The history of Maryland : from its first settlement, in 1633, to the restoration, in 1660 ; with a copious introduction, and notes and illustrations, Part 5

Author: Bozman, John Leeds, 1757-1823
Publication date: 1837
Publisher: Baltimore : J. Lucas & E.K. Deaver
Number of Pages: 1062

USA > Maryland > The history of Maryland : from its first settlement, in 1633, to the restoration, in 1660 ; with a copious introduction, and notes and illustrations > Part 5

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1546. Proceed- ings of the English.

To return to the proceedings of the English nation. Although Henry VIII., during his long reign, was frequently at open enmity with Spain, and, for a considerable part of it, was under no re- striction from a papal bull, yet his interference in the affairs of the continent, and the vexation he experienced about his wives, seem to have so much engrossed his attention, and of consequence that

he should think fit and capable to serve in the expedition. See an account of a settlement of convicts on the Isle of Sables, by the French, in the year 1598, post. p. 113. The crews of both Columbus and Vasquez de Gama, consisted, it is said, in part of criminals, who were pardoned upon condition of embarking in these expeditions. Barrington's Observations on the Ancient Statutes, p. 446.

* Harris's Voyages, vol. 2, p. 349. Mod. Univ. Hist. vol. 39, p. 408. It seems to be alleged here, in the Mod. Univ. Hist. that notwithstanding this loss of Ro- berval and his adventurers, some few French settlers still remained in Canada. If so, they must have been some left there by him on his return to France, after his first voyage in 1542, when he met Cartier. This seems, however, to be con- tradicted by a passage in Charlevoix's Nouv. France, 1, 22, " Avec eux tombe- rent toutes les esperances, qu'on avoit concues de faire un etablissement en Ame rique." And in Harris's Voyages, just cited, it is said that " it was this gentle- man (Roberval) who first fixed some French settlements in America, which, however, were afterwards abandoned."

HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

of the nobility and gentry of his kingdom, that his reign appears SECT. I. to have been unfavorable to the progress of discovery. 1546.

foundland.

In the feeble minority of his son Edward VI., less was to be expected. It seems, from the preamble to a statute made in the second and third year of this king's reign,* that, "within a few years, then past, there had been levied and taken by certain offi- cers of the admiralty, of such merchants and fishermen as had used and practised adventures and voyages to Iceland, Ireland, of New- Fishery and other places, commodious for fishing, divers great exactions, as sums of money, doles, and shares of fish, for licenses to pass the realm for such purposes ;" severe penalties were therefore en- acted against such offenders. This statute appears to have origi- nated from some abuses either connived at or practised by the king's 1548. uncle, Thomas Seymour, lord high admiral of England, who was attainted by an act of parliament of this same session. As the ad- miral had undoubtedly formed very unjustifiable schemes of ambi- tion, and probably took this method of obtaining money as the means of success in those schemes, there is every reason to suppose that the accusations against him on this subject, were not without foundation. The act, however, serves to show, that the English fishery on the coast of Newfoundland, was at this period an object of such national importance as to deserve legislative encouragement ; and it is said to have been the first act of parliament that ever was made in relation to America.t

The pension which was in this reign also granted to Sebastian 1549. Cabot,{ seems to imply, that his services in the discovery of North Pension America were not deemed entirely unworthy of remuneration. It Cabot. must be observed, however, that in the reigns of both Henry and his son Edward, the ruling persons in England appear to have been less desirous of making discoveries of new countries and settlements therein, than in exploring a more expeditious route to the East Indies. After failing in some of their attempts to find out what was called a north-west passage thereto, the minds of the nation seem to have been at this time turned towards a dis-

* 2 and 3 Edw. VI. c. 6, at a parliament holden November 4th, 1548.

t Chalmers' Annals, ch. i. note 10. Holmes's Annals, vol. i. p. 94.

# See the letters patent for this pension at large, in Hazard's Collections, vol. 1, p. 23. It bears date, January 6th, 2 Edwd. 6, (which, according to new style, was January 6th, 1549.) It is said, in Harris's Voyages, vol. 2, p. 193, that Cabot was by this patent created grand pilot of England, but no such grant of an office appears in the instrument published by Hazard. He seems to have been at the head of a company, which existed in England at this time, under the title of " Merchant Adventurers for the discovery of New Lands."

granted to

INTRODUCTION, &c.

SECT. I.

1549. covery of what was called the north-east passage. This was, in all probability, a more preponderating cause which induced them to hold Mr. Cabot's talents in such high request ; and this strange infatuation of the nation about these passages might probably also be one cause of preventing their attention at this time to the more substantial and practicable pursuits of Cabot's discoveries in America.

In the reign of Queen Mary, her marriage with Philip, king of Spain, necessarily put a stop to any thing whatever, that might possibly interfere with the affairs of that nation in America. Thus, from a singular series of causes, did sixty years elapse from the time when the English first discovered North America, before they had made any effectual efforts to avail themselves of the advantages resulting from that discovery.

1553.

SECTION II .*

The reign of Elizabeth favorable to maritime adventures-Sir Humphrey Gil- bert, the first conductor of an English colony to America-Letters Patent to him for that purpose-Characteristic incidents relative to Sir Humphrey Gil- bert-his first voyage unsuccessful-sails a second time for America-takes possession of Newfoundland-is lost on his return to England.

A variety of concurrent circumstances, contributed to render SECT. II. the reign of Elizabeth favorable to the growth of the maritime 1558. power of England. The intercourse which had subsisted for The reign some time between the English and Spanish nations, through beth favor- of Eliza- the alliance of their monarchs, especially in the reign of Mary, ritime ad- immediately preceding, had diffused among the English a con- ventures. siderable knowledge, not only of the general naval affairs of Spain, but more particularly of their American discoveries and settlements. The wealth, which was supposed to flow in upon the Spanish nation, from that source, would naturally allure the English to some endeavors to participate in these advantages. The accession of Elizabeth to the throne of England, together with the restoration of the reformed religion, in the course of a few years, placed the two nations in a state of hostility towards each other. Queen Elizabeth early foresaw this, and neglected nothing that might keep up and promote a maritime spirit among her people. She therefore, in a particular manner, manifested her approbation of the naval exploits of captain Hawkins, Sir Francis Drake, and other great mariners. It must be observed here, that soon after the discovery of the northern part of Ame- rica by Cabot, and especially that part of it, denominated by him Newfoundland, divers other European nations resorted to that

*The author had prepared a distinct section, to be inserted here, containing a sketch of the attempts of the French protestants, under the direction and patron- age of admiral Coligny, to plant colonies, about this time, in that part of the con- tinent of America, now called South Carolina, in consequence of the oppres- sions which these protestants experienced from the civil war then raging in France. The emigration of the French Hugonots, under Ribaut and Laudon- niere-the cruel massacre of them by the Spanish catholics, under Menendez, and the just retaliation inflicted upon the Spaniards by the Chevalier de Gor- gues, form a very interesting part of American history. But as the reader would probably consider these events, as bearing but a slight relation to the history to which this volume is intended as an introduction, it has been thought most pro- per to suppress that section.

VOL. I .- 6

able to ma-

INTRODUCTION TO A

SECT. II. coast, for the great emoluments to be derived from the fishery on 1558. its banks. Insomuch, indeed, that some of them affected to claim the right of the first discovery of that country. But, as that claim appeared to be without foundation, and as the advan- tages of the fishery would be much enhanced to any nation that might have possession of that island, the able ministry of that politic princess, could not be insensible to the advantages of making a settlement thereon. Added to this, the extensive pro- gress, which the Spanish nation had now made in the coloniza- tion of South America, could not fail to excite the ardent emu- lation of the English, in following their example by a like colo- nization of the north. Indeed, the danger of anticipation must have been now urgent ; for, it appears by an account published in the year 1578,* that there were fifty sail of English ships, one hundred sail of Spaniards, fifty of Portuguese, and one hundred and fifty French, employed in that year, in the fishery on that coast. . It was evident, therefore, that so extensive and inviting a continent as North America, could not now remain much long- er without some attempts by some nation, to fix settlements thereon.

At this period then, Sir Humphrey Gilbert is mentioned by his- 1578. Sir Hum- torians, with the distinction due to the conductor of the first En- phrey Gil- glish colony to America. He was a native of Devonshire ; in- bert the conductor herited a good estate, and had early rendered himself conspicu- of the first ous by his military services in France, Ireland, and Holland. Having afterwards turned his attention to naval affairs, he pub- lished a discourse concerning the probability of a north-west passage to the Indies ; which discovered no inconsiderable por- tion, both of learning and ingenuity, mingled with the enthu- siasm, the credulity, and sanguine expectations which incite men to new and hazardous undertakings.t With the honora-

English colony to America.

