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PUBLIC LIBRARY FORT WAYNE & ALLELI CO., INCL
GENEALOGY COLLECTION
GEN
ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 3 1833 02413 5094
300
Ic. 978
W73
Hamilton
Mobili; ala.
As of Uch. 19, 18982.
-
Gy Justin OCHinsor.
NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMER- ICA. With Bibliographical and Descriptive Essays on its Historical Sources and Authorities. Profusely illus- trated with portraits, maps, facsimiles, etc. Edited by JUSTIN WINSOR, Librarian of Harvard University, with the cooperation of a Committee from the Massachusetts Historical Society, and with the aid of other learned Societies. In eight royal Svo volumes. Each volume, net, $5.50; sheep, net, $6.50 ; half morocco, net, $7.50. (Sold only by subscription for the entire set.)
READER'S HANDBOOK OF THE AMERICAN REV- OLUTION. 16mo, $1.25.
WAS SHAKESPEARE SHAPLEIGH? 16mo, rubri- cated parchment paper, 75 cents.
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, and how he received and imparted the Spirit of Discovery. With portraits and maps. 8vo, gilt top, $4.00.
CARTIER TO FRONTENAC. A Study of Geographical Discovery in the interior of North America, in its his- torical relations, 1534-1700. With full cartographical Illustrations from Contemporary Sources. Svo, gilt top, $4.00.
THE MISSISSIPPI BASIN. The Struggle in America be- tween England and France, 1697-1763. With full car- tographical Illustrations from Contemporary Sources. Svo, gilt top, $4.00.
THE WESTWARD MOVEMENT : The Struggle for the Trans-Allegheny Region, 1763-1797. With full carto- graphical Illustrations from Contemporary Sources. Svo,+$4.00.
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY, BOSTON AND NEW YORK.
The Westward Movement
BRITISH
S
FRENCH
ENGLISH
-H'SM
ANISH
$
UNITED STATES
1763
1798
THE COLONIES AND THE REPUBLIC
WEST OF THE ALLEGHANIES 1763-1798
WITH FULL CARTOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS FROM CONTEMPORARY SOURCES
BY JUSTIN WINSOR
BOSTON AND NEW YORK HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY Che Diverside Press, Cambridge IS97
OR
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Copyright, 1897, BY HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO.
All rights reserved.
The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A. Electrotyped and Printed by II. O. Houghton & Company.
658708
SIR HENRY W. DYKE ACLAND, BART., K. C. B., D. C. L., LL. D., F. R. S.,
HONORARY PHYSICIAN TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS, THE PRINCE OF WALES.
MY DEAR SIR HENRY, - -
When a few days ago at the Bodleian you addressed a party of sixty American librarians, you showed what I have long known, that you have a kind appreciation of my countrymen, with some of whom your friendship has lasted from the time when you accompanied the Prince of Wales to the States in 1860.
. You have since then traversed our land on other visits, during which you have evinced to me your interest in our history, particularly when some years ago we together looked over the ground hallowed by the devotion of Lady Harriet Acland.
I therefore like to connect your name with this book, which is a story of how much of our territorial integrity we owe to British forbearance. when the false-hearted diplomacy of France and Spain would have despoiled us.
Ever your friend. Justin Ouder
GREAT MALVERN, WORCESTERSHIRE,
August 8, 1897.
1
CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
CHAPTER I.
AN INTRODUCTORY SURVEY
1
PAGE
CHAPTER II.
THE PROPERTY LINE, 1763-1764 4 ILLUSTRATIONS : Guy Johnson's Map of the Fort Stanwix Line, 15 ; Hutchins's Map of the Indiana Grant, 17 ; Guy Johnson's Map of the Country of the Six Nations, 18, 19.
CHAPTER III.
LOUISIANA, FLORIDA, AND THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1763-1768 . . 22
ILLUSTRATIONS : Hutchins's Map of the American Bottom, 27; Country of the Southern Indians (1762), 31 ; Evans and Pow- nall's Map of the Northwest, 39.
CHAPTER IV.
THE KENTUCKY REGION, 1767-1774 43
ILLUSTRATIONS : Portrait of Daniel Boone, 45 ; View of Pitts- burg, 51 ; Kitchin's Map of Pennsylvania, 54, 35.
CHAPTER V.
THE QUEBEC BILL AND THE DUNMORE WAR, 1774 63 ILLUSTRATION : Crèvecœur's Map of the Seioto Valley, 67.
CHAPTER VI.
SOUTH OF THE OHIO, 1769-1776
77
ILLUSTRATIONS : Boonesborough Fort, 83; Map of Colonel .\n- drew Williamson's Campaign in the Cherokee Country, 91, 95
vi
CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
CHAPTER VII.
THE FORTUNES OF THE MISSISSIPPI, 1766-1777 . . 101 ILLUSTRATIONS : Portrait of Jonathan Carver, 102 ; Carver's Map of his Proposed Colonies, 105 ; Map of the Vicinity of New Orleans (1778), 109.
CHAPTER VIII.
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK, ARBITER AND SUPPLIANT, 1776-1779 . . 116 ILLUSTRATION : Map of the Rapids of the Ohio, 119.
CHAPTER IX.
THE SINISTER PURPOSES OF FRANCE, 1774-1779 144
CHAPTER X.
A YEAR OF SUSPENSE, 1780 166 ILLUSTRATION : Fortifieations of St. Louis, 172, 173.
CHAPTER XI.
EAST AND WEST, 1781 . . 188 ILLUSTRATION : Map of the Disputed Boundaries of Pennsylvania and Virginia, 197. 1
CHAPTER XII.
PEACE, 1782 .203
ILLUSTRATIONS : Bonne's Map of the Thirteen United States, bounded by the Alleghanies, 211 ; Dunn's Map of the Source of the Mississippi (1776), 214 ; Carver's Map of the Source of the Mississippi, 215.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE INSECURITY OF THE NORTHWEST, 1783-1787 . 225
ILLUSTRATIONS : Imlay's Map of Kentucky, 249; Washington's Sketch of the Potomac Divide, 253 ; Heekewelder's MS. Map of the Muskingum and Cuyahoga Valleys, 255 ; Crèvecom's Map of the Western Country, with the Divisions under Jeffer- son's Ordinanee, 259 ; View of Fort McIntosh, 269.
vii
CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE NORTHWEST OCCUPIED, 1786-1790 . . 280
ILLUSTRATIONS : Map of the Ohio Company's Purchase by Collot, 291 ; View of Fort Harmar, 293; Crèvecœur's Map of the Ohio Country, 294, 295 ; Chart of the Ohio River, 297 ; Crève- cœur's Map of the Mouth of the Muskingum, 300, 301 ; Har- ris's Map of Marietta, 303 ; Collot's View of Marietta, 305 ; View of the Campus Martius, 307 ; Barlow's Map of the Ohio Company's Purchase, 312, 313 ; Sketch of Fitch's Map of the Northwest, 322.
CHAPTER XV.
THE SOUTHWEST INSECURE, 1783-1786 . . 326 ILLUSTRATION : Filson's Map of Kentucky, 332, 333.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE SPANISH QUESTION, 1787-1789 . . 351 ILLUSTRATIONS : Plan of New Madrid, 363; Jedediah Morse's Map of the Northwest, 364, 365.
CHAPTER XVII.
UNCERTAINTIES IN THE SOUTHWEST, 1790 . 375
ILLUSTRATIONS : Morse's Map of Georgia, 377 ; Samuel Lewis's Map of the Alabama Region, 381 ; Country of the Creeks, 383 ; Pond's Map of the Grand Portage, 391 ; Morse's Map of the Northwest Coast, 393.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE CONDITIONS OF 1790 . 398
ILLUSTRATIONS : Portrait of Brissot, 403 ; Ohio Flatboat, 412.
