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F.J. Alderman
CHARLES BRANTLEY AYCOCK
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34
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PASS
HISTORY
OF
NORTH CAROLINA
VOLUME III NORTH CAROLINA SINCE 1860
By J. G. de ROULHAC HAMILTON, Ph. D. Alumni Professor of History, University of North Carolina
ILLUSTRATED
PUBLISHERS THE LEWIS PUBLISHING COMPANY CHICAGO AND NEW YORK 1919
COPYRIGHT, 1919 BY THE LEWIS PUBLISHING COMPANY
1357287
TO MY UNTIRING CO-WORKER INVALUABLE ADVISER AND STEADFAST FRIEND MY WIFE THIS VOLUME IS INSCRIBED
Internate vole, Str. p 95,00 5-11-66-6 valor Ener. 4336 P.O. 2277
PREFACE
This final volume of the present series is concluded with the full consciousness that, because it deals in great part with a period so recent, it cannot be regarded in its entirety as definitive history, if, indeed, there is any such thing. Ap- proximately half of the space of the narrative is devoted to the period of the Civil War and Reconstruction. With the ad- dition of one chapter on military affairs in the state, it sum- marizes the narrative and conclusions contained in my Reconstruction in North Carolina, published in 1914, and cov- ering the period in much greater detail. Sufficient time has already passed to permit interpretation of that period with some pretension to finality, and I have not modified the con- clusions reached in the former work.
In respect to the period since 1876, while I have sought always to present with the narrative of fact sufficient inter- pretation to make an accurate picture of the time, and while I came to the task with little political prejudice and leave it with less, I am aware that there has not been a sufficient lapse of years, for any part of it, to make it a proper subject for de- finitive historical narrative, much less for any authoritative interpretation. Undoubtedly, some of my conclusions will be altered with the passage of time, and certainly it will be possible later to secure the use of a vast amount of material, now inaccessible, which will make the narrative much more complete and the interpretation more accurate. Where I have attempted any interpretation it has been with a full conscious- ness of the difficulty and danger of the proceeding, and I have carefully refrained where there appeared to be any doubt whatever of its correctness.
For the later period the chief sources of material have been the newspapers, public documents, political handbooks,
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PREFACE
the census reports, and contemporary pamphlets and speeches. There is an almost complete lack of secondary material and as yet but few letters are available.
To the great number who have given kind and generous assistance in the difficult task I return my grateful thanks. In particular, I wish to express my indebtedness to Col. F. A. Olds, of the North Carolina Hall of History, through whose kindness the greater number of the illustrations were secured.
Chapel Hill, N. C. January 28, 1918.
J. G. DE ROULHAC HAMILTON.
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CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
SECESSION AND WAR
1
CHAPTER II
MILITARY AND NAVAL OPERATIONS IN NORTH CAROLINA. 7
CHAPTER III
POLITICAL SENTIMENT IN WAR.
39
CHAPTER IV
ECONOMIC CONDITIONS IN WAR.
46
1
CHAPTER V
PRESIDENTIAL RESTORATION
56
CHAPTER VI
CONGRESSIONAL RECONSTRUCTION . . 85
CHAPTER VII
THE REPUBLICAN REGIME
114
CHAPTER VIII
THE DOWNFALL
146
CHAPTER IX
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CONDITIONS DURING RECONSTRUCTION 161
CHAPTER X
THE END OF RECONSTRUCTION .
170
vii
viii
CONTENTS CHAPTER XI
REBUILDING THE COMMONWEALTH. 192
CHAPTER XII
THE RISE OF POPULISM. 221
CHAPTER XIII
FUSION AND ITS RESULTS 244
CHAPTER XIV
WHITE SUPREMACY
279
CHAPTER XV
THE RECENT YEARS
316
CHAPTER XVI
EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 347
CHAPTER XVII
AGRICULTURE AND INDUSTRY
376
CHAPTER XVIII
RAILROAD DEVELOPMENT SINCE 1860
394
CHAPTER XIX
SOCIAL TENDENCIES 404
BIBLIOGRAPHY 421
History of North Carolina
CHAPTER I
SECESSION AND WAR
The election of Lincoln in 1860 served as the signal for the secession of the Cotton States, but in the Border States it was soon clear that to a goodly majority of the people, the election of a President by a sectional party furnished in itself not a sufficient cause for withdrawal from the Union. Never- theless, the action of the Cotton States precipitated a crisis and made the action of every border state a matter for grave debate.
North Carolina was no exception to this rule. Even before the legislature of 1860-1861 met, the people, through public meetings sought to turn popular sentiment for or against secession, and when the sessions of the legislature began, a struggle for supremacy between the two factions into which the state, irrespective of party, was now divided, commenced at once and lasted without intermission until definite action was finally taken. In the main, the whigs were Union men, and the bulk of secessionists were democrats, but further than this, party affiliations did not influence the struggle.
The battle commenced when the General Assembly met. All the members seemed conscious of the gravity of the situ- ation and of the importance of the work ahead of them. The elements favorable to secession were well organized, and this fact later prevented some of the Union men from voting with them on the question of a convention. The body, as a whole, was able and conservative, but still there was a tendency on the part of some of the Union men to be factious, and some of the secessionists were illiberal.
Vol. III-1
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HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
The governor, in his message, recommended the call of a convention, although he did not openly advocate secession. A joint committee of the two houses upon federal relations final- ly reported favorably a bill submitting the question to the people which after long and heated debate was finally passed late in January, receiving the support of many Union men who thought a convention would do much to relieve tension and who believed that Union men would control it.
In the meantime, provision was made for the reorgani- zation of the militia, a considerable volunteer force was au- thorized, $300,000 were appropriated to buy arms, and com- missioners were sent to represent the state near the Con- federate government which was about to be formed. An able delegation was also later appointed to attend the sessions of the Peace Conference, called by the State of Virginia to meet in Washington in a final attempt at compromise. Among conservative men the Peace Conference appeared to offer the best hope of a pacific settlement of the vital national prob- lem confronting the people of the United States, and its utter failure brought keenest disappointment as well as the grav- est forebodings. The secession movement also received con- siderable impetus.
The contest which followed was heated. Secession senti- ment was much more loudly expressed than Union feeling and at times seemed dominant. The majority of the state's senators and representatives in Congress favored a conven- tion, and exerted much influence. Excitement was caused, too, by the existence within the borders of the state of four United States posts, Forts Johnston, Caswell, and Macon, and the arsenal at Fayetteville, which keenly stimulated a genu- ine fear of interference by the Federal government in what everyone regarded as exclusively a state matter. Just before the passage of the convention bill Forts Johnston and Caswell were seized by hotheads from Wilmington, but Governor El- lis forced their immediate evacuation.
On February 28th, the convention was defeated by the nar- row margin of 651 votes. At the same time the delegates chosen showed a Union majority of twenty-eight. Clearly the state was in no mood for secession for any causes exis-
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HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
tent at the time. And yet no one believed the question set- tled. It was only a delay, momentarily favorable to the Unionists, a triumph of the "Watch and Wait" policy advo- cated by W. W. Holden in the Standard. The secessionists, while disappointed, were not downcast and immediately com- menced organization of their forces and the education of pub- lic sentiment by a new series of public meetings. A state con- ference was held in Goldsboro under the presidency and leadership of Weldon N. Edwards at which a party was duly organized and a call issued for a state convention at Char- lotte on May 20th.
Before that time came, however, the question of the state's position was definitely settled, not by secessionists but by the logic of events. Fort Sumter fell, Lincoln called for troops which Governor Ellis promptly refused to furnish, and all doubt disappeared as to the proper course to pursue. Gov- ernor Ellis at once called the legislature into extra session, ordered the seizure of the United States posts in the state, promised the Confederate government a regiment for im- mediate service, and called for thirty thousand volunteers. By these acts North Carolina was definitely identified with the se- ceded states and was included in President Lincoln's procla- mation of April 27th, declaring the Southern ports blockaded. No one in North Carolina questioned this inclusion, so defi- nitely were the people committed to the defense of the South. The Union leaders and press frankly admitted the necessity of withdrawal from the Union in preference to fighting the other Southern states, and it was solely on that basis that North Carolina entered the war. The legislature met on May 1st, and within a few hours passed, with only three dis- senting votes, a bill calling a convention of the people. This done, it turned its attention to active preparations for war. The election of delegates to the convention was held on May 17th and on May 20th, the convention assembled in Raleigh, in membership, easily the ablest and most distinguished public assembly in the history of the state, on account of the fact that party lines were ignored in the choice of delegates. It was for that very reason full of political leaders who could not forget politics even in the midst of a great crisis. At
.
