect the honourable schemes of his brother Sir phrey's let- of Sr Hum- Humphrey Gilbert; especially when those schemes were not ters patent only congenial to a young and ambitious mind, but were also the to himself. means of recommendation to the patroness of his fortunes.}

* Fuller's Worthies.

t See note (F) at the end of this volume.

# It would seem, that at this time, considerable foreign trade was carried on in the west of England, particularly in Devonshire, by some merchants and others, resident in that part of the country. Indeed, as will be seen hereafter, in the course of this work, the settlements of Virginia and New England, were prin- cipally owing to them. Among these public-spirited persons, the Gilbert and Raleigh family of that county seems conspicuous. It was in the year 1584, (new style,) February 6th, a little more than a month prior to the grant to Sir Walter, that letters patent were granted to Mr. Adrian Gilbert, " of Sandridge, in the county of Devon, gentleman ;" (whom we may suppose to have been a full brother to Sir Humphrey, and half brother to Sir Walter Raleigh,) and others, for the search and discovery of a passage to China and the Molucca Isles, " by the north-westwarde, north-eastwarde, or northwarde," creating them a cor- poration by the name of " The colleagues of the fellowship, for the discoverie of the north-west passage." (See the letters patent at large in Hazard's Collec- tions, Vol. 1, p. 28.) But this grant was in some measure superseded by a like

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SEC. III. Having maturely digested a plan for the discovery and settle- 1584. ment of those parts of North America, lying north of the Gulf of Mexico, and which were as yet unknown and unsettled by the Spaniards, he laid it before the queen and council; to whom it appeared a rational and practicable undertaking. He, there- fore, easily obtained a renewal of letters patent to himself, in as ample form, and containing nearly the same clauses and provi- sions as in that to his brother Sir Humphrey Gilbert .* As the monarchs of England, not only of the Tudor line, but afterwards of the Stuarts, were unwilling to be dependant on their parlia- ments for their revenues ; they were, therefore, generally too poor and needy, to assist with money in the promotion of such laud- able enterprises, as the one now contemplated by Raleigh. With their patents for exclusive trade, especially with those which promised any emolument to the crown, they were extremely liberal. Hence, monopolies were among the most grievous bur- thens, and the most frequent subject of complaint, even during the popular reign of Elizabeth. Sir Walter was, therefore, obliged to have recourse to the assistance of private individuals, to enable him to pursue his schemes. Before he had obtained his patent, he had formed an association of his friends,t and had prevailed on several merchants and gentlemen, to advance large

project set on foot about the same time in London, under the patronage of Mr. William Sanderson, an eminent merchant of that city. The two associations uniting, captain John Davis was sent out for that purpose, in the year 1585, to the northern coasts of America ; who made considerable discoveries in that part of the American continent since called Davis's Straits. (See Harris's Voyages, Vol. 2, p. 203.) The reader's attention may be interrupted for a moment, in no- ticing a remarkable clause in these letters patent, to Adrian Gilbert : mutiny on board the ships, while on their voyage, was to be punished, " as the cause shall be found, in justice to require, by the verdict of twelve of the companie, sworne thereunto ;" that is, by a jury selected from the ships' company.

* They bear date the 25th of March, 26th of Eliz. (1584, new style,) and are nearly verbatim the same as the beforementioned patent to Sir Humphrey Gil- bert. One small variance between them may be noted: in the clause granting power to Sir Walter, to capture all such vessels as shall be found trafficking within the limits of his grant, without his license, exception is made of " the subjects of our realms and dominions, and all other persons in amitie with us, trading to the Newfoundlands for fishing, as heretofore they have commonly used." This exception is not in the patent to Sir Humphrey Gilbert. See them at large in Hazard's Collections, Vol. 1, p. 33.

t Among these were Sir Richard Grenville, his kinsman, and Sir W. Sander- son, who had married his niece. Burk's Hist. of Virginia, Vol. 1, p. 45. The latter gentleman was, probably, the same as the one before mentioned, who was concerned with Adrian Gilbert, in the discovery of a north-west passage.

HISTORY OF MARYLAND. -

sums of money towards carrying on his designs .* According- SEC. III. ly, within a month after the date of his patent, he was enabled 1584. to fit out two ships, under the command of captains Philip Amidas and Arthur Barlow, to visit the countries which he in- tended to settle, and to acquire some previous knowledge of their coasts, their soil, and productions.

They sailed from the west of England on the 27th of April Voyage of following ; and to avoid the error of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, in Amidas

captains holding too far north, they shaped their course for the Canaries, and Bar- which they passed on the tenth of June,t and proceeding from low.

thence to the West Indies, they crossed the Gulf of Mexico, and on the second of July, fell in with the coast of Florida. They sailed along this coast, till they came, on the 13th of the month, to a river, where they anchored ; and going on shore, took pos- session in right of the queen, and for the use of the proprietors. They went to the tops of the hills which were nearest to the shore, from whence, though they were not high, they discovered the sea on all sides, and found the place where they landed, to be an island of about twenty miles long ; then called by the na- tives, Wokoken.Į

On the third day after their arrival and landing, they saw three of the natives in a canoe, one of whom went on shore and wait- ed, without any signs of apprehension, the approach of a boat from the ships, which was sent to him. He spoke long and earnestly to them, in his own language, and then went with them on board, without any apparent fear. They gave him a shirt and hat, and some wine and meat, with all which he seemed pleased. After he had, with a seeming satisfaction, narrowly viewed the ships, and examined every part with his eyes and touch, he went in his canoe, to about a quarter of a mile's dis- tanee, where he fished, and returned in a short time, with his canoe loaded with fish ; which he divided equally in two heaps, and making signs that each vessel should take one, he departed.

The next day several canoes appeared in view; in one of

* Oldmixon's British Empire in America, Vol. 1, p. 210. Mod. Univ. Hist. Vol. 39, p. 235.

t Another reason for this course is said to be thus expressed in the account of this voyage, written by Barlow: "Because we doubted that the current of the Bay of Mexico, between the Capes of Florida and Havannah, was much stronger than we afterwards found it to be." Burk's Hist. of Virginia, Vol. 1, p. 46. Mod. Univ. Hist. Vol. 39, p. 236.

# See note (G ) at the end of the volume.

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SEC. III. which came the king's brother, whose name was Granganemeo,

1584. attended with about forty men. The king himself, whose name was Wingina,* lay ill of the wounds he had received in battle, with a neighbouring nation. The behaviour of Granganemeo, when he approached the ships, is best described in the very words of the original account of the voyage, as preserved in Hackluyt. " The manner of his coming was in this sort ; hee left his boates altogether as the first man did (the day before) a little from the shippes by the shore, and came along to the place over against the shippes, followed with fortie men. When he came to the place, his servants spread a long matte upon the ground, on which he satte downe; and at the other end of the matte, foure others of his companie did the like, the rest of his men stood round about him, somewhat a farre off: when we came to the shore to him, with our weapons, hee never moved from his place, nor any of the other foure, nor never mistrusted any harme to be offered from us ; but sitting still, he beckoned us to come and sit by him, which we performed : and being set, hee made all signs of joy and welcome."} Our navigators made to him and his. four chiefs, presents of several toys, which he kindly accepted ; but he took all himself, and gave them to understand, that none there had a right to any thing but himself. Two days afterwards they let him see their merchandise ; of which nothing seemed to please him more than a pewter dish, for which he gave twen- ty deerskins ; and making a hole in the rim of it, hung it over his neck for a breast-plate, making signs that it would defend him against the enemy's arrows. The next thing he bought was a copper kettle, for which he gave fifty skins. As long as. he thought fit to traffic with them, none but such as like him, wore plates of gold or copper on their heads, were allowed either to. buy or sell ; but as soon as they had done, every man had his liberty. They offered very good exchange for hatchets, axes, and knives ; and would have given any thing in truck for swords, but the English would not part with any. Granganemeo came afterwards frequently on board, and would eat, drink, and be mer- ry with them ; and once he brought his wife and children with

* The country was called by the natives, Wingadocia, in respect possibly to the reigning chief, Wingina. Wingina's residence, at the time of this voyage,. was at a place then called by the Indians-Secotam ; which, according to Wil- liamson's Hist. of North Carolina, (vol. 1, p. 38,) was at or near the present town of Beaufort in Content county.

t See Holmes's Annals, vol. 1, p. 117.

HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

him, who afterwards came frequently with her followers only. SEC. III. The English often trusted him with goods upon his word, to 1584. bring the value at a certain time, which he never failed in doing. He had a strong inclination to have a suit of armour and a sword, which he saw in one of the ships ; and would have left a large box of pearls in pawn for them ; but they refused it, that he might not know they set a value upon them, till they could discover whence he got them. He supplied them every day with venison, fish, and fruits ; and invited them to his habitation on Roanoke island. After this friendly intercourse, captain Barlow, with seven of his men, went in a boat twenty miles into the river Occam, (supposed to be the same as Pampticoe sound,) and the evening following came to the isle of Roanoke, at the mouth of Albemarle sound, where they found a village, the residence of Granganemeo, situ- ated in the northern extremity of the island, and consisting of nine houses, built of cedar, and fortified with sharp palisades. When the English arrived there in their boat, Granganemeo was absent ; but his wife received them with generous hospitality. Their boat she ordered to be drawn on shore, that she might not be injured by the surge; the oars, for better security, were taken to her house ; while the English, by her orders, were conveyed from their boat on the backs of the natives. She took off their stockings, and washed their feet in warm water. When dinner was ready, she led them into an inner room, where they were feasted with venison, fish, fruit, and homini. Whilst they were eating, some of her people came in with their bows and arrows. The English, suspecting treachery, flew to their arms ; but the wife of Granganemeo, perceiving their suspicions, ordered the bows to be taken from her people, their arrows to be broken, and themselves to be beaten out of the house. In the evening,* the English thought it prudent to return to their boat, and having put off at a small distance from the shore, lay at anchor. This generous woman seemed hurt by this precaution ; but had a sup- per dressed for them and delivered at the boat's side, with the

* There seems to be some difficulty in reconciling the time of Barlow's arrival at Roanoke island, in the evening, according to his own account, as before cited, and the time here above mentioned, of their retiring to their boat. If they ar- rived in the evening at the island, there certainly was not time sufficient for all the circumstances above mentioned to have been acted before they retired to their boat. I have, however, related it as I find it in several respectable histo- rians. See Burk's Hist. of Virginia, vol, 1, p. 50. Holmes's Annals, vol. 1, p. 118.

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1584. L.

SEC. III. pots in which it was cooked. Perceiving their continued dis- trust, she ordered several men and thirty women to sit on the bank, as a guard to them through the night, and sent several mats to screen them from the weather.

This island is said to have been the limit of their discovery during this voyage, nor were they fortunate enough to procure any information, except a confused account from the Indians of the wreck of some ship on the coast, between twenty and thirty years before .*

Having loaded their ships with furs, sassafras, and cedar, and procured a small quantity of pearl, which was supposed to be an evident sign of the great riches of the country,t they returned to England about the middle of September, carrying with them two of the natives, whose names were Manteo and Wanchese, who voluntarily accompanied them.}

The effects of their voyage in England.

The adventurers in this voyage, on their return, spread abroad marvellous accounts of their discoveries. To those who are now well acquainted with that part of the continent which Ami- das and Barlow visited, the description which they gave of it on their return can be considered only as a scarcely plausible fiction, principally intended to induce future adventurers. Their ac- counts, however, of the beauty of the country, the fertility of the soil, the mildness of the climate, and the innocence of the natives, were pictured and represented to the queen so much in the style of the scenery of a romance, that her majesty was gra- eiously pleased, it is said, to promise what assistance it should be necessary for the crown to give towards promoting a settlement there. Sir Walter Raleigh, with the gallantry of a courtier, in compliment to his mistress-a virgin queen, thought it proper to bestow on this new discovered paradise the name of Virginia. Others, though with less probability, attribute that denomination to the queen herself, because she fancied, that it exhibited man-

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The history of Maryland : from its first settlement, in 1633, to the restoration, in 1660 ; with a copious introduction, and notes and illustrations, Part 6

Author: Bozman, John Leeds, 1757-1823 Publication date: 1837 Publisher: Baltimore : J. Lucas & E.K. Deaver Number of Pages: 1062

Author: Bozman, John Leeds, 1757-1823
Publication date: 1837
Publisher: Baltimore : J. Lucas & E.K. Deaver
Number of Pages: 1062