* By a Mr. Parkhurst. See Harris's Voyages, vol. 2, p. 198.

t Robertson's Hist. of America, vol. 4, p. 159. Tindal's edit. of Rapin's Hist. of England, vol. 7, p. 387. Leland's Hist. of Ireland, vol. 2, p. 252. In confirmation of the above character of Sir Humphrey, from Robertson, it may be mentioned, that Sir Humphrey was, a few years before this, (between the years 1571 and 1574,) engaged with the learned Sir Thomas Smith, in some vi- sionary schemes of alchymy, through which means they expected to accumu- late sudden wealth, by the transmutation of iron into copper. They were men of such reputation for talents and genius, that they drew in secretary Cecil and the earl of Leicester, to join them in the scheme. The project eventuated, as other delusive dreams of alchymy have generally done-in the ruin of the pro- jectors. Sir Thomas smarted very severely in his purse, and Sir Humphrey was impoverished by it. The former sought to recruit his finances by planting colo-

HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

ble desire of increasing his private fortune, by the pursuit of the SECT. II. public service, he applied to Elizabeth for permission to carry 1578. his schemes into effect. He represented to her the expediency of settling all those countries upon the continent of America, which had been formerly discovered by Cabot, because otherwise it was not at all unlikely, that the French, who had often reviewed those places, would be desirous of supplanting the English, and because it was very far from being improbable, that those coun- tries abounded with very rich minerals .* Upon these sugges- tions, he easily obtained from the queen, letters patent, vesting in him sufficient powers for this purpose.

It has been observed, that this being the first charter to a co- lony granted by the crown of England, the articles of it merit particular attention, as they unfold the ideas of that age with re- spect to the nature of such settlements.+ "She thereby grants _ June 11. . Letters pa- to him, and to his heirs and assigns, for ever, license to disco- tent for that ver and view such remote heathen and barbarous lands, coun- purpose. tries, and territories, as were not actually possessed by any chris- tian prince or people, and the same to hold, occupy, and enjoy to him, his heirs, and assigns for ever, with all commodities, ju- risdiction, and royalties, both by sea and land ; and license to the said Sir Humphrey, and all such, as from time to time, by royal license, should go and travel thither, to inhabit or remain there, the statutes or acts of parliament made against fugitives, or any other act, statute, or law whatever, to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding .¿ And that he might take and lead in the same voyages, to travel thitherward, or to inhabit there with him, such, and so many of her subjects as should willingly accompa-

nies in Ireland, and the latter by the like proceedings in America. It is, how- ever, one among many instances, wherein the very errors of philosophers have been consequentially productive of great good to mankind. See a biographical account of the life of Sir Thomas Smith, published in the Pennsylvania Maga- zine for January, 1776.

* Harris's Voyages, vol. 2, p. 199.

t Although this observation is made by Robertson, ( Ibid, last cited, ) yet there' seems to be no sound reason, why the letters patent granted by Henry VII. in the year 1502, to Hugh Elliott and others, merchants of Bristol, as before men- tioned, should not be called a charter to a colony, as well as this to Sir Hum- phrey Gilbert. The former, after granting license to the patentees to discover new countries, grants them license also, to take out with them, any English sub- jects to inhabit and settle in those countries so discovered-" et in eisdem inhabi- tare." No permanent settlement in America was ever formed under either of the charters.

Į See note (D) at the end of this volume.

INTRODUCTION TO A

SECT. II. ny him, so that none of them be such as thereafter should be spe-

1578. cially restrained by her. And further, that he, his heirs, and as- signs, should have, hold, occupy, and enjoy forever, all the soil of all such lands, &c. with the rights, royalties, and jurisdictions, as well marine as other, within the said lands, with full pow- er to dispose thereof, or part thereof, in fee simple, or otherwise, according to the laws of England, at his and their will and plea- sure, to any person within her allegiance, paying unto her the fifth part of all the gold and silver, that should be there gotten : the said lands, &c. to be holden by the said Sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, of her majesty, her heirs and successors, by homage, and by payment of the fifth part before reserved. She grants him license to expel all persons, who without his special permission, should attempt to inhabit the said countries, or with- in two hundred leagues of the place, where he, his heirs, or as- signs, should, within six years next ensuing, make their settle- ment : and she authorises him to capture all persons, with their vessels and goods, who should be found trading within the li- mits aforesaid, without his license. And for uniting in perfect league and amity, such countries, lands, and territories, so to be possessed and inhabited, as aforesaid, she declares, that all such countries, so to be possessed and inhabited as aforesaid, from thenceforth should be of the allegiance of her, her heirs and suc- cessors, and the persons to inhabit them should enjoy all the pri- vileges of free denizens or natives of England. She grants to Sir Humphrey, and his heirs and assigns, for ever, that he and they might, from time to time, for ever thereafter, within the said mentioned remote lands and countries, and in the way by the seas thither, and from thence, have full power and authority to correct, punish, pardon, govern and rule, by their good discre- tions and policies, as well in causes capital or criminal, as civil, both in marine and other, all such her subjects, and others as should inhabit the said countries, according to such statutes, laws and ordinances, as should be by him, the said Sir Hum- phrey, his heirs, and assigns, devised or established, for the bet- ter government of the said people as aforesaid ; so always, that the said statutes, laws and ordinances, may be, as near as conveniently may, agreeably to the form of the laws and policy of England : and also, so as they be not against the true chris- tian faith or religion now professed in the church of England, nor in any wise to withdraw any of the subjects or people of the

HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

1578.

lands or places, from the allegiance of her, her heirs or succes- SECT. II. sors."*

After obtaining this favor from the queen, Sir Humphrey ap- Character- plied himself to his relations and friends, in order to frame a so- dents rela- istic inci- ciety capable of carrying this design into execution ; for, it seems tive te Sir that the English monarchs of those times, were either unable or Gilbert. Humphrey indisposed, to defray the expenses of these great naval expedi- tions, although the public were to be principally benefited by them. Hence, as was observed before, the Cabots were obliged to bear the expenses of their voyages themselves, except with what aid they might procure from the merchants of Bristol ; and it has been attributed to the parsimony of Elizabeth, though it might probably have been owing to her inability, that she con- tributed but little, besides her royal license, to aid the many im- portant naval expeditions undertaken in her reign. With her letters patent, indeed, for the erection of exclusive companies for trade, she was very liberal. Hence monopolies were among the most grievous burthens of her high-toned exertion of prero- gative. We are sorry to find, that our worthy knight was among the most zealous advocates for these exertions of royal authori- ty ; perhaps, indeed, self-interest might have an undue operation in his mind. He was a member for Devonshire, in the house of commons, at the parliament holden in the 13th of Eliz. a few years prior to the date of his patent. One Robert Bell, a puri- tan, (to which sect, as observed by Hume, although their prin- ciples appear so frivolous, and their habits so ridiculous, yet the English owe the whole freedom of their constitution,) had, in that session, made a motion against an exclusive patent, granted to a company of merchants in Bristol. Sir Humphrey spoke against the motion : " He endeavoured to prove the motion made by Bell, to be a vain device, and perilous to be treated of; since it tended to the derogation of the prerogative imperial, which, whoever should attempt, so much as in fancy, could not, he said, be otherwise accounted than an open enemy. For, what differ- ence is there between saying, that the queen is not to use the pri- vilege of the crown, and saying that she is not queen ? And though experience has shown so much clemency in her majesty, as might, perhaps, make subjects forget their duty, it is not good to sport or venture too much with princes. He reminded them of the fable of the hare, who, upon the proclamation, that all

* See this charter at large, in Hazard's Collections, vol. 1, p. 21.

INTRODUCTION TO A

SECT. II. horned beasts should depart the court, immediately fled, lest his

1578. ears should be construed to be horns ; and by this apologue, he seems to insinuate, that even those who heard, or permitted such dangerous speeches, would not themselves be entirely free from danger. He desired them to beware, lest, if they meddled farther with those matters, the queen might look to her own power ; and finding herself able to suppress their challenged liberty, and to exert an arbitrary authority, might imitate the example af Louis XI. of France, who, as he termed it, delivered the crown from wardship." Upon this speech, the historian proceeds to observe : " Though it gave some disgust, nobody at the time replied any thing, but that Sir Humphrey mistook the meaning of the house, and of the member who made the motion : they never had any other purpose, than to represent their grivances, in due and seem- ly form, unto her majesty. But in a subsequent debate, Peter Wentworth, a man of superior free spirit, called that speech an insult on the house ; noted Sir Humphrey's disposition to flatter and fawn on the prince; compared him to the cameleon, which can change itself into all colours, except white ; and recommend- ed to the house a due care of liberty of speech, and of the pri- vileges of parliament. It appears, on the whole, that the mo- tion against the exclusive patent had no effect. Bell, the mem- ber who first introduced it, was sent for by the council, and was severely reprimanded for his temerity. He returned to the house with such an amazed countenance, that all the members, well informed of the reason, were struck with terror ; and during some time, no one durst rise to speak of any matters of importance, for fear of giving offence to the queen and the council. It is re- markable, that the patent, which the queen defended with such imperious violence, was contrived for the profit of four courtiers, and was attended with the utter ruin of seven or eight thousand of her industrious subjects."*

1579. His first voyage un We are to return, however, to the progress which Sir Hum- phrey made, in carrying into effect his charter of colonization. successful. With the influence of his own character, and the zealous efforts of his half-brother, Walter Raleigh, who, even in his early youth, displayed those splendid talents and that undaunted spirit, which create admiration and confidence, Sir Humphrey at first met with considerable encouragement. But as the time of embarkation ap- proached, some of his associates beginning to form particular

* Hume's Hist. of England, ch. 40.

