USA > North Carolina > History of North Carolina: North Carolina since 1860, Volume III > Part 5
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And so the war went on. Women, giving themselves, with all their enthusiasm to the cause of the South, held men in the ranks to fight what they came to regard as in a peculiar sense their battle; and overseeing the negroes at home, or doing field work themselves when, as in the majority of cases, there were no negroes, kept the system going. It was a frightful responsibility, but they lived up to it, splendidly supported by the negroes who, wherever Federal troops did not penetrate, displayed a loyalty and devotion which could scarcely be sur- passed. Unprotected women were safe in their care and the later South owes still a debt of gratitude which Reconstruc- tion, even if the negro had been responsible-and lie was not- could in no wise cancel.
When 1865 came the state was financially prostrate and the complete economic breakdown and ruin which were in sight were only averted by the close of hostilities.
CHAPTER V
PRESIDENTIAL RESTORATION
As has been seen Federal troops entered the state in March. Johnston surrendered in April and Sherman for a time was in command of the state. He was still strongly in favor of the plan of making use of the existing state govern- ment in the work of reorganization, a plan in which he almost certainly had had the support of President Lincoln. But he was overruled by the Washington authorities, with what has since been seen to be a lack of judgment, and a fine oppor- tunity for rapid and complete restoration was lost.
In May, General John B. Schofield took military command of North Carolina. In a comparatively short time relative quiet came to the state. General Schofield was a man of highest ability and furthermore possessed of a large amount of tact, sympathy and common sense. Immediately he issued procla- mations announcing the cessation of hostilities, the freedom of the slaves, and a code for the freedmen. The oath of al- legiance was made a prerequisite for a marriage license or for engaging in any business or profession. The towns were soon quiet, but the country was not. Nor were the inhabitants altogether to blame; for the Federal troops did not soon shake off the habits formed during the war, and even after the proclamation of the final cessation of hostilities, the plunder- ing and wanton destruction of property continued, often ac- companied by outrage and violence. This, however, was the exception, and not the rule. The disbanded Confederate sol- diers, particularly the cavalry, foraged to some extent as they went home. But their opportunities were not so great and sympathy among them, naturally, was greater.
ยท
To put an end to this condition of affairs, General Scho- field began the organization of a police force for each county,
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detailing General J. D. Cox for the work in the western part of the state, General Terry for the central, and Generals Haw- ