Mississippi : comprising sketches of towns, events, institutions, and persons, arranged in cyclopedic form Vol. I, Part 10

Author: Rowland, Dunbar, 1864-1937, ed
Publication date: 1907
Publisher: Atlanta, Southern Historical Publishing Association
Number of Pages: 1030

USA > Mississippi > Mississippi : comprising sketches of towns, events, institutions, and persons, arranged in cyclopedic form Vol. I > Part 10

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men," urging on "a war of races for political purposes ;" that "the insurrection has its sympathizers and supporters in other parts of the State. They have deliberately and knowingly entered upon this work of revolution, with a purpose co-extensive with the limits of the State. It is insurrection in its fullest sense." He said it threatened to deprive the colored people of their rights, and re- mand them to "as unfortunate a condition as they have ever known," or drive them forth as wanderers. This was an intensely partisan statement, made for the purpose of bringing about Fed- eral aid of a most vicious government of ignorant negroes and corrupt "carpet baggers." The majority of the legislature adopted resolutions according to the governor's suggestion and asked the interference of the United States army. Forty-six members pub- lished an appeal to the people of the United States, asserting that the majority sought to introduce martial law for partisan pur- poses. "The people of Mississippi are utterly powerless to defend

themselves against their constituted rulers," they said, "unless we shall have the sympathy and general good will, not of any par- ticular party, but of our fellow-citizens throughout the Union. We are too much concerned here to save ourselves from local mis- government and oppression to participate in any partisan contests which agitate other parts of the Union. We do not deny that there are occasional disorders in our midst, but we solemnly aver that in no part of the world and in no age have there been so few under oppressions so severe and under circumstances of injustice, wrong and insult so irritating and trying."

Before the adjournment Senator Charles E. Furlong, a Repub- lican, of Vickburg, made a notable speech which was circulated over the State, charging that the source of the Vicksburg trouble was at the State capitol. He declared that Governor Ames had ruined the Republican party in Mississippi, and that he was re- sponsible for the existence of such corrupt and larcenous combina- tions as the public printing ring, which, he said, kept one of its partners as a clerk in the State treasurer's office, that a lot of State warrants might be kept afloat to be discounted and redis- counted for their profit. Among other things he said the general elections each year cost the people at the lowest estimate $100,- 000, "and at least one-half of this sum is to pay for the idle and ridiculous ceremony of allowing worthless local politicians and, in many instances, some lazy and worthless vagabond and ballot- box stuffer, to administer to every voter an unheeded and unneces- sary oath, and then write the amazed and bewildered voter's

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name-for not one-half of them can write-on a list kept for that purpose. . Thousands of nameless frauds are successfully practiced by one party or another in the preparation of these lists. And yet, its preparation and enforcement costs at every election vastly more than the election itself. The annual and semi-annual sessions of the legislature tended to evil. "It has flooded the State with corrupt rings and combinations, some of them composed of men of extremely opposite antecedents and pre- tensions in politics, and all of them tending, if not designed, to rifle and sack the public coffers, swindle the State of her public domain, impoverish the property holders and laboring classes and corrupt and demoralize the people."

"The bitter humiliation of negro domination was borne with fortitude. Under such conditions property was insecure. There was open and notorious plunder without the hope of redress. Ig- norance, crime and hatred enthralled the white people. No such evil had ever before been put upon a suffering section. It seemed as if the wheels of civilization had been turned back a thousand years. Ignorant and vicious negroes filled the most important positions of honor and trust. They became county officers, mem- bers of the legislature, state officers, members of Congress and United States senators." (Dunbar Rowland in "A Mississippi View of Race Relations.")

In the January session which soon followed, while the people were agitated by General Sheridan's "banditti" despatches, reso- lutions were adopted in approval of Sheridan's policy, there was an attempt to gerrymander Lamar's congressional district to give it a black majority, to give Warren county a "metropolitan po- lice" or negro constabulary, under the direct orders of the gover- nor; and by act of February 25 all existing militia organizations were wiped out, and the governor given absolute powers, espe- cially to organize not less than two regiments and purchase four Gattling guns for their use. "The enactment of this law was viewed with great disgust and indignation. It was regarded as a step taken in. the precipitation of a conflict between the races for political purposes." (Mayes' Lamar, 239) Following the Tax- payers' convention of 1874, and the effective political movement that followed, the legislature of 1875, in which there was a goodly representation of the opposition, adopted a number of reforms. The payment of jury and witness fees and inquest fees by the State was abolishhed, and thrown upon the counties. To permit the redemption of lands all taxes on forfeited lands were abated

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up to the levy of 1874. Delinquent personal taxes were likewise abated. A privilege tax system was created. Salaries were re- duced to $4,500 for the governor, $4,000 for supreme judges, $2,500 for the department officers, etc. County and court officers were required to furnish their own stationery, except for records. Tax assessors' commissions were regulated. County taxes in ex- cess of $20 on the thousand of valuation were prohibited. The minimum for liquor license was made $200. A tax was imposed on the railroads, for the first time in the history of the State (by a legislature) of $75 a mile. The printing expenses were cut down by reducing the publication of the legislative journals from 1,000 to 400 and eliminating the department reports. County warrants were ordered registered for payment in order of date and in some counties funding the warrants by bonds was authorized. A new fee bill was adopted. The free scholarships in the universities were abolished. The publication of proceedings of county boards, which had caused great local expense, was abolished.

The State tax rate, which had been increased to 14 mills on the dollar for 1874, was reduced to 914 mills. Governor Ames re- ported in January, 1875, that progress had been made toward a sound financial system. In place of an excess of disbursements over receipts of $950,000 in 1873, there was a balance of receipts over expenditures for 1874, of $49,000, and a similar balance of $400,000 was estimated for 1875. The tax for the support of the State government was then about $1.30 per inhabitant; the State indebtedness of half a million (outside of school funds) could be paid in two or three years, and a further reduction made. The ex- penses of the State government in 1875 had been $618,259; be- sides there had been an expenditure for the universities, normal schools and interest of Chickasaw fund, of $136,886. Bonds had been paid to the amount of $250,000; there had been improvements on State buildings, $56,000. The indebtedness to the school funds amounted to $1,530,000. Among the stories concerning General Ames was one that he came to Mississippi in the interest of the holders of the old repudiated bonds of the State, and that his father-in-law, Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, held $8,000,000 of these bonds. An amendment to the constitution, prohibiting their pay- ment, was proposed and adopted in 1875, also amendments per- mitting a reduction of the chancery court system, and providing for annual distribution of the school fund revenues. The year 1875 showed receipts in the treasury of $1,801,000, including $233,000 common school fund. The expenditures were $1,000,000 and more

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for current expenses, including education, and $424,864 for re- demption and interest on State bonds and certificates, making a total of $1,430,000. The judiciary expense had been reduced to $230,000; the legislature cost $118,000; the schools and colleges re- ceived about $250,000; the public printing cost $50,000; the Luna- tic asylum $97,000, the penitentiary $66,000. Taxes were consid- erably reduced toward the close of Ames' administration. Thomas Dabney wrote, November 24, 1875: "I had to fork over only $375. . Last year it took over $800, and the year before - more than that." (A Southern Planter, Susan D. Smedes)

The local elections of 1874 gave the Democrat-Whig coalition control of an increased number of counties, and a gain in the legis- lature. Thus encouraged, the Democratic members of the legisla- ture caucussed March 3, 1875, and appointed a State committee of 42, with Col. John M. Stone as chairman. County organizations were effected. In Bolivar, for instance, a meeting to organize a "tax-payers party," was attended by ex-Governor Clark, Col. Green Clay, Colonel Strother, F. A. Montgomery and others. "Nearly every member of this little meeting had belonged to the old Whig party, but willingly called themselves Democrats, for that party alone promised at that time in the North any relief from the in- tolerable evils under which the South was then groaning. . It is this which united the Whigs and Democrats of the State and kept them united." (Reminiscences of Montgomery.) The negro vote in Bolivar was about 4,000, the white vote about 300, but the majority wrangled about the offices, and in a free election, Colonel Clay, aided in the canvass by Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky, for- merly a famous abolitionist, was elected to the legislature. White men's clubs had been organized, as early as 1874, one of which de- clared that the "close clanship on the part of the negroes at the ballot box," was responsible for the prevalence of dishonesty and incompetency in official life. The election of a mayor at Vicks- burg in 1874 was effected by drawing the color line. Some news- papers in 1875 warmly advocated the formation of a white man's party ; others, the majority, opposed the project, the Jackson Clarion saying it would be contrary to the Democratic platform of 1872; that the negroes were not altogether to blame for their conduct, but the whites were also at fault by their mistakes of 1865 and 1867; that the adoption of the white-line policy would be a stultification of the whites themselves, because it would be the unsaying of all that they had most insisted upon for years in re- spect to the proper relations between the races in the field of poli-

