USA > North Carolina > History of North Carolina: North Carolina since 1860, Volume III > Part 30
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In January, 1869, Rev. Solomon Pool was elected president. He had been an adjunct-professor but had left to enter the internal revenue service. He was a man of some ability but unknown even to the state and owed his election to the influ- ence of his brother, John Pool, and to his vehement and out- spoken desire that the University should be organized on an entirely partisan basis.
The selection of professors was made on a somewhat sim- ilar plan. As professor of mathematics, they chose Alexan- der McIver, a graduate of the University and a member of the faculty of Davidson College. He was able, active, and en-
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tirely honest, but owed his election chiefly to the fact that he had practically been forced from his position at Davidson on account of politics. Fisk P. Brewer, a graduate of Yale and a man of undoubted scholarship was elected professor of Greek. He was at the time at the head of a negro school in Raleigh. He injured himself very much in public estimation by boarding in a negro family for some time after his arrival in Chapel Hill. David S. Patrick, a nephew of Judge Settle, also a graduate of the University, was chosen professor of Latin. He was without qualifications or reputation. James M. Martling, of Missouri, a brother-in-law of Ashley, was elected professor of belles-lettres. He also lacked reputation or any other qualifications. George Dixon, an Englishman, was made professor of agriculture. What influence led to his appoint- ment cannot be discovered.
The University was of course doomed under this organiza- tion. It opened for students in March, 1869, and a small num- ber appeared, all from republican families or from the village of Chapel Hill. The attendance during the first year was thirty-five, twenty-five of whom were in the preparatory de- partment. The second year the number rose to fifty-three, twenty of whom were preparatory pupils. By now it was evi- dent that the institution would have to close since there was no money. President Pool took up his work as a revenue officer for which he was far better adapted, and the faculty began to leave. To his government position Pool gave all his time and, when urged by a close friend in Chapel Hill to resign the presidency, replied, "I would not resign for $50,000."
In 1870 the end came and all the students having disap- peared, the president and three professors still held on. Fi- nally at a faculty meeting in 1871, Pool being absent, McIver introduced a resolution declaring that no member of the fac- ulty wanted to stand in the way of a revival and it was clear that they did not have the confidence of the public. Patrick voted with him and Brewer opposed the resolution. Martling was in Raleigh working with Ashley on the Standard. Soon afterwards McIver succeeded Ashley as superintendent of public instruction and began to advocate the complete reor- ganization of the University. By this time both Martling and
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Brewer were gone. The state educational conference in 1873 adopted resolutions demanding the reorganization of the in- stitution free from political or sectarian control or inter- ference.
During the session of the legislature in the spring of 1872, after that body had shown itself favorably inclined towards the public schools, the question of the University was brought to the personal attention of the members. There was a strong disposition to revive it upon a non-partisan basis, but the chief difficulty was the attitude of Solomon Pool, who did not wish to surrender the title of president. The trustees adopted a resolution asking the assistance of the alumni and, in re- sponse, fifty-five of them met in Raleigh and expressed their entire willingness to aid if the institution was taken out of politics. A quorum of the trustees conferred upon the mat- ter and instructed McIver to send to each member of the board an account of what had been done and to request them to resign. At first there was a very favorable response and resignations came in rapidly. Then the Pool influence was brought to bear upon the threatening situation. John Pool wrote McIver that he disapproved of the whole plan and sent out a circular letter to the trustees, urging them in behalf of the republican party not to resign and, if they had already done so, to recall their letters. In consequence of these facts, the plan for revival slumbered until the legislature of 1872- 1873 met and adopted the amendment to the constitution pro- posed by the preceding legislature, by which the appointment of trustees was placed in the hands of the legislature. This was ratified by the people in 1873 and a new board of trustees was chosen, which met in February, 1874, and organized with William A. Graham as chairman and Kemp P. Battle as secretary and treasurer. Governor Caldwell denied the va- lidity of the constitutional amendment and refused to attend and warned McIver not to turn over the seal and records. A friendly suit was decided in favor of the new trustees. The legislature of 1875 agreed to pay the interest on the land scrip fund which had been invested in special tax bonds and the way was open for reorganization. The trustees met in the spring of 1875, and, having adopted a plan of reorganiza-
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tion, elected a faculty, three of whom had served in the former one. Dr. Charles Phillips was elected chairman, and the doors of the institution were opened in the autumn with much cere- mony. The next year, Kemp P. Battle was chosen president and the University began slowly to climb back to health and strength that it might enter with its full powers upon a career of greater usefulness, free from any taint of politics, in the service of all the people.
