The history of Maryland : from its first settlement, in 1633, to the restoration, in 1660 ; with a copious introduction, and notes and illustrations, Part 7

Author: Bozman, John Leeds, 1757-1823
Publication date: 1837
Publisher: Baltimore : J. Lucas & E.K. Deaver
Number of Pages: 1062

USA > Maryland > The history of Maryland : from its first settlement, in 1633, to the restoration, in 1660 ; with a copious introduction, and notes and illustrations > Part 7

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* Burk's Hist. of Virginia, vol. 1, p. 50.

t It is said, they also brought home with them some tobacco, the first that was seen in England. Oldmixon's British Empire in America, vol. 4, p. 211. Al- though the introduction of tobacco into England is generally referred to the time of governor Lane and his colonists, as hereafter mentioned, yet it is not proba- ble that capts. Amidas and Barlow would have omitted, not only to notice a cus- tom then in common use with the Indians, but also to bring with them a sample of such a remarkable vegetable. It would seem, however, that tobacco was first brought into England by Sir John Hawkins in 1565. See Holmes's Annals, vol. 1, p. 124.

# Harris's Voyages, vol. 2, p. 201.

HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

kind in their primitive innocence, and the creation in its first SEC. III. virgin purity and plenty .* 1585.

Encouraged by the reports of his navigators, Sir Walter has- Sir Rich- tened his preparations for taking possession of this inviting pro- ard Gren- ville's at-

perty. It was his first intention to have commanded in this ex- tempt to pedition himself, and to have carried with him a sufficient num- lony in N. settle a co- ber of forces to have completed his design of making a settle- Carolina. ment there; but being at that time jealous, that his absence might be prejudicial to his interest at court, he committed the care of this second enterprise to Sir Richard Grenville, his rela- tion, t who was interested with him in his patent, before men- tioned, obtained from Elizabeth.# Sir Richard, with seven small ships, laden with provision, arms, ammunition, and spare men, to settle a colony, with the two Indians before mentioned, Wan- chese and Manteo, to assist him in his negotiations with their countrymen, sailed on the 9th of April, 1585, from Plymouth. || But, induced by a desire of sharing in the plunder of a predato- ry war, then carried on by the English against the Spaniards, in capturing their vessels bound home with the treasures of their Mexican mines, as well as from unacquaintance with a more di- rect and shorter course to North America, he took the southern route by the West India islands. He spent some time in cruis- ing among these, and in taking prizes ; so that it was towards the close of June, before he arrived on the coast of North Ame-

* Oldmixon's British Empire in America, vol. 1, p. 211. Harris's Voyages, vol. 2, p. 202,

t It has been supposed, that Sir Walter Raleigh himself went to Virginia with this colony ; but this mistake, it appears, has arisen from a mistranslation of a passage in Heriot's narrative, published in Hackluyt's Voyages. It is thus ex- pressed in the original English : "The actions of those who have been by Sir Walter Raleigh therein employed ;" which is thus rendered in the Latin transla- tion : " qui generosum D. Walterum Raleigh in eam regionem comitati sunt." See Burk's Hist. of Virg vol. 1, p. 55.

# Oldmixon, in his British Empire in America, vol. 1, p. 212, speaks of this expedition as carried on by a company, and that it was the first of that kind es- tablished in Europe. But it seems, that they were not a regular corporate body, until the reign of king James, who incorporated them by the name of " The governor and company of the West Indies." They were afterwards dissolved by Charles I, it is said, for their mal-administration. Harris's Voyages, vol. 2, p. 202.

| It is said, that Sir Richard was accompanied in this voyage by the celebrated circumnavigator Sir Thomas Cavendish, who, being then a young man of family and fortune, fitted out a ship of 120 tons burthen, called the Tyger, at his own expense, in which he attended Sir Richard, without any profit. Harris's Voy- ages, vol. 1, p. 23. Mod. Univ. Hist. vol. xi. p. 411.

INTRODUCTION TO A

SEC. III. rica. It is said, that in going into the harbour of Wokoken, he 1585. Jost the ship which he himself commanded .* He touched at both the islands where Amidas and Barlow had landed. Man- teo, the faithful Indian whom they had carried to England, and who was now brought back with Sir Richard, became of essential service. His knowledge of the language made him useful as an interpreter, while his attachment to the persons of the English smoothed the difficulties to a free and friendly intercourse with his countrymen. Under his guidance they made several excur- sions, and visited several villages on the islands and the main. They discovered an Indian town near the mouth of Pamptico river, (sometimes called the Tar river,) and another town near the mouth of the Neus; from which they directed their course to Secotan, (the town before mentioned near Beaufort,) where they were civilly entertained by Wingina, the king of the country, as before mentioned. From Secotan some of the boats proceeded, by the shortest course, to Wokoken: but Grenville, with the other boats, returned to Aguascosack, the town on the Neus be- fore discovered by them, for the frivolous purpose of demanding a silver cup, that had been stolen from him, when he visited that town on his late circuit. The cup was not restored according to pro- mise ; and the Indians, apprehending danger, fled to the woods : upon which their town was burned, and their corn destroyed. At this juncture of time, no conduct in him could have been more im- politic, and might well forebode the disastrous conclusion of the first attempt at colonization. After this outrage, Sir Richard sailed to Hatteras, where he was visited by Granganemeo, the prince who had been so friendly to Amidas and Barlow, the preceding year, and who was, on this occasion, accompanied by Manteo. Of what passed between Granganemeo and Grenville at this interview, the journal of the voyage, it is said, gives no account; but it is sup- posed, that the settlement of the English in the country, at least of the island of Roanoke, was then agreed on between them, to their mutual satisfaction.t Sir Richard then sailed for that island, and having fixed upon it for the site of his settlement, he remain- ed there for the space of six weeks, probably to see the colony somewhat arranged and settled before his departure. The colony

* Mod. Univ. Hist. vol. 39, p. 236. In Burk's Hist. of Virg. vol. 1, p. 53, it is said, that " he narrowly escaped shipwreck on Cape Fear."

+ Oldy's Life of Raleigh, cited in Holmes's Annals, vol. 1, p. 119, note 3.

2 O

HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

consisted of one hundred and eight men ;* Mr. Ralph Lane, be- SEC. III. ing their governor, and captain Philip Amidas, titular admiral 1585. of the country. Thomas Heriot, a celebrated mathematician, and John Wythe, an ingenious painter, were also of the number of these colonists .; Having disposed all things for his departure, Sir Richard set sail for England on the 25th of August. He shaped his course, it seems, so as to keep in view the American continent which lies between Currituck inlet and the Chesapeake ; but nothing is mentioned of any discoveries thereby made by him. He arrived at Plymouth on the 18th of September follow- ing, with a rich Spanish prize, which he had taken on the pas- sage. His proceedings appear to have been highly satisfactory to his employers, or what was then called, The new Virginia Company.

Soon after the departure of the ships, governor Lane began to make preparation for obtaining a more extensive knowledge of the country. With this view, he proceeded in his boats along the coast to the southward, to the before mentioned Indian town called Secotan, by their reckoning, distant from Roanoke eighty miles. To the north they advanced one hundred and thirty miles, to the Chesapeakes, a nation of Indians seated on a small river, now called Elizabeth, which falls into the great bay of Chesapeake, below Norfolk .¿ To the north-west, they went up Albemarle sound and Chowan river, one hundred and thirty miles, to a nation of Indians called the Chowanocks, in-

* In Robertson's Hist. of America, b. 9, it is said, that there were one hundred and eighty men ; but that is evidently a mistake either in himself or the press, by transposing the figures 108 to 180, or by adding the letter y to the word eight. The list, published in Hazard's Collections, vol. 1, p. 38, contains 107 persons, which with governor Lane, would complete the number 108, mentioned by Old- mixon, Harris, and the Mod. Univ. Hist.

t Mr. Heriot wrote a topographical description of this part of Virginia (now called North Carolina, ) and its natural history, which is preserved in Hackluyt's Voyages. It was translated into Latin by Theodore de Bry, and published in his collection of voyages. It is said, that the famous French philosopher, Des- cartes, borrowed much of his light from this excellent mathematician; and that the learned Dr. Wallis gave his preference to Heriot's improvements before those of Descartes, although the latter had the advantage of being successor to the former. Mr. Wythe also made several drawings of the figures and dress of the natives, of which copperplates were afterwards taken and published by de Bry in 1590, with Latin explanations of them. Burk's Hist. of Virginia, vol. 1, p. 55.

# In the Indian language, the word Chesapeake is said to signify, Mother of Waters. The obvious application of this name to the great bay so called, would seem to intimate, that this Indian nation must have taken their name from their situation near the Chesapeake bay. See Burk's Hist. of Virginia, Vol. 1, p. 56, who cites Stith.