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tics. Albert G. Brown opposed the white-line movement; was glad the Vicksburg people succeeded, "and shall be rejoiced if they shall use their power so as to convince the negro that his rights are safe in the hands of honest Southern white men." The news- paper discussion was quite animated, one side saying that the op- ponents of the movement were promoting a war of the races, and others denying that any sane intelligent man could expect any good from drawing the color line in politics. Congressman Lamar put himself in opposition. (Mayes' Lamar, 240-52) The county delegates met in State convention August 3, presided over by ex- Governor Charles Clark, as representative of "the Democratic and Conservative people of the State," and after an address by Colonel Lamar, adopted a platform which began, "We recognize and will maintain the civil and political equality of all men as established by the constitution of the United States and the amendments thereto," and closed with a cordial invitation to "the voters of all the people of both races to unite vigorously with us in the ap- proaching canvass." The platform declared "in favor of the edu- cation of all the children of the State in public schools sustained by adequate taxation," but opposed extravagant and partisan ad- ministration of the schools; favored the selection of honest, faithful and competent officials, economy in the administration, abolition of useless offices, reduction of fees and salaries, strict accountabil- ity of custodians of public money, biennial sessions of the legisla- ture and a reduction of its expenses, an able and competent judi- ciary free from partisanship, the discontinuance of special and local legislation, encouragement of agriculture and manufactures, ac- tion by the general government in aid of the Mississippi levees, and denounced "the building up of partisan newspapers by legis- lation, the arming of the militia in time of peace, the unconstitu- tional attempt to take from the people the election of tax collec- tors, the attempted passage of the metropolitan police bill, the attempted corruption of the judiciary by the use of executive patronage." William L. Heminway was nominated for State treasurer, a congressional ticket was selected and local tickets were put up in the counties, including members of the legislature, for which the main fight was made. Gen. J. Z. George, afterward rec- ognized as one of the greatest men in Mississippi history, was called to the management of the campaign.

The Republican organization held its convention, nominating George M. Buchanan for treasurer, but it was weakened by the defection of many white men, even among the "carpet baggers."

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Ames had Alcorn for an enemy to begin with, and some who had been his enthusiastic friends at inauguration became enemies, os- tensibly on the ground of his yielding to the worst element about him. Senator Pease was the leader of the opposition, which in- cluded Wells, the United States district attorney, Judge Stearns, Attorney-Generals Harris and Morris. Through their negotia- tions, the governor lost influence at Washington. He said himself that the whole delegation in Congress from Mississippi was hos- tile to him. The negro lieutenant-governor was, of course, jealous of him, and this had its influence on the colored element. Both parties made it, as far as both could, a sort of military campaign, as had been the Northern campaign of 1868. The Democrats had marching clubs, many of them armed with rifles and some with cannon for firing salutes. In one county $4,000 was spent for arms. The intensity of this feature increased toward the close of the campaign. The Republican leaders also enrolled their voters in clubs, but there were practically no voters now but the negroes to be depended upon for the Ames ticket, and such attempts as were made to arm the negroes increased the prospect of a solid white support of the Democrat ticket. Monster open air meet- ings were held, barbecues scented the air with appetizing flavors everywhere, and the attention of the whole United States was at- tracted to Mississippi as the scene of the one active political strug- gle of that year. The Democrats made an earnest effort to secure the negro vote. The military organizations had their effect; a sort of "boycott" found its popular motto in the declaration of Col- onel Reynolds, that "Whoever eats the white man's bread must vote with the white man or refrain from voting at all." Many of the negroes were, like Revels, willing to accept the argument that the majority of the white officials in the State were not represen- tative Republicans and it was the duty of good Republicans to turn them out. Revels said, "The great mass of the white people have abandoned their hostility to the general government and Re- publican principle, and today accept as a fact that all men are born free and equal, and I believe are ready to guarantee to my people every right and privilege guaranteed to an American citi- zen." Consequently he judged it was better to support the Demo- cratic ticket than remain under the control of those who had betrayed the Republican principles and "forced into silence and retirement nearly all of the leading Republicans who organized and have heretofore led the party to victory." (Letter to Grant, 1875)