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HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
the beginning of the session this was made apparent when the former Union element, who were inclined to doubt or even deny the constitutionality of secession, nominated for president of the convention William A. Graham in opposition to Weldon N. Edwards, the candidate of the original seces- sionists. The election was a test of strength of the two fac-
WELDON N. EDWARDS
tions and resulted in the triumph of the secessionists who elected Edwards by a vote of sixty-five to forty-eight.
A second manifestation of the division of sentiment as well as of the inclination of the delegates to play politics was the support by the Union element of Judge Badger's dec- laration of independence from the United States in opposi- tion to the Craige ordinance which had been written by Judah P. Benjamin at Montgomery and sent to Governor Ellis. This
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HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
of course assumed the complete sovereignty of the state. Here again the secessionists triumphed and after the defeat of the Badger ordinance, seventy-two to forty, the Craige ordi- nance was adopted unanimously. It was as follows :
An ordinance dissolving the union between the State of North Carolina and the other states united with her under the compact of government entitled "The Constitution of the United States."
We, the people of the State of North Carolina, in convention assem- bled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the ordinance adopted by the State of North Carolina in the con- vention of 1789, whereby the Constitution of the United States was ratified and adopted, and also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assembly, ratifying and adopting amendments to the said Constitu- tion, are hereby repealed, rescinded, and abrogated.
We do further declare and ordain that the union now subsisting between the State of North Carolina and the other States, under the title of "The United States of America," is hereby dissolved, and that the State of North Carolina is in full possession and exercise of all those rights of sovereignty which belong and appertain to a free and independent State.
The provisional constitution of the Confederate States was then ratified. Some difference of opinion manifested itself on the question of ratification of the permanent constitution but the forces in favor of such action were too strong to be over- come and on June 19th ratification was finally accomplished.
With the completion of these acts of separation, factional differences disappeared for a time and the convention, in- stead of adjourning, or, at least, confining its activities to constitutional revision or to the passage of ordinances of an organic nature, began to legislate. This was politics. As time passed criticism of the convention became widespread. It was controlled by a conservative group of elderly men who were mainly former whigs and unionists and for that reason out of sympathy with the legislature, with its seces- sionist majority, and apparently they were determined to keep themselves in power. They postponed the meeting of the legislature, debated seriously the question of dissolving it, and clearly regarded themselves as supreme, which doubtless, in law, if not in morals, they were. Finally the more extreme of the delegates proceeded with some secrecy to form a party which they later called conservative. Composed in the main of good men, it was nevertheless a serious obstacle to united
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HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
feeling and united action and helped mightily to bring about the seditious politics of the next three years. Its first parti- san act was insistence upon a party electoral ticket at the presidential election of 1861 to oppose one already nomi- nated. Since both were committed to Davis and Stephens, it could have no other motive than partisanship. The conven- tion adjourned at the end of June, met again in November for a month, met for another month's session in January, 1862, and began the fourth and final session in April and finally adjourned on May 13th, subject to the call of the Presi- dent. If not called by November 1st, the adjournment became sine die. By this time it was bitterly unpopular. Governor Vance, soon after his election, tried to persuade Edwards to summon it again, but Edwards, doubtful of the governor's intentions and still more doubtful of the convention, refused to consider it, and the adjournment became final. Its chief constructive work were two amendments to the constitution providing for ad valorem taxation of slaves, and allowing Jews to hold office.