When the conservative legislature of 1870 met it cut Ashley's salary, took away his clerks, and allowed nothing for traveling expenses. Nothing more in relation to the schools was done at this session and when the next session came Ash- ley had resigned to seek a more congenial atmosphere in a negro school in New Orleans, and Governor Caldwell had ap- pointed Alexander McIver to the position. Unquestionably this helped the school system. McIver was both honest and earnest and deeply desirous of furthering the cause of public education. At this session the law of 1869 was repealed and a new and better one passed which made more liberal pro- vision for support and also provided for some training of teachers. Special poll and property taxes were provided for and the counties were also authorized to levy special taxes. Its chief defect was its failure to recognize the district as the fundamental unit of the whole system.
McIver was defeated for the republican nomination for superintendent in 1872 by a bit of political jobbery and James. Reid, an old, retired minister of extremely radical tendencies, was nominated and elected over Nereus Mendenhall, an ex- cellent man who ran on the conservative ticket. Before he took office Reid died and Governor Caldwell, ignoring Mc- Iver, appointed Kemp P. Battle. McIver refused to yield and was sustained by the Supreme Court in his contention that no vacancy had occurred, and thus held over until the next election.
During these years the outlook began to brighten. The school fund was much larger, more teachers were examined, and a number of teachers' institutes were held through a special appropriation for the purpose and the aid of the Pea- body Fund. And yet but little had been accomplished. While
TYPICAL RURAL HIGH SCHOOL OF TODAY
A TYPICAL COUNTRY SCHOOL PRIOR TO THE EDUCATIONAL REVIVAL
OCTHU HEM SCHOOL EISTRITT 2011300
THE TYPE OF SCHOOL WHICH HAS LARGELY REPLACED IT
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the principle of support of schools by public taxation had been adopted, the necessary machinery had not been created. Local taxation was a failure, the school funds were con- stantly raided by unscrupulous officials and used for other purposes, and the people were indifferent, no public senti- ment being created behind the schools. Nor was indifference the worst obstacle. The fear of mixed schools was wide- spread and, seriously complicating the whole situation, was destined to continue as long as the constitution was silent on the subject. The agitation over the civil rights bill greatly increased this feeling. McIver, when asked what would be the effect upon the schools of the passage of the bill, said frankly that if the people were compelled to choose between mixed schools and no schools they would prefer the latter. As a result of the agitation the building of schoolhouses stopped, teachers sought new occupations, and a bill for the establishment of city school systems was dropped. And yet for the year ending with June, 1873, more than $400,000 was spent on the schools and more than 100,000 children were en- rolled, 70,000 of them white. The session, however, was only about ten weeks in length.
In the summer of 1873 an educational conference was held in Raleigh which was attended by men of both political par- ties and of all the leading religious denominations. The ques- tion was discussed fully, addresses were made by prominent leaders, and strong resolutions were adopted including the following :
That the general educational interests of this State are deplorable and alarming in a high degree, and are such as to require the noblest and most self-sacrificing efforts of every true son of North Carolina to relieve her from such serious embarrassment.
That this convention respectfully but earnestly request and urge every friend of the State, the people, and particularly the clergy, all public speakers and the press, to be zealous and constant in mak- ing efforts to arouse the whole people to a realizing sense of the paramount importance of education, and especially of common schools, to the rising and coming generations, and of the overruling necessity for universal, active and cordial co-operation of all, to avoid the blight and the disgrace of ignorance.
A permanent organization was formed, and a second con- vention the following year planned an educational campaign
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and resolved to put pressure on the legislature. The suc- ceeding year saw nearly 200,000 children enrolled and an ex- penditure of almost half a million dollars, but all efforts to increase the length of the term failed.
McIver had proved himself efficient and should have been retained as superintendent. Here the conservatives had a fine opportunity to take the office permanently out of politics. As it was he was not even nominated by the republicans, who selected as their candidate Thomas R. Purnell. The demo- crats nominated Stephen D. Pool. Neither was in any way qualified for the position. Pool was elected and within eight- een months had used money from the Peabody Fund to pur- chase a residence for himself. His infuriated party, which had made official corruption the chief count in its indictment of the republican party, forced him to resign and Governor Brogden appointed John Pool to fill the position although he too was merely a discredited politician without a trace of qualification for the position.