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July 27 the charges of incompetence against the legislature had confirmation in the meeting of an extra session to amend certain blunders in the registration law adopted in the spring. It was inevitable that there should be many acts of violence in such a campaign, with the race line drawn. After the Vicksburg dis- turbances, of December, 1874, a company of soldiers, detailed by Sheridan, carried out Governor Ames' demand for the suppression of the Vicksburg government. Another riot occurred at Vicks- burg July 4, 1875, in which several negroes were killed. At Yazoo City, September 1, when A. T. Morgan, the Republican "carpet bagger" leader, and sheriff, was addressing a meeting, a disturb- ance was raised which resulted in the killing of one white man and three negroes. The rumor of negro insurrection spread, the white men organized in armed companies, and great excitement prevailed. Morgan, fleeing to Jackson, was offered three hundred colored militia by Governor Ames to restore order, but Morgan wisely declined. That Ames should make such an offer further alienated the support of white friends. When the people of Ya- zoo county heard rumors of the marching of militia, "about 800 men, citizens of the county, many of them ex-Confederate sol- diers, well-armed with Winchester rifles, with a full supply of cartridges," went out to guard the crossings of the Big Black. (Robert Bowman, Publ. Miss. Hist. Soc. VII, 129) In Coahoma county, one negro official from Oberlin, Ohio, had been proven a defaulter, another was nominated for county clerk, against the op- position of the Alcorn party, and its members held an indignation meeting. The sheriff called a meeting to favor the nomination, and when the negroes on the plantations organized to come in a body to his support, a report that they intended to sack the town of Friar's Point persuaded General Alcorn and General Chalmers to lead a white force to meet them. There was a skirmish in which two white men and six negroes were killed. At Rolling Fork, in Issaquena county, there was a similar collision, arising from a fight between a white and colored man. Six were killed in this "battle," in which also, defense of the town was the reason for action. The Clinton Riot (q. v.) was the most serious. Three days after this the governor proclaimed that military companies had been formed without authority of law in various parts of the State, which moved from point to point in support of each other and had overthrown civil government in Yazoo county, defied it in Hinds and created a panic in Warren. He commanded them to disband, and all good citizens were exhorted to assist in the main-

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tenance of peace and lawful government. There was immediate response, from various parts of the State, offering white com- panies ; but the governor had put himself in the impossible atti- tude of regarding the blacks as the only people upon whom his administration could depend. Jackson was crowded by negroes, and the white citizens stationed an armed guard at the capitol where the State arms were stored. In his message of January, 1876, the governor said "The State was without a militia or con- stabulary force." The reason for this condition was the attempt of his administration to create a negro militia.