CHAPTER XIX. 115
HARMAR'S AND ST. CLAIR'S CAMPAIGNS, 1790-1791
ILLUSTRATION : Map of Moravian Settlements, 423.
CHAPTER XX.
THE NORTHWEST TRIBES AT LAST DEFEATED, 1792-1794 . . . 131 ILLUSTRATIONS : Map of Pittsburg and Wayne's Camp, 115; View of Niagara River, 449 ; Camp at Greenville, 452.
viii
CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
CHAPTER XXI.
JAY'S TREATY AND THE TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY OF THE NORTH- WEST SECURED, 1794-1796 . . 462
ILLUSTRATIONS : Guthrie's Map of Lake Superior and the Grand Portage, 469 ; Pond's Map of the Source of the Mississippi, 471 ; Lewis's Map of the Genesee Country, 475.
CHAPTER XXII.
WAYNE'S TREATY AND THE NEW NORTHWEST, 1794-1797 . . 485
ILLUSTRATIONS : Grants and Reservations in the Ohio Country, 489 ; Morse's Map of the Northwestern Territory, 492, 493 ; Scott's Northwest Territory, 494, 495 ; Rufus Putnam's Map of Ohio, 496, 497 ; The Genesee Country, 499; The Mohawk and Wood Creek Ronte, 501 ; Map of the Lake Erie Route, 503 ; Scott's Northwest Territory, 505 ; Heckewelder's Map of the Alleghany and Big Beaver Rivers, 507 ; Map of Western Routes, 509 ; Collot's Map of Pittsburg and Wheeling, 510 ; Morse's Map of Pennsylvania, 513.
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE UNREST OF THE SOUTHWEST, 1791-1794 . 515
ILLUSTRATIONS : Map of the Tennessee Government, 5174; The Chickasaw Country, 522 ; Map of Kentucky, 524, 525 ; Bar- ker's Map of Kentucky, 527 ; Toulmin's Map of Kentucky, 529 ; Spanish Map of the Grand Portage, 534, 535; River of the West, 537 ; Map of the Tennessce Region, 545.
1
CHAPTER XXIV.
PINCKNEY'S TREATY AND THE KENTUCKY INTRIGUE, 1795-1796 . . . 548
CHAPTER XXV.
THE UNITED STATES COMPLETED, 1796-1798 . 558
INDEX . . 575
THE WESTWARD MOVEMENT.
CHAPTER I.
AN INTRODUCTORY SURVEY.
THE public and secret treaties of 1763 left France without a foothold on the American main. By the terms of the Peace of Paris, the Bourbon flag fluttered in the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon. The suspicion of what lay beyond these little fishing stations at the entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence had two centuries and a half before prompted the ambition of France to penetrate the continent by the great river of Canada. A century later her pioneers, following that current to its upper sources, had passed on to the Mississippi, which forms the central artery of the continent. Here, a third of the way across the land's broad expanse, and not suspecting the greater dis- tance beyond, France had nurtured the hope of ascending the western affluents of that parent stream, till she had com- passed, with her survey and jurisdiction, a greater France, stretching from the Alleghanies to the South Sea. This expec- tation had been dashed. Where she had counted upon seeing her royal standard shadowing soil and native alike, her flag was now seen drooping at a few posts beyond the Mississippi, and awaiting the demands of Spain to lower it.
During the period which followed the Treaty of Ryswick (1697), a scheme had often been broached among the English. but had never prospered, which looked to thwarting the policy of France in the Great Valley. This was to unite England and Spain in a movement to drive the French from the continent. and divide the northern parts of the New World between their respective crowns. This conjunction had now come to pass, but not by any such international pact.
2
AN INTRODUCTORY SURVEY.
In the same treaty of 1763, Great Britain had acknowledged a limit to the western extension of her seaboard colonies by accepting the Mississippi River as a boundary of her American possessions. The Atlantic colonies, with their impracticable sea-to-sea charters, took no exception to such a reasonable cur- tailment of their western limits ; but when the king's proclama- tion followed, and the colonies found themselves confined to the seaward slope of the Appalachians, their western extension made crown territory to be given over to the uses of the Indians, and all attempts to occupy it forbidden, - there were signs of discontent which were easily linked with the resentment that defeated the Stamp Act. So the demand for a western existence was a part of the first pulsation of resistance to the mother country, and harbingered the American Revolution.
To keep the opposition, which had thus been raised, within bounds, and once more to apply a territorial check, the Quebec bill, in 1774, afforded one of the weighty charges, colored with current political rancor, which made up the Declaration of In- dependence. Britain had always denied that New France could cut athwart her colonial charters by any natural, geographical definition and extend to the Ohio and Mississippi; but in the Quebec bill it served her purpose to assume that Canada had of right that convenient extension.
In the war which ensued, Virginia took the lead which she liad always taken in respect to this western region, and her expedition under George Rogers Clark rendered it easier for the American commissioners, who negotiated the treaty of 1782, to include this ample domain within the American union. In doing this they loyally defeated the intrigues of all the other parties to the general treaty, - France, whom in the earlier war,' with England's help, the colonies had overcome ; England, from whom, with French assistance, they had gained their inde- pendence ; and Spain, whose insidious and vacillating policy they were yet further and successfully to combat. Each of these powers had hoped to curtail the ambition of the young Republic. Vergennes had succeeded in crippling England, but he feared the stalwart figure of the young nation born of Eng- land's misfortune. He was ready, if he could, to use England in her new complacency to cripple the youthful America.
The treaty of Independence was not so effective but that
3
AN INTRODUCTORY SURVEY.
there soon followed other efforts to prevent for a while the rounding out of the Republic to its legitimate bounds. Eng- land, on the side of Canada, and Spain, on the side of Louisiana, sought to regain something they had lost. The retention by Great Britain of the lake posts, including as they hoped the lake front, though with some show of right, was disgraced by base intrigues with Kentucky. All her schemes were brought to an end by Jay in the treaty of 1794. The occupation of the eastern bank of the Mississippi from the Yazoo country, southward, by Spain, and the plotting of Miró with Wilkinson and his associates to establish a Spanish protectorate south of the Ohio, were defeated at last by the treaty of San Lorenzo in 1795.
Adding the time which was necessary to carry out these treaties, it is now an even hundred years since the title of the United States to this vast region lying between the Appala- chians, the Great Lakes, and the Mississippi was unmistakably confirmed. For more than thirty years after the peace of 1763, the colonies and the Republic struggled to maintain the Ameri- can spirit on this eastern-central area of the continent. Inde- pendence achieved, for twelve or fifteen years the United States strove to round out its territorial promise. The history of this western region during all these years was constantly moulded by its geography, and it is the purpose of the present volume to show the ever varying aspects of this struggle.
To establish what was called the Property Line was the first signal step taken in behalf of the seaboard to assert a right to enter upon this territory, and to that initiatory measure we devote the opening of the story.
CHAPTER II.
THE PROPERTY LINE.
1763-1764.
Two years before the Treaty of Paris (1763), James Otis had argued in Boston against issuing Writs of Assistance to detect evasions of the revenue. A service of law, which in England had been constantly accepted, aroused in an unwilling people a rebellious spirit. How to restrain this threatening impulse was already a serious question ; and there was regret with some that Canada had not been left at the peace in French hands, to remain a menace to the colonies, and hold them dependent on England's protection.
The existence of this recalcitrant temper had been often cited in the arguments of those who preferred Guadaloupe to Canada in the settling the account with France. Lookers-on in the colonies, like Kalm, had perceived the force of this view. Choiseul saw it, and predicted the fatal outcome of England's final choice. Vergennes, chagrined at the drop in political influence which France had experienced, welcomed this hope of disaster to an ancient rival of France, which her sacrifice of Canada might produce.