In 1875 the constitutional convention inserted a provision specifically requiring separate schools and the way was thus cleared for improvement of the system. The sweeping demo- cratic victory in 1876, which completed the redemption of the state, should have brought this improvement. It had un- doubtedly some beneficial effects upon the schools but it is unquestionable that following it came, if not a slowing down, at least a failure of any new impetus which in effect was a reaction. This was part of a general reaction against the extravagance of Reconstruction but it was more due to popu- lar indifference to the subject and the widespread economic depression. A growing number argued that education was not the function of the state and that it was impossible to hope for universal education even if it were desirable. The injustice of taxation of those able to educate their own chil- dren to educate the children of those who had no property and paid no taxes was frequently urged and there was a wide- spread feeling that it was too much to ask that the negroes be educated at white expense. Thoughtful men did not em- ploy these arguments. They were agreed that education was necessary and that in a free public school system lay the
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remedy for the blighting curse of illiteracy and ignorance which lay upon the state. But the mass of men are unthought- ful, the ratio increasing in proportion to the amount of illit- eracy, and in North Carolina the need of thoughtful men was acute. It was true that the schools still advanced, with in- creasing attendance, with growing popular interest in them, and with improved methods. The governors, one by one, urged the question of public education upon the attention of the legislature, but there was lacking the driving force that could carry the gospel where alone it could effect its saving purpose-into the homes and hearts of North Carolinians- and make it a real force, not merely to the thoughtful group, but to all classes, which would make men think, and, think- ing, forget the narrowing and confining bonds set by poverty, and the demands of a new and crass industrialism, and, look- ing alone to the future of their children and the common- wealth, with intention usher in a new period of state history. Possibly the time was not ripe; certainly the leader was not there.
The legislature of 1877, urged by Governor Brogden and Governor Vance, passed a law giving authority to the town- ships to levy taxes for the support of graded schools, pro- vided the tax was approved by a majority of the qualified voters at a regular called election. The legislature also pro- vided a normal school for each race and paved the way for city school systems. Under the authority of the former law the first summer school in the United States was opened at the university in the summer and continued with growing at- tendance and increasing usefulness until 1881, when the legis- lature, yielding to sectional demands, established four others, and so divided the available funds that none were strong.
The colored normal school at Fayetteville ran for eight months of the year and was successful from the beginning. In 1881 four others were established.
Public opinion condemned the obvious defects of the state's educational system and such demand as there was for improvement found expression in Governor Jarvis, ever the sincere and earnest friend of education, who urged the rais- ing and expending of more money. The school tax was raised
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but not sufficiently to support the schools for four months. In 1883 he renewed his plea to the legislature and through- out his term he constantly called the attention of the people to the subject.
In 1881 the office of county superintendent was established, a distinct advance, although the incumbents were given so small a financial return that no man could give more than a small part of his time to the duties of the office, and so it failed in most instances to attract strong men. Yet much good was done in the way of centralizing school administra- tion. The same law made provision for county institutes and many were held. County certification of teachers also began.
The establishment of city graded schools was commenced by Greensboro in 1875, followed by Raleigh in 1877, Salisbury in 1880; Goldsboro in 1881; Durham, Charlotte, and Wilming- ton in 1882; and Winston in 1885. By 1891 sixteen towns were maintaining local systems.
In the midst of this period of real though slow growth, the decisions of the Supreme Court presented a serious ob- stacle to progress. An act of 1885 authorized the county commissioners to exceed the constitutional limit of taxation for the benefit of schools. But the court held the act invalid as not coming within the provisions of the constitution which . authorized a special tax for a special purpose with the ap- proval of the legislature. Two other decisions of the court held unconstitutional a special tax on property of white owners only, levied to pay for white schools and the division of the poll taxes between the two races according to its source.
In 1889 the legislature abolished the absurdly numerous normal schools which had through division of funds and energy lost all significance, and in their place appointed Charles D. McIver and Edwin A. Alderman as state institute conductors to canvass the state, hold educational meetings, conduct institutes, and awaken public interest. The two years which followed were probably in the long run the most fruitful ones in North Carolina educational history. These two su- perbly gifted men constituted themselves educational evan- gelists and conducted a state-wide revival which made con-
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verts by the thousand. Everywhere they preached the gospel of universal education by the state and aroused an interest and enthusiasm hitherto confined to politics alone and usually to national politics. To their work has been given the full credit for the unequivocal position on the matter of education assumed by the Farmers' Alliance, which was just now assum- ing a dominating position in state politics. This is scarcely accurate since the Alliance all over the South demanded edu- cational reform, but their work furnished beyond doubt a real stimulation of the demand which was soon to rise for an improvement in public education. The more obvious results of the campaign were the establishment of the Normal and Industrial College for white women, of which McIver became president and Alderman a professor, and the establishment of the Agricultural and Mechanical (later the Agricultural and Technical) College for Negroes. The fundamental result was the preparation of the soil and the sowing of the seed from which Charles B. Aycock was to reap so rich a harvest.
The fusion victory in 1894 caused no change of impor- tance in the school system, but when in 1897 the entire state government passed into the hands of the fusionists, changes began. The new superintendent was Charles H. Mebane, an earnest and enthusiastic teacher under whom the office became a new educational agency. He was a live wire. He ignored precedents and refused to recognize difficulties. He tirelessly sought to attract public attention to the cause of public edu- cation and succeeded in employing the newspapers very effec- tively in behalf of the schools. Politics entered not at all into his calculations when educational matters were at stake, and in a period of intense partisanship he very effectively divorced the schools from politics.
