USA > Mississippi > Mississippi : comprising sketches of towns, events, institutions, and persons, arranged in cyclopedic form Vol. I > Part 69
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oso sent a reply by his secretary, Vidal, acknowledging the receipt of the note, but ignoring the request, which Ellicott at once took up verbally through messengers, and found that Gayoso was of- fended at being "surprised," suggesting that the Americans should have waited to give him time to arrange a reception. But a meet- ing was arranged, on the 25th, at which, after some discussion, Gayoso promised the survey should begin March 19. Feb. 27 El- licott wrote to Carondelet, at New Orleans, notifying him of his presence and business. Meanwhile Ellicott, through his friends Col. Peter Bryan Bruin and Philip Nolan, had been getting infor- mation. He learned of the declarations of Carondelet some months before, that the treaty would not be carried into effect; that he as principal commissioner, would delay the beginning of the survey, on one pretext or another; also that Gayoso had written a letter in June, 1796, to the same effect, and that the country either was or would be ceded to France. "The dispositions of the inhabi- tants were sounded, also by Ellicott's friends, and a large majority appeared in favor of becoming citizens of the United States."
Consequently Ellicott instructed his commissary, Mr. Ander- son, to collect ammunition among the friends of the United States, and all of the party, exclusive of the military escort, consisting of about 30 woodsmen and generally armed with rifles, went into camp on the top of a hill, "at the upper end of the town about a quarter mile from the fort, and on the 29th hoisted the flag of the United States." About two hours later Gayoso sent word that the flag must be taken down, to which Ellicott gave positive re- fusal, "and the flag wore out on the staff," no attempt being made to molest it, though there were several alarms about parties being formed to cut it down. In this camp, in a tent, Ellicott arranged his apparatus and began his observations to determine the latitude of Natchez, and soon found he was 39 miles north of the boundary line to be run. At the same time he gathered about him a few of those he regarded as the "best informed, intelligent and independent gentlemen of the district," for advice and assistance, and deter- mined to remain at Natchez, the point named in the treaty for the meeting of the commissioners, so that there could be no danger of complications by his absence, and there would always be a rally- ing point for the inhabitants friendly to the United States, if there should be open hostilities between Spain and the United States. A man he frequently met was William Dunbar, "whose talents, extensive information and scientific acquirements would give him a distinguished rank in any place or in any country."
One of the most enthusiastic friends of the United States was Thomas Green, who had already suffered much for his assertive Americanism. He promptly offered to organize a hundred volun- teers to take the Spanish fort, and such offers were more general, says Ellicott, than could have been reasonably expected. On the basis of Gayoso's complaints about Green, Yrujo wrote to Picker- ing :
"Ellicott, adding impudence to imprudence, and with a pre-
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text which a quarrel between some drunken Chickasaws and the people of his company afforded him, not only violated a territory then Spanish, by desiring to excite the inhabitants by all imagin- able means, but also carried his zeal so far as to attempt to get possession of the fort of the Natchez by surprise. Governor Gay- oso says he has in his power documents which prove evidently the intention of this attempt." This is the Spanish diplomatic perversion of the facts.
One of the most forceful individuals in the district was An- thony Hutchins, a man of about eighty years of age, brother of the late geographer-general of the United States. He had been restored to some favor with the Spanish since the Revolt of 1781, and was at this time associated with British commercial interests and was drawing half-pay as a major with the rank of lieutenant- colonel in the British military establishment, because of his serv- ices against the United States (as represented by James Willing) in 1778. What is perhaps more significant, he was interested in the validity of the British grants of lands, which had been declared forfeited and regranted by the Spanish. George Rapalji, also of the British military establishment, was a man of influence and ability. Within a month after Ellicott's arrival, an American of- ficial arrived on mysterious business, apparently for the promotion of the "Blount conspiracy" (q. v.) for the British-American con- quest of Natchez and New Orleans. After his departure, Col. Hutchins proposed to Ellicott a scheme to capture Gayoso and run him into the Chickasaw country.
Nolan proceeded to New Orleans soon. He had delivered Gayoso, secretly, a cipher letter from Wilkinson, and a warm rec- ommendation of himself as loyal to the Spanish, but Gayoso was suspicious of him, and later, when trouble grew, wrote to Caronde- let to hold him at New Orleans. "He will take an active part against us ; he is popular and enterprising ; secure him." (Wilkin- son Memoirs). Nolan had great business on this trip, nothing less than a survey of Mexico with a view of its conquest by Wil- kinson, as Burr afterward proposed, and he took lessons from Elli- cott to aid him in making a correct map.
There was a camp of Indians near at hand, and they made such menaces toward the Ellicott party that suspicion was aroused that the Spanish would use their red allies to frighten the Amer- icans sufficiently to make their task appear impracticable. Ellicott, however, without suggesting such a thought, turned this play into an argument for bringing up his military escort. But he did not neglect to inform his government of his fears regarding the In- dians (Amer. State Pp. II, 93), and a little later this suspicion was confirmed by the reports of Gen. Wilkinson, Secretary Sargent in Ohio, and Col. Hamtramck at Detroit. They said the French and Spaniards had emissaries among the Indians; "a large belt from the Spaniards is now travelling through the different nations ; a large party of Delawares went down White river about the 6th of May, on their way to the Spanish side, bearing the national flag
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of Spain, sent them from St. Louis." Captain Guion's report from Chickasaw Bluffs, in July, told of continued effort to turn the In- dians against the United States.
Ellicott was courteously pressed to visit New Orleans and en- joy the hospitality of Gov. Carondelet. He had a standing invita- tion to stay with Gov. Gayoso at his comfortable plantation home, Concordia, but the astronomer stuck to his camp, seeking to avoid any compromising circumstances. He understood by this time that circumstances made him the representative of the United States, seeking possession of a country held in adverse possession. The treaty about running a line was of no significance, if Spain could persuade the inhabitants to continue under her government or pro- tection. Her efforts for such persuasion were not confined to Natchez, but extended to the Ohio river. Realizing this situation, he did what he could to strengthen the American sentiment, and meet intrigue by effective organization. That he should be criti- cised for doing so, by the Spanish, is natural. (See Carondelet Intrigue.) \
Gayoso sought to explain the insolence of the Indians by their unfriendliness to Ellicott's flag. As for the soldiers, they could go to Loftus cliffs, and there Gayoso himself would meet Ellicott for starting the survey, as Carondelet, who had hoped to meet the astronomer at Daniel Clark's plantation, near the point of 31°, would be unable to attend. After considerable correspondence and negotiation, in the midst of which Ellicott ordered his escort down regardless of Gayoso, it was agreed that the 25 men should camp at Bacon's Landing, below Natchez.
McClary reached Natchez on the 15th and proceeded to Bacon's landing next day. Monette says the lieutenant camped near Elli- cott, marched to the fort, and demanded its surrender, but this cir- cumstance, which would have created a great disturbance, is not mentioned in any of the correspondence.
The lieutenant was putting in some of his spare time picking up deserters from the United States army, of which there were not a few in that region, and this added to the commotion that was now well started. Ellicott agreed that deserters who had come in before the time set for the evacuation of the posts should be con- sidered under the protection of the Spanish government.
At the time McClary came to Natchez the artillery had been taken from the fort to the landing, and there was every appearance of a speedy evacuation ; but on the 22d great industry was used in taking it back, and the cannon were immediately remounted. One gun was trained on Ellicott's tent. Ellicott was informed also that the fort at Chickasaw bluffs was being demolished and No- gales was being strengthened. On his complaining that these were evidences that the Spanish government did not intend to carry out the treaty, Gayoso made explanations that were so evidently intend- ed to conceal the real reasons that Ellicott professed to accept them and awaited developments.
Meanwhile, from Fort Massac, near the mouth of the Tennes-
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see river, Lieut. Piercy Smith Pope, with forty men, under orders from Gen. Wayne, started down to keep within supporting dis- tance of Ellicott, in the latter part of March. This added to Gayoso's alarms, and he sent Capt. Stephen Minor, his aide major, with a request to Pope to stop where the letter found him until the posts were evacuated. Before Minor left he brought a note to Ellicott, informing him that Lieut .- Col. Guillemard would soon ar- rive from New Orleans to begin the survey, and meanwhile he was requested to help keep Pope at a distance. Ellicott frankly told Minor that he thought Pope ought to come and Minor carried with him Ellicott's message to that effect, though the commissioner refrained from assuming to give any orders.