Colden and others in the colonies were conscious that the loyal subjects of England must face new hazards when the British flag was hoisted at Quebec. This New Yorker repre- sented to the Board of Trade in London that New England was the nursery of this threatening passion, and that it was neces- sary, if her republican hopes were to be chilled, to curtail the Yankees' bounds by extending New York to the Connecticut River. In September, 1764, word reached Albany that the king in council had stretched the jurisdiction of New York over what is now known as Vermont. Francis Bernard went farther. He not only urged this extension to the Connecticut, but he wished that the boundaries of the rest of New England should
C.
THE FRENCH AND INDIAN.
be redistributed, in a sort of gerrymandering way, so as to insure a government majority in every part, and during 1766 and 1767 he was in close correspondence with the home govern- ment on this point.
Murray, who had been appointed governor at Quebec in October, 1763, did not reach his post till August of the next year. It was not long before he was making reports to the home government which were startling on two points. One was that the British then in Canada " were the meanest and most immoral people he ever saw, while the [French] Canadians were frugal, industrious, and moral, and had become reconciled to the English rule." The report also anticipated the action which, ten years later, the daring of the seaboard colonies forced the English ministry to take in the Quebec bill. Murray's proposition was to annex the region lying beyond the Allegha- nies to Canada, as a means of overawing the older colonies. The gentleness of Murray with the Canadians was in rather painful contrast with Gage's plan of using them against the Indians. He advised Bradstreet (May 3, 1764) "to employ them in every service that can render them the most obnoxious to the Indians. Whatever is to be done most disagreeable to the Indians, let the Canadians have a large share in it. This will convince them, if anything will, how vain their hopes are of success from that quarter." If this policy was inspired by the home government, as well as another policy which was aimed at the repression of the natural subjects of the crown. one could well have predicted the later alliance of 1778.
A recent historian, in his Expansion of England, speaks of the prevalence in the mother country at this time of a " not unnatural bitterness," which accompanied the fear that Britain had enabled her colonies to do without her. Seeley once again, writing of the century of English history from Louis XIV. to Napoleon, advises the English reader to recognize the fact that his country's real history during this interval was in the New World, where England successively fought France and her own colonies, in the effort to sustain her power. With this in mind, the student of British rule would not find, he adds, "that century of English history so uninteresting."
The fall of New France had prodneed sharp effects upon the
6
THE PROPERTY LINE.
relations of America and England. The war had increased the British debt by £350,000,000. The rights of the mother coun- try, which affected the commerce and industry of her colonies, were at this time both brutal and mercenary. Viscount Bury says : "It may fairly be stated that the advantage reaped by a few shipowners from the operation of the navigation laws was purchased by an actual money expenditure of more than £200,000,000, in less than half a century." England was con- tent to let the American pioneers break out the paths for a newer and perhaps greater Britain ; but it was her policy first of all to make these plodders of the wilderness pay tribute to the stay-at-home merchant. That such injustice was according to law and precedent did not meet the questions which the Americans raised, - questions such as are constantly needing adjustment to newer environments.
The population in the seaboard colonies was doubling, as Franklin computed, in twenty-five years. The bonds of inter- colonial sympathies were strengthening, and the designations of New Englander and Virginian were beginning to give place to American. With these conditions among the colonists, it was not unnatural that a proposition of the ministry to tax them on a system repellent to colonial views created distrust. A period of doubt is always one of rumors. Bernard's plea for readjust- ing the New England bounds made John Adams and others suspect that the British government intended to revoke the colonial charters and make the colonies royal provinces. The terms of the royal proclamation of 1763, which Gage received in New York on November 30, indicated, as already said, that under the new dispensation the westward extension of the colonies' bounds would be curtailed by the mountains, and the spaces of the Great Valley would be confirmed to savagery. There were further symptoms of this in the movement now going on in Pennsylvania to induce the king to recompense its proprietary and make it a royal domain. The king might indeed be preferable to a stubborn master.