The legislature of 1897 passed a new and very advanced school law. It was premature, however, and hence ineffective. It sought to make local taxation the basis of public school support, and ordered an election on the question to be held in every district. In those which should fail to vote the tax the question was to be resubmitted every two years until it was passed. Every district was to receive from the state
Charles D. McIver
Edward K. Graham
C. B. Aycock
RECENT EDUCATIONAL LEADERS
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for three years a sum equal to the amount collected from the special tax, not to exceed $500. But only eleven districts voted the tax. Sixty-six more raised a fund by subscription which was duplicated by the state.
The democrats, upon carrying the state in 1898, decided upon disfranchisement of the negro and, to avoid ultimate disfranchisement of a large number of white men, were forced to accept a new policy of public education and to pledge edu- cational opportunity to every one. The legislature of 1899 repealed the fusion school law but appropriated $100,000 to be apportioned among the counties on the basis of school population. The amendment was submitted and when 1900 came and Aycock was nominated for governor the dominant party committed itself in a new and real way to the aggressive and permanent policy of universal education. Aycock, upon his inauguration, pledged himself to the four years of service which were to give him the title of the "Educational Gov- ernor" of North Carolina and to make him one of the best loved as well as one of the greatest men in the history of the state. Said he, in his inaugural:
On a hundred platforms, to half the voters of the State, in the late campaign, I pledged the State, its strength, its heart, its wealth, to universal education. I promised the illiterate poor man bound to a life of toil and struggle and poverty, that life should be brighter for his boy and girl than it had been for him and the partner of his sorrows and joys. I pledged the wealth of the State to the education of his children. Men of wealth, representatives of great corporations, applauded eagerly my declaration. I then realized that the strong desire which dominated me for the uplifting of the whole people moved not only my heart, but was likewise the hope and aspiration of those upon whom Fortune had smiled. * * We are prosper- ing as never before-our wealth increases, our industries multiply, our commerce extends, and among the owners of this wealth, this multiply- ing industry, this extending commerce, I have found no man who is unwilling to make the State stronger and better by liberal aid to the cause of education. Gentlemen of the Legislature, you will not have aught to fear when you make ample provision for the education of the whole people. * * * For my part I declare to you that it shall be my constant aim and effort, during the four years that I shall endeavor to serve the people of this State, to redeem this most solemn of all our pledges.
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His administration, in accordance with this promise, was one long determined campaign for education which was highly organized and most effective.
Apart from the awakened interest of the people there was but a small foundation to build upon. The situation has been well described by Dr. Edgar W. Knight :
Only thirty districts in the State, all urban, considered education of sufficient importance to levy a local tax for the support of schools. The average salary paid to county superintendents annually was less than one dollar a day, to public school teachers, $91.25 for the term. This meant, of course, that the office of county superintendent was either a "political job," usually given to some struggling young at- torney for local party service, or a public charity used to help sup- port the growing family of some needy but deserving preacher; and, further, that there were no professional teachers in the public schools. Practically no interest was manifested in the building or equipment of schoolhouses. The children of more than 950 public school dis- tricts were altogether without schoolhouses, while those in 1,132 districts sat on rough pine boards in log houses chinked with clay. Perhaps under all these circumstances it was well enough that the schools were kept open only seventy-three days in the year, and that less than one-third of the children of school age attended them. * To complicate a situation already sufficiently difficult, the race issue injected its poison into the very vitals of the problem.
General Thomas F. Toon, who had been elected superin- tendent in 1900, died a year after taking office and was suc- ceeded by James Y. Joyner, then a professor in the Normal and Industrial College, who entered upon his duties with keen interest, high ability, and a vast enthusiasm. He has held the office ever since and to him is due much of the credit for the state's educational progress in that time. When the leg- islature of 1901 met, the special appropriation was doubled, and in 1909 it was again raised.
The progress in a decade is shown in the following sum- mary of the department.
The annual expenditures for elementary rural schools was in- creased from $1,018,157.34 to $2,126,695.50, more than doubled.
The average term of the rural white schools was increased from 76 to 93 days, nearly one school month.
The value of rural schoolhouses and grounds was increased from $1,146,000 to $3,094,416, nearly trebled.
Three thousand four hundred and fifty-six new schoolhouses were
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built after 1902, more than one a day for every day in every year.
Expenditures for salaries of white rural school teachers were in- creased from $621,927.97 to $1,126,059.83, nearly doubled.
The average monthly salary of white rural teachers was increased from $25.39 to $34.47, and the average annual salary from $98.77 to $159.79, an increase of more than 60 per cent in the annual salary.
The enrollment in the white schools was increased from 293,868 to 360,121, an increase of 22 per cent. The total white school popu- lation of the state had increased less than 11 per cent.
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