In this emergency Ames appealed to President Grant, tele- graphing September 8 that "domestic violence in its most aggra- vated form prevails in various parts of the State beyond the power of the authorities to suppress." Chairman George immediately denied this and recited the offers of assistance to the governor. The United States attorney-general wrote to the governor, on the 14th, that the general public was tired of the regular autumnal disturbances in the South, but promised constitutional support of the State government against "domestic violence," when the gover- nor had convened the legislature or called out the militia and made use of the resources of the State. General Grant took the position that Governor Ames "might accept the assistance offered by the cit- izens of Jackson and elsewhere ;" troops then in Mississippi might be sent to Jackson to assure him against betrayal; and when the State resources were exhausted he would issue a proclamation, and "I shall instruct the commander of the force to have no child's play." In face of this proposed reality, Ames shrank back. Sen- ator Pease and Representative McKee supported the president's plan of non-interference on the showing made, and some of the negro politicians were of like mind. The governor made an effort to organize a State militia. The legislature had authorized two regiments and appropriated $60,000 for that purpose in the spring, Gatling guns to be included in the armament. Ames ordered purchases of arms and supplies under this act, and asked for United States troops at Yazoo and Jackson. General George ad- vised his people to organize white companies for these regiments, and though it was charged that obstacles were put in their way by the governor, seven such companies were formed in Hinds county and two negro companies. One of the negro companies, under the command of Caldwell, a negro senator, successfully escorted several wagon loads of ammunition from Jackson to Ed- wards Station to arm negro companies there. An attack upon

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them after they had paraded the streets of Clinton was prevented by the Democratic managers. A similar shipment of arms by boat from Greenville to Vicksburg was seized by the white or- ganizations. The organization was going on, throughout the State, when the Democratic committee secured from Chief Justice Peyton an injunction restraining the auditor from issuing any warrants against the appropriation on the ground that no State may keep troops in times of peace, when there was no obstruction to the - execution of the laws or insurrection to suppress.

The United States government aided the preservation of peace also by sending a special agent of the department of justice, C. K. Chase, who made his home with Governor Ames, and in a quiet way was of great value to the State.

A crisis was feared in October as the result of an anonymous call for a meeting of citizens of the group of central counties, at Jackson, which was said to be to demand the disbanding of the militia, or war on the governor. The governor's proposition to arm a company in De Soto and send Morgan back to Yazoo with negro troops, were yet pending. His enemies recognized in the governor "a man of high courage and intelligence. His status was that of a gentleman." It was suggested to General George that the governor would welcome an opportunity of relief, with- out loss of prestige, from the extraordinary position of pressing a conflict of the races. Before the day set for the convention Chancellor Harvey R. Ware carried a message from George to Ames, proposing an adjustment for keeping the peace and dis- banding the negro militia. An invitation from the governor fol- lowed, and a conference was held at the executive mansion on the morning of October 15, 1875, before the time set for the meet- ing of the convention on the same day. General George was ac- companied by Frank Johnston (who had proposed to George this method of arrangement), Joshua Green, W. L. Nugent, T. J. Wharton, John W. Robinson, H. Hilzheim, E. Richardson, R. L. Saunders, J. C. Rietti, David Shelton, and Gen. Robert Lowry. Chase, who was credited by Ames with originating this plan of adjustment, was a silent witness. General George presented the grievances, and was promptly and frankly met by assurances from the governor. He would not disband the militia, but he would disarm them and send them to their homes, and it was agreed that the State arms should be entrusted to Major Allen, commanding a battalion of the United States cavalry at Jackson. The convention that assembled the same day was inclined to be pugnacious. Many

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of them carried side-arms openly, and they had a sort of military organization. There was at first a stormy response to George's announcement of the promise by the governor and the pledge that peace and order would be preserved, but the general carried the arrangement through with a firm hand. (Frank Johnson, Miss. Publ., VI. 72). From Washington the governor was advised of approval and gratification that a new situation was created: "You will be advised of the preparations made to aid you in case the opposition violated their honor and break their faith."

In his message of January, 1876, the governor wrote: "To avoid threatened deeds of resistance and violence to State author- ity, as well as towards county officials and individuals, and the possible consequences, a committee of prominent citizens, power- ful in controlling one of the political organizations of the State, gave their pledges that they would 'do all in their power to pre- serve peace and good order, and secure a fair election.' As to their power to preserve peace and good order and secure a fair election I did not entertain a doubt."

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Mississippi : comprising sketches of towns, events, institutions, and persons, arranged in cyclopedic form Vol. I, Part 10

Author: Rowland, Dunbar, 1864-1937, ed Publication date: 1907 Publisher: Atlanta, Southern Historical Publishing Association Number of Pages: 1030

Author: Rowland, Dunbar, 1864-1937, ed
Publication date: 1907
Publisher: Atlanta, Southern Historical Publishing Association
Number of Pages: 1030