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HISTORY OF MARYLAND.

1579. projects of their own, inconsistent with his general scheme, and SECT. II. others totally failing in the performance of their engagements, his preparations were much thwarted and delayed. He, however, put to sea with such of his friends as had adhered to their promises, among whom it is said, was his brother Walter Raleigh. The voyage proved unfortunate, and was attended with the loss of one of his best ships, and several of his most esteemed friends. Nor is it quite certain that he arrived, in the course of this voy- age, at any part of America ; but it is supposed, that he met with a severe encounter with the Spaniards, and was on that ac- count obliged to return .*

1583. His second voyage.

As Sir Humphrey's patent was to expire at the end of six years from the date thereof, unless he made some settlements under it, it soon became necessary for him to resume his schemes, or relinquish them altogether. In the spring of the year 1583, he had again brought his design into some order ; but to furnish the necessary expenses thereof, he was obliged to sell what es- tate he had, though he had great assistance from his friends, and several gentlemen of rank and fortune agreed to go with him in person. With this view a small squadron was fitted out, con- sisting of five ships and vessels of different burthens, among which was one called the Raleigh, of 200 tons, fitted out by his brother Walter Raleigh, though, it seems, he did not attend him in his second expedition. In all these vessels were shipped about two hundred and sixty men, among whom were ship- wrights, masons, carpenters, smiths, miners, and refiners. To complete the equipment of this colony, some singular circum- stances were thought necessary, and may be here mentioned in the words of the original account of the voyage, as it is in Hack- luyt; "Besides, for solace of our people, and allurement of the savages, we were provided of musike in good varietie ; not omitting the least toyes, as morris dancers, hobby-horse, and May-like conceits, to delight the savage people, whom we in- tended to winne by all faire means possible. And to that end we were indifferently furnished of all pettie haberdasherie wares to barter with those simple people."+ The resolution of the proprietors was, that the fleet should begin its course northerly, and follow as directly as they could the trade-way to Newfound- land, from whence, after having refreshed and supplied them-

* Harris's Voyages, vol. 2, p. 201. Holmes's Annals, vol. 1, p. 113. + Holmes's Annals, vol. 1, p. 113, quotes Hackluyt iii. 149.

INTRODUCTION TO A

SECT. II. selves with all necessaries, their intent was to proceed into the 1583. south, and not to pass by any river or bay, which in all that large tract of land should appear worth their looking into. They like- wise prescribed the orders to be observed in the voyage, and the course to be steered, which were delivered to the captains and masters of every ship in writing. On the 11th of June, 1583, the fleet sailed from Plymouth ; but, on the thirteenth, their large ship, the Raleigh, under pretence that her captain and a great number of her men were suddenly taken ill of a contagious dis- ease, left the fleet and returned to Plymouth ; some say, in great distress, but others that it was done with a design to ruin the ex- pedition. Of this circumstance, Sir Humphrey, when he ar- rived in Newfoundland, wrote to one of his friends in England, with great resentment and asperity .* On the 30th of July they had sight of land in about 51º of north latitude. From thence they followed the coast to the south, till they came to the island Bacalaos. Continuing the same course southward, they came the same day, being the 3d of August, to the harbour of St. John. He found there several vessels, of different nations, to the amount of thirty-six sail, lying in the harbour and fishing therein. They seemed at first disposed to refuse him an entrance into the har- bour. But Sir Humphrey, after preparing to make good his pas- sage by force of arms, first sent in his boat to inform the masters of those vessels, that he had a commission from the queen to take possession of these lands for the crown of England. They were satisfied, and submitted to the levying a tax of provisions from each ship, for supplying the wants of Sir Humphrey's small squadron.

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The history of Maryland : from its first settlement, in 1633, to the restoration, in 1660 ; with a copious introduction, and notes and illustrations, Part 5

Author: Bozman, John Leeds, 1757-1823 Publication date: 1837 Publisher: Baltimore : J. Lucas & E.K. Deaver Number of Pages: 1062

Author: Bozman, John Leeds, 1757-1823
Publication date: 1837
Publisher: Baltimore : J. Lucas & E.K. Deaver
Number of Pages: 1062