March 29, Gen. Gayoso, as "governor military and political of the Natchez and its dependencies, etc.," issued a proclamation in which he assumed that "busy and malignant minds" were agita- ting the people to disturb their attachment to His Majesty, dazzling the public with false notions for speculative purposes in order to seize the lands. He promised to support the inhabitants in their real estate rights, protect them against creditors, and permit pri- vate religious meetings, but no public services except Catholic, and advised the people to remain firm in allegiance to His Majesty until "the negotiations that are now on foot between His Majesty and the United States of America are concluded, and thereby the real property of the inhabitants secured."
This was a year after the treaty had been finally ratified, and no such negotiations were on foot. But the actual uncertainties about the tenure of land were very great and undoubtedly were worry- ing the inhabitants. If the Spanish relinquished the district, did they not thereby admit that they had no right there, no right to grant land there, after 1783? This would destroy the titles of all the inhabitants, except those which originated in the British gov- ernment. Then if the British grants were yet effectual, without regard to Spanish acts, what was to become of the inhabitants who were occupying British grants declared forfeited by the Spanish? In fact the United States supreme court ruled at a later date that the land grants of the Spanish government had no validity.
Gayoso's reference to land speculators undoubtedly was under- stood correctly. The legislature of Georgia, claiming title to this domain under the ancient and shadowy charter of South Carolina, had in 1795 actually sold nearly all the lands of the present state of Mississippi, including the Natchez district, to companies of speculators, who had been organizing an armed legion in Kentucky to come down the river and possess the country. Representatives of these companies were then in the Natchez district. But the American party had faith that Congress would protect the actual settlers in their equities, and the insiduous appeal of Gayoso failed of its purpose.
There had been an attempt to arrest Green, whose imprudence had revealed to the Spanish his desire to capture the fort, and he had been compelled to flee the country. To quiet the tumult, Gayo-
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so requested Dunbar and Nolan to inform Ellicott that Carondelet had given orders for immediate evacuation, but this the inhabi- tants refused to believe. Narsworthy Hunter, though he was at the time an officer in the Spanish service, drew up an address, to Elli- cott, in behalf of the American party, in which it was said with all the fervor of a revolutionary crisis :
"Many whose ideas of allegiance had been preponderant from the treaty until the time of your arrival at this place, thought them- selves now at full liberty to announce their sentiments in any way that might not affect the operations of peace and good order in society. But the result is a melancholy contrast to the construc- tion. Some have already been torn from the bosom of agricultural life and conveyed to prison with every indignant epithet that mal- evolence could invent. Scouts are crossing the country in various directions, breathing threats of vengeance against those who had unguardedly thrown aside the mask of duplicity. Numbers are awaiting the moment of their fate. There are many in this country to whose exertions America is much indebted for her political existence." In behalf of them Hunter asked Ellicott to demand from the governor passports, with leave to dispose of their prop- erty and withdraw to the United States, evidently assuming that Spain intended to hold the Natchez country.
Ellicott immediately requested Gayoso (March 31) to remove his batteries and allow Pope to come in order to quiet the apprehen- sions of these people by evidence that the treaty would be carried out.
In a supplementary proclamation Gayoso explained that "alarm- ing circumstances" had called out his proclamation. Now that these troubles had subsided, he congratulated the people on their right to be considered "the most loyal subjects of His Majesty." He reiterated that the right of the inhabitants to hold their land must be secured by an additional article to the treaty, "and until that article is officially communicated to me, I am bound to keep possession of the country, and continue to its inhabitants the same indulgence and the same anxious protection as until now." It was also impossible for him to think of leaving the people exposed to the attacks of the Indians. He declared the notion unfounded that any measures would be taken against "those that seemed pleased with the prospects of becoming citizens of the United States," and that there would be no obstacle to the inhabitants removing where they wished.
In answer to Ellicott, who had sent him extracts from the Hun- ter memorial, he made light of the fears of the inhabitants, said that Green "made his escape conscious of the criminality of his conduct, which is notorious," that only one person was in jail and that for a criminal offense, and that there was not a single patrol out in pur- suit of anybody. Ellicott had taken occasion to slyly remind the governor that he was aware of his duplicity, and Gayoso came back in these words: "I doubt not of the assurances you pretend to give me of the good advice you have uniformly given to the inhabitants,
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it being conformable to a gentleman of your character, and whose object is another than that of interfering in the affairs of govern- ment." The reason the posts were not evacuated, he said, was be- cause it appeared from Gen. Wayne's letter in the previous fall, that Wayne expected the military posts to be evacuated leaving the buildings standing as they were, while Baron Carondelet con- ceived that the buildings should be demolished, and had given pos- itive orders that the forts must not be evacuated until this dispute was settled at the seats of government.
Supposing he had at last got the official pretext for the delay, Ellicott sent a despatch to Philadelphia by "a young lawyer by the name of Knox." On March 16, Pickering, the secretary of state, had inquired of Minister Yrujo, at Philadelphia, if the Spanish troops had been withdrawn, and if not, what was being done in that direction, to which Yrujo replied, a month later, that he could not say, he had not heard from Carondelet for several months. Ellicott's communication did not arrive until early in June, and the Spanish advices reached Yrujo about the same time. On June 12 President Adams issued a proclamation (q. v.) designed to remove all causes for delay, but this could not reach the Natchez for several weeks .. Ellicott, meanwhile, addressed himself to the political situation. The date set for the survey had passed. The Gayoso proclamation postponed it indefinitely. The question now was, should the Natchez remain under the dominion of Spain?
According to his Journal, "The alarm was now so great, notwith- standing the professions of the governor, that it was with difficulty the people could be prevented from acting offensively, and that a general commotion in favor of the United States would take place in the course of a few weeks was evident; the difficulty was, how to direct its effects to the advantage of our country, without commit- ting our government. The attempt was made, and the public is left to judge of its success" (p. 74). Perhaps as early as this in the Natchez country that plan was in consideration, mentioned by Ellicott (p. 175) as early formed in Adams' administration, "to add to the Union the two Floridas, with the island of Orleans, provided the Spaniards either committed hostilities against the citizens of the United States at Natchez, or joined France in the contest against us. From the secrecy, talents and enterprise of those concerned, added to a temporary system of finance, and a de- posit of arms, there could not possibly be any doubt of the com- plete and almost instantaneous success of the plan had it been at- tempted." But this scheme was not worked out in detail for a year or two.
McClary was advised to increase his command and he began enlisting such as could hardly be considered Spanish subjects. When Gayoso remonstrated against this as an "infringement on the sovereignty of the king," Ellicott promised to investigate the subject in its "ultimate tendency." Immediately after this news came of the arrival of Pope at Walnut Hills, and word was sent that his proper place was at Natchez. "Nine-tenths of the inhabi-
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tants are firmly attached to the United States; but until your ar- rival, have no rallying point, in case of a rupture between the United States and His Catholic Majesty, which from the conduct of Governor Gayoso I am under the necessity of concluding cannot be very distant."
This despatch might have caused serious consequences if Elli- cott had not, next day, sought Gayoso and explained that Pope had orders to come to Natchez, and must come, and secured a reluctant permission, which was sent up to Nogales by a special messenger who arrived in time to prevent the Spanish commandant, Capt. Beauregard, from possible opposition. Pope's orders, in fact, could have been construed as demanding his advance to Natchez if the commissioner needed him.
Pope arrived April 24 and the next day it was arranged that his command and McClary's, banners flying and drums beating, should join and march to a commanding eminence near Ellicott's tent, and encamp there, "having both the fort and the government houses in full view." This was painful to Gayoso, but cheering to the inhab- itants who considered themselves citizens of the United States. It produced such a confidence in our friends, said Ellicott, that they for the moment ceased doubting "our being able to keep possession of the country."