If the heady motions of the ministry were without taet, there was some warrant for its belief that the colonies, despite acts of trade and navigation, were prosperous enough to share the burdens of the mother country. Maryland and Virginia were dispatching large shipments of wheat to England. Philadel-
7
THE PROCLAMATION OF 1763.
phia alone, the readiest port for shipping such products as came over the mountains, was now sending abroad four hundred ves- sels annually carrying exports to the value of £700,000. New England built and sent across the sea for sale fifty ships a year.
If such things indicated to the government a source of reve- nue, it was beginning to warn some observers that the colonies had it quite within their power to sustain a practical autonomy. When, in 1762, the ministry secured an uncompromising adher- ent in making William Franklin the governor of New Jersey, the act had no such effect upon his father, and it was not long before Benjamin Franklin was warning the ministry that " griev- ous tyranny and oppression " might drive his compatriots to revolt. The colonies had indeed struggled on, in facing the French, without cohesion ; but injustice - and it mattered little whether it was real or imagined - was yet to bind them together, as the dangers of a common foe had never done.
The immediate struggle over the Stamp Act, which was closed by its repeal in 1766, produced for a time at least that political quiet which induces enterprise. The attention of the pioneers was again drawn to the western movement, and the hu- mane spirit once again dwelt on the prohibition which the luckless proclamation of 1763 had put upon the ardent pioneer. Bouquet, falling in with the views of the ministry, was now urg- ing that all grants west of the mountains should be annulled. This would include the abolishment of the Ohio Company, and would very closely affect the Virginia gentlemen.
It was also Bouquet's opinion that the policing of this west- ern wilderness and the enforcement of the proclamation should be intrusted to the military. There was need of it. Since Governor Penn in June, 1765, had again opened the Indian trade by proclamation, the packmen had crossed the moun- tains, and a following of vagabonds was occasionally provoking the Indians to retaliate for the wrongs which were done them. Thus occasional scenes of devastation on the frontiers of Penn- sylvania and Virginia were calling for mutual explanations between the white and the red man : still the great body of the Indians had, since the close of Pontiae's war. ceased their havoc. The trouble was mainly with the whites. " I am really vexed." wrote Gage to Johnson (May 5, 1766), " at the behavior of the lawless banditti upon the borders ; and what aggravates the
8
THE PROPERTY LINE.
more is the difficulty to bring them to punishment." There was a limit to the Indian forbearance, but there were ten years yet to pass before the warwhoops of the Dunmore turmoil awoke the echoes of the Ohio woods.
During this interval the main dispute of the frontiers, be- tween the home government and the natives, was how to protect the hunting-grounds of the tribes and at the same time give some seope to the ambition of the pioneer. Sir William John- son, as Indian agent, had faced hard problems before ; but he never had a more difficult question than that which now con- fronted him. The French had indeed publiely withdrawn from the situation, but he could not divest himself of the belief that they were still exerting a clandestine influence, which was more difficult to deal with. A part of this influence lay in the ex- perienees of the Indians with the French. "When I was in Canada," said Gage, "I could not find that the French had ever purchased land of the Indians, -only settled amongst them by permission and desire." Again he writes to Johnson, " We are plagued everywhere about lands. The French had never any dispute with the Indians about them, though they never purchased a single acre ; and I believe the Indians have made difficulty with us because we have gone on a different plan."
Things had now come to such a pass on the frontier that Johnson saw the necessity of establishing some definite line of separation between the colonies and their Indian neighbors, and of maintaining it. When a savage said to him that the Eng- lish always stole the Indian lands by the rum bottle, Johnson knew well all that it implied. With a purpose on each side, the one to sell and the other to buy, and with liquor as the barter- ing medium, nothing eould shield the Indian from wrong. In order to make a beginning in the interests of right and to pro- mote peace, Johnson dispatched George Croghan to England to sound the government on the project of such a line ; and while Croghan was there Johnson instrueted him to memorial- ize the Board of Trade about the desirability of seeuring land south of the Ohio to satisfy the demands of the Ohio Company, and the claims of the soldiers enlisted by Dinwiddie in 1754, under a promise of land. Preliminary to this, and for the pur- pose of bringing the Indians to terms of mutual confidence
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