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CHAPTER II MILITARY AND NAVAL OPERATIONS IN NORTH CAROLINA
In spite of the strong Union feeling in the state and the long delay in seceding, when once the die was cast, there was no indecision in support of the cause. A peace-loving, agricul- tural population with only a small group of trained soldiers to organize and prepare the troops for service, without arms, ammunition, and equipment, and with no facilities for making or procuring them, the people of the state turned resolutely and unreservedly to the task before them. In charge of the work of organization was James G. Martin, adjutant-general of the state, a graduate of West Point and a veteran of the Mexican War. He was admirably adapted for the task, and taking the volunteers as they poured in, he proceeded to or- ganize them for training and service. Within seven months the state turned over to the Confederacy forty thousand men, armed and ready for service. By August, 1862, the total number of volunteers was more than sixty thousand. More than twenty-one thousand had been added by November, 1864. In addition there were conscripts, reserves, and detailed men. The report of the adjutant-general, made November 19, 1864, summarizes them as follows:
Number of troops transferred to the Confederate
service 64,636
Number of conscripts September 30, 1864
18,585
Number of volunteers since date of original rolls 21,608
Number in unattached companies and in regiments from other states 3,103
Number of regulars in state service 3,203
Total offensive troops
111,135
7
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HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
Junior reserves 4,217
Senior reserves 5,686
Troops in active service
121,038
Home Guard and Militia
3,962
Total in state and Confederate service 125,000
These were organized into more than eighty regiments. After the troops were raised, they had to be armed and equipped. The state had already a few muskets and captured thirty- seven thousand in the arsenal at Fayetteville, along with a battery of artillery and a considerable quantity of ammunition and equipment. Some of the muskets were given to Virginia and the rest turned over to the North Carolina regiments. They did not go far and the deficiency was supplied in part by remaking old rifles collected in the state, by importing them from abroad, and by manufacturing them in various parts of the state, ten thousand being made by one firm in Guilford County alone. The Confederacy armed some of the regiments and captured arms supplied the rest. Powder was made in great quantity at Raleigh by a mill subsidized by the state. So abundant was the supply that the state was able to furnish the Confederate government with more than $500,000 worth in one year. The state also started a cartridge factory which was operated throughout the war. Sabres, swords, and bayonets were also made in large quantities.
Alone of the Confederate States, North Carolina under- took to clothe her soldiers. The legislature in 1861 directed the adjutant-general to furnish the clothing and an agreement was made with the quartermaster's department of the Con- federacy that the agents of the department should be with- drawn from the state, and North Carolina, furnishing clothes and shoes and turning over any surplus to the Confederacy, was to receive commutation therefor. But the agreement was violated by the department and the cost to the state largely increased thereby. Nevertheless, the work was con- tinued. General Martin had little time before winter but he organized a clothing factory, purchased the entire output of
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HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
all the cloth mills in the state and sent agents into South Carolina and Georgia to buy what they could there. The women of the state co-operated splendidly, cutting up car- pets for blankets, making quilts, and sending such clothing as could be used. As a result there was little suffering among the North Carolina troops the first winter.
The next year, however, with a vastly increased number of troops and the supplies in the state greatly decreased, the problem was much more serious. General Martin then con- cluded that the solution was for the state to buy a fast vessel and bring supplies in through the blockade. Governor Clark, who was about to go out of office, asked that the matter be deferred until Vance could decide it. When Vance was in- augurated Martin advised that it be done at once. Vance laid the question before a number of friends, including B. F. Moore who attacked it as unwarranted by law and likely to result in the impeachment of the governor and adjutant-gen- eral. Holden who was also present opposed it bitterly for reasons of his own. General Martin contended that it would be no more illegal than to buy a wagon.
After consideration Vance took Martin's advice and au- thorized him to buy the ship. John White was sent abroad to make the selection and purchase. The "Lord Clyde," which Vance described as "long-legged," was bought for $190,000 and re-named the "Ad-Vance." It was an English boat, built for passenger service, and capable of great speed. After the necessary changes were made, it was able to carry eight hundred bales of cotton and a double supply of coal which enabled it to bring enough Welsh coal from Nassau for the return trip, and thus avoid the use of the smoky North Carolina coal. Eleven successful trips were made. After the fifth trip Governor Vance sold a half-interest for $130,000, with which he redeemed state bonds. The vessel was finally lost through the act of the captain of the Confederate cruiser, "Tallahassee." Being short of coal, he took from the "Ad- Vance" her extra supply. This obliged her to make her out- ward trip with North Carolina coal, which reduced her speed, left a trail of smoke, and thus made her fall a victim to the Federal blockaders. The state also had an interest in the
THE BLOCKADE-RUNNER "AD-VANCE" From a war-time painting in the Hall of History, Raleigh
CAPTURE OF THE "LILLIAN"
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HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
"Hansa" and the "Don." Their use, however, was abandoned on account of the excessive charge made by the Confederate government, one-half of each cargo being seized. Through the use of these vessels an immense amount of valuable stores was imported. No entirely accurate figures can be obtained as to the amount, but Governor Vance said in 1885 that he had distributed large quantities of machinery, 60,000 pairs of hand wool cards, 10,000 scythes, 200 barrels of bluestone for fertilizing wheat, 250,000 pairs of shoes, 50,000 blankets, cloth for 250,000 uniforms, 12,000 overcoats, 2,000 Enfield rifles with 100 rounds of ammunition each, 100,000 pounds of bacon, 500 sacks of coffee, $50,000 worth of medicines at gold prices, and an immense supply of minor stores. Through this means the North Carolina troops were clothed. Nor were North Carolina troops alone served. After Chickamauga Longstreet's men received 14,000 complete uniforms and when Johnston surrendered the state had on hand 92,000 suits. To pay for all these things some cotton was sent out and war- rants were issued payable in cotton and rosin in North Caro- lina which the Union army afterwards captured.
With the same activity and forethought vast supplies of food were secured. Much was bought in Kentucky before communication was closed and at the same time horses for two regiments were bought. The supplies increased during the war, and for some months before the end the state fed more than half of Lee's army.
It was in consequence of these operations that North Caro- lina troops were better armed, clothed, fed and equipped than those from any other state in the Confederacy. In all, the state war supplies amounted to more than $26,000,000. Had not the transportation broken down almost completely, the entire Confederate army might have been adequately fed and clothed.
The troops for whom this tremendous task was undertaken well repaid the state for its care. Nearly every battle was witness to their prowess and on the field of every battle in which they fought, they left their dead. Everywhere their bravery and obedience won the praise of those who com- manded them and of those from other states who fought at
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HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
their side, and again and again they by name received the un- stinted praise of their great commander. At Bethel, where they opened the war, at Manassas, Williamsburg, Hanover Court House, Seven Pines, the Seven Days, Cedar Mountain, the Second Manassas, Harper's Ferry, South Mountain, Fredericksburg, Murfreesboro, Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, Charleston, Chickamauga, Lookout Mountain, Missionary Ridge, the Wilderness, Drewry's Bluff, Spottsylvania, Cold Harbor, Petersburg and the Crater, Altanta, Nashville, Cedar Creek, Ream's Station, Five Forks, and to the end at Appo- mattox where Cox's Brigade fired the last volley of the Army of Northern Virginia they proved their valor and devotion and gave to their state a priceless heritage.
To the cause North Carolina contributed two lieutenant- generals, seven major-generals, and twenty-six brigadier-gen- erals. Of these nine were killed in battle or mortally wounded. She lost in battle thirty-six colonels, twenty-five lieuten- ant colonels, and twenty-seven majors. The total losses were killed, 14,452; died of wounds, 5,151; died of disease, 20,602; a total of 40,305 .. One-fifth of those killed and one-fourth of those wounded in the Seven Days, almost one-third of each at Fredericksburg, one-third of the killed and one-fourth of the wounded at Chancellorsville, and one-fourth of the killed at Gettysburg were North Carolinians. At Gettysburg the Twenty-Sixth North Carolina sustained a heavier loss than any regiment on either side in the entire war.
It was not alone in the furnishing of men and supplies, however, that the state felt the war. While she was in no sense a battle ground as was Virginia, nevertheless, during a large part of the war Federal troops occupied a part of her soil and jurisdiction and frequent engagements took place, though few were of any vital importance. The state, too, was an important centre in blockade running, the Cape Fear oper- ations being equalled by those of Charleston alone and con- tinuing after Charleston was successfully bottled up.
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