In this confidence the Natchez seems to have rested until the following June, during which time events worked gradually to con- firm the suspicion that Spain was determined to hold the country, and developed another pretext for it. On May 1 Ellicott and Pope were informed by Gayoso that the British, with whom Spain was then at war, proposed to invade Louisiana through the Illinois country, and it was necessary to put a strong garrison in Fort No- gales. In consequence of this unavoidable delay, the commissioner was requested to remove into Louisiana or occupy Villa Gayoso. Ellicott contented himself with replying that he was determined to remain where he was until he met the Spanish commissioner there according to the treaty, and Pope, who felt that he now represented the United States army of occupation, replied that the United States would prevent any such British invasion, and that the land- ing of any troops or fortifying any post north of a due east and west line 33' 46" south of Ellicott's camp, "will be highly improper, and no doubt considered as a direct attack upon the honor of the United States, as well as the liberties of the citizens, and an inva- sion of a part of our territory." He suggested that the Spaniards could oppose the British equally as well on their own side of the river, and that fortification within the territory of the United States "may be productive of disagreeable circumstances." (Amer. State Pp. II, 75). Gayoso immediately asked Pope if he had in- structions to say this, as it would be his duty to communicate it to the king, to which the captain had to reply that he spoke without authority, and Gayoso then reminded him that "our situations are sacred and only subject to the alterations unanimously agreed upon by our nations."
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The long-awaited Guillemard, Spanish surveyor of the line, ar- rived early in May, and soon departed with a force of men to work on the Nogales fortifications. A company of grenadiers soon fol- lowed, bound for the Walnut Hills; word came that Spanish agents had been telling the Chickasaws and Choctaws for eight months that the running of a line was an American pretext to drive them from their lands; orders had been given for a Spanish camp at Baton Rouge ; Nolan had heard at New Orleans, from Carondelet himself, that "troubles were becoming serious up the river, but that he was determined to quiet them, by giving the Americans lead, and the inhabitants hemp." Ellicott heard this last, but kept it secret, trusting to negotiations through Daniel Clark and other Americans at New Orleans to defeat the projects of Carondelet. As reinforcements continued to arrive at Natchez and proceeded up the river, Ellicott frankly wrote Gayoso his suspicions and the manner in which he had been delayed and deceived. Gayoso replied that he must obey orders ; he admitted self-contradiction but denied insincerity ; would not attempt further explanations, and trusted that "time will evince that our conduct is irreproachable." He was also receiving official reproaches, it appeared, for giving offense to Ellicott, and asked the latter for clearance, which was given, so far as related to their intercourse "as gentlemen."
There was actually a project for a combined British, Indian and frontiersman attack on New Orleans from the interior (see Blount Conspiracy) to be made in the summer or fall of 1797. But Spain was at the same time intriguing to separate these western frontiers from the United States, and Ellicott sent messengers to Kentucky in June to give warning that a Spanish emissary had just gone up the river bound for that country. At the same time he sent out written messages to the Choctaws and Chickasaws, urging them to keep out of any quarrel between the United States and Spain.
After it was all over, Gayoso wrote to Wilkinson: "It is abso- lutely false that we had called upon the Indians for assistance, in the time of the troubles at Natchez. I even can assure your ex- cellency that not a single officer of Spain either spoke or com- missioned anybody to speak to the Indians in my neighborhood, to act in favor or against any nation whatsoever; on the contrary, my exertions were to keep them at a distance and never to see one." The governor also said in the same letter that "as former governor of the district of Natchez, I have had an intimate inter- course with the southern tribes; but I pledge you my word of hon- our that I never gave any talk injurious to the interests of the United States." This is to be understood of course, subject to such facts as the Treaty of Natchez. (q. v.)
In this situation of affairs Carondelet published two procla- mations that brought on the second Natchez revolt, and the revo- lution of 1797. (q. v.)
Elliott, a post-hamlet of Grenada county, on the Illinois Central R. R., about 8 miles from Grenada, the county seat and the nearest banking town. It has two stores. Population in 1900, 53.
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