INTRODUCTION TO A

SEC. III. habiting a little beyond the fork of that river, where one branch

1585. takes the name of Meherrin, and the other of Nottoway. The king of this nation, Menatonon, is represented by the adventur- ers, to have been shrewd beyond the cunning of any of the In- dians they had seen. Having collected from the inquiries of the English, the principal subjects of their search, he amused gov- ernor Lane and his company, with the story of a copper mine and a pearl fishery, and with the marvellous description of the source of the Moratuck, now called Roanoke ; which he repre- sented as springing out of a rock, so near the sea, that in high winds the surge beat over it. Added to this, there seems to have been at this time a general rumour among the Indians, perhaps designedly propagated by them, of a rich mine, that lay in the interior part of the country high up the Moratuck. Filled with these delusive hopes, the governor now prepared for an expedition up this river, under the full expectation of ex- ploring these advantageous discoveries, and of taking immediate possession of this fancied source of wealth. It is necessary to observe, that Wingina, the Indian king before mentioned, who appears to have been sovereign of the country about the mouth of the Roanoke river, had been always secretly inimical to the English, or to their settling in the country, and was restricted in the exercise of his animosity to them, only by the influence of the friendly Granganemeo his brother. This did not, however, prevent him from injuring them, whenever he could do it with secrecy; and it may be inferred from circumstances, that he acted on this occasion, in concert with Menatonon. Immediately be- fore the English set out upon their expedition, the artful Wingina despatched messengers to the several nations of Indians, who inhabited the banks of the Moratuck, to apprize them of their intended excursion, and to spread amongst them suspicions of the evil views and intentions of the English. Lane pursued his course in boats, up the Moratuck ; but, strangely confiding in this treacherous prince, who, the better to deceive him, had fur- nished him with guides, he had neglected to take any provisions with him, imagining he should be supplied by the natives on each bank. The consequence of which was, that he soon be- came reduced to extreme difficulties. After rowing four days against a strong current, he found the country wholly deserted and laid waste by the inhabitants. Still, however, in hopes of better fortune, he pursued his course under the auspices of his

HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

guides, until at length they had nothing to subsist on but the SEC. III. flesh of two large dogs, which they were compelled to eat. 15S5. Their perseverance being now wearied out, they returned to Roanoke island much chagrined and disappointed .*

In addition to the foregoing disappointment, they had, on their return, the disagreeable intelligence of the death of prince Granganemeo, which happened during their excursion. While this friendly Indian lived, his influence, supported by the author- ity of Ensenore, their father, had, as before observed, restrained the animosity of Wingina. It is not difficult to account for this authority of Granganemeo, if we believe that their manner of descent was similar to that of the other tribes of North American Indians. The brother of the reigning chief was heir apparant, and succeeded to the sovereignty in bar of the children of the chief.+ This rule of descent might probably be founded on a very substantial reason, under a government purely military. It would in such case be obviously necessary, that the reigning chief should be capable of discharging the military duties of his- station ; which an infant or minor, would be incapable of per- forming. This reason might also apply to an explanation of Wingina's authority as a sovereign during the life of his father, Ensenore; who, now grown old and infirm, and incapable of going into battle with his enemies, might have delegated, if not totally resigned his power into the hands of his eldest son Win- gina. Another circumstance, arising on the death of Granga- nemeo, deserves to be noticed here; it seems to have been a custom, generally prevalent with the Indians of this part of America and Virginia, to change their name, when any extraor- dinary change took place either in their circumstances or feel- ings. On this occasion Wingina assumed the name of Pemi- sapan, the etymology of which had probably some allusion either to the event or its consequences ; and by this name alone he is- designated by some historians.

*Mod. Univ. Hist. Vol. 39, p. 239. Burk's Hist. of Virginia, Vol. 1, p. 57. +Burk (Hist. of Virginia, Vol. 1, p. 58,) cites, in support of this, the instance of Powhatan, in Virginia.

# Burk (Hist. of Virginia, Vol. 1, p. 58,) cites here similar instances among the successors of Powhatan, from Stith's Hist. of Virginia, p. 155. The same or a similar custom prevails with the negroes on the coast of Guinea, or the gold coast, in Africa. They assume an additional name on every remarkable action of their lives, so that the best inemory is unable to retain all the names of a man who has been much in action. (See the Mod. Univ. Hist. Vol. 17, p. 104.) May not these additional names, however, be considered as titles of nobility as-

INTRODUCTION TO A

SEC. III.

1585.

During the absence of the governor, it had been reported that he and his party were lost; and the little influence, which Ensenore, (who upon all occasions, seems to have partaken in the friendly sentiments of his son Granganemeo, towards the English,) had, with his eldest son Wingina, now called Pemi- sapan, seems to have been, upon this report, nearly extinguished. Accordingly, Pemisapan was still ever secretly contriving mis- chief against them. He had projected a scheme of starving the English out of the island Roanoke, by neglecting to plant or cultivate it. This scheme, however, seems to have been in some measure defeated, by a combination of fortunate circum- stances, which took place in the spring of the following year. The chiefs of several other nations, had manifested an amicable disposition towards governor Lane and his settlers. The king of the Chowanocks, though from his former conduct, he must still have been a secret enemy, sent a present of pearl to Mr. Lane; and Okisko, king of the Weopopomewks, (another powerful nation, possessing all that country from Albemarle sound and Chowan river, to Chesapeake bay,) in March, 1586, came himself, with twenty-four of his principal men, to own subjection to the queen of England. The aged and cautious Ensenore, induced thereto, perhaps, more zealously by the pa- cific conduct of these other chiefs, exerted on this occasion, the little influence he had with his son, and prevailed upon him to relinquish his schemes, and to plant in corn, a considerable ex- tent of ground, both on the island and main land.

1586.

This apparent prosperity of the adventurers, added to the influence of Ensenore, preserved peace for a short time with this savage. But on the death of Ensenore, which happened on the twentieth of April, this year, all check on his natural disposition being now removed, he meditated a plan for the utter extirpation of the colonists. Under pretence of solemni- zing his father's funeral, he issued secret orders to the Indians, to rendezvous at a certain place, with intent to fall on the Eng- lish with the whole force of the nation. The plot, however, previous to the time fixed for its execution, was discovered to the English, by their prisoner Skiko, the son of Menatonon. An attempt was made to retaliate on the Indians, by seizing

sumed by themselves, or granted by their chiefs, in reference to some great ex- ploit? Most of the titles of the Emperor Napoleon's nobility had reference to some great military achievement.

HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

their canoes, and thus keeping them in a state of siege on the SEC. III. island; but they took the alarm, and after a loss of six men 1586. escaped into the woods. After various stratagems on both sides, Pemisapan was, at last, on the first of June, drawn into an ambush, with eight of his chiefs, and slain .*

The colonists now began to be in so much distress, from want of food, that they were under the necessity of dispersing themselves into different parts of the country, in quest of the means of subsistence. It was, in consequence of this, that Captain Stafford, who had, with a small party, been stationed on the southern part of Cape Look-out, to shift for themselves, and to "see if they could spy any sail pass by the coast," sent, on the ninth of June, intelligence to Mr. Lane, that he discov- ered twenty sail of ships.t

Queen Elizabeth, being now at war with Spain, was advised to attack her settlements in America, and to surprise the Span- ish galeons. In prosecution of this scheme, a fleet of twenty sail had been fitted out and placed under the command of Sir Francis Drake. This distinguished naval commander, after many important successes against the Spaniards, in the West Indies and South America, and attacking and reducing Fort St. John's, near St. Augustine's, in Florida, had, according to the special orders of queen Elizabeth, sailed to visit this English colony, and to yield it all possible assistance .¿ Arriving off Cape Look-out, and discovering a distant fire, the admiral sent his skiff ashore with some of his men, who found captain Staf- ford and his party there, and took them on board their ships. By their direction, the fleet proceeded the next day, to the place which the English colonists made their port ; but some of the ships, being of too great draught to enter, anchored about two miles from the shore, "without the harbour in a wilde roade at sea."|| From this place Drake, who had been told that the colony was in distress for want of provisions, sent a letter by captain Stafford to governor Lane, then at his fort on Roanoke island, about six leagues distant, making him an offer of sup- plies. The next day, Mr. Lane and some of his company

*Burk's Hist. of Virginia, Vol. 1, p. 57, 60. Holmes's Annals, Vol. 1, p. 122. +Mod. Univ. Hist. Vol. 39, p. 237. Robertson's Hist. of America, (b. 9,) Vol. 4, p. 166. Burk's Hist. of Virginia, Vol. 1, p. 60.

¿Oldmixon's British Empire in America, Vol. 1, p. 214.

|| According to the above description of the place where Drake arrived and anchored, it is most probable, that it was what is now called Roanoke inlet.

VOL. I .- 9

INTRODUCTION, &c.

SEC. III. going on board the fleet, Drake made them two proposals ; 1586. either to leave them a ship, a pinnace, and several boats, with sufficient masters and mariners, furnished with a month's provi- sions, to stay and make further discovery of the country and coasts, and so much additional provision, as would be sufficient to carry them all to England ; or, to give them a passage home in his fleet. The first proposal was gratefully accepted .* A ship was accordingly selected by Drake, and delivered to the colonists ; but before the provisions were entirely received on board, there arose a great storm, that continued three days, and endangered the whole fleet. Many cables were broken, and many anchors lost, and some of the ships, of which number was that destined for the use of the colonists, were compelled to put to sea. Drake now generously making the colony an offer of another ship with provisions, or a passage home, governor Lane and the principal persons with him, having considered what was expedient, requested the Admiral, under their hands, that they might have a passage to England. The rest of their company was now sent for : the whole colony was taken on board ;} and the fleet, leaving America on the eighteenth of June, arrived on the twenty-eighth of July, at the English harbor of Portsmouth. Thus terminated the first English colony planted in America.

* An observation of Holmes, in his Annals, (Vol. I, p. 123,) seems to explain. this : "The hope, he says, of finding a rich mine in the interior part of the coun- try, which they had already made an attempt to discover, seems to have greatly influenced their wishes to continue longer in Virginia." In support of this, he cites Hackluyt, iii. 255, 263 ; adding, "The mine is said to be 'notorious' among the Indians, and to lie up the river Moratuck. The narrator in Hackluyt calls it "a marvellous and most strange mineral;" and the narrator adds, "there want- ed no great good will, from the most to the least amongst us, to have perfitted this discoverie of the mine: for that the discovery of a good mine, by the good- ness of God, or a passage to the South sea, or some way to it, and nothing else can bring this country in request to be inhabited by our nation." I would observe here, that this indicates very strongly the motives to colonization, which existed generally among the first settlers of Virginia.

+The narrator in Hackluyt (according to Holmes's Annals, Vol. 1, p. 122, note 1,) says, that when Drake sent his vessels to Roanoke, to bring away a few per- sons, who were left there with the baggage, "the weather was so boisterous, and the pinnaces so often on ground, that the most of all we had, with our cards, books, and writings, were by the sailors, cast overboard." This accident may have deprived us of a more full and accurate account of the proceedings and discoveries of this colony, during its year's residence in Virginia, than we other- wise have.

SECTION IV.

Attempts to relieve the first colony under governor Lane-A second colony at the same place under governor White-Sir Walter Raleigh assigns his patent- The whole of the second colony lost-Gosnold's voyage to New England- Sir Walter Raleigh's endeavours to find out the second colony at Roanoke- captain Pring's expedition-captain Bartholomew Gilbert's voyage-captain Weymouth's.

Some writers* think it proper to apologize for Sir Walter Ra- SEC. IV. leigh, on account of the misfortune of the first colony, by ob- 1586. serving, that it was not at all owing to any negligence in him ; Attempt to relieve the for he continually pressed the company or those concerned with first colo- him in interest, to reflect on the necessity of supporting the colo- ny under ny in time ; and so solicitous was he in this business, that find- Lane. Governor ing the fleet, which was preparing for that purpose under the command of Sir Richard Grenville, went on but slowly, he pro- posed that the first ship, that was completely manned and equipped, should be sent without staying for the rest; which was done; but when she arrived at the island of Roanoke, which was within a few days after Drake had departed, they found it deserted. The master of the vessel, not being able to get any information concerning them, returned to England. In a fortnight after this, Sir Richard Grenville arrived with his squadron of three small ships, but to his great disappointment found not a man upon the island. After searching in vain for the colony he had left the year before without being able to learn what had befallen it, he resolved to try the experiment of another settlement, and accordingly placed fifteen men, (some authors say fifty,) on the island. He left them furnished with all necessaries for two years, and gave them the strongest assu- rances, that they should be constantly and regularly supplied. But this handful of unfortunate men was soon after over-pow- ered and destroyed by the Indians.

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The history of Maryland : from its first settlement, in 1633, to the restoration, in 1660 ; with a copious introduction, and notes and illustrations, Part 7

Author: Bozman, John Leeds, 1757-1823 Publication date: 1837 Publisher: Baltimore : J. Lucas & E.K. Deaver Number of Pages: 1062

Author: Bozman, John Leeds, 1757-1823
Publication date: 1837
Publisher: Baltimore : J. Lucas & E.K. Deaver
Number of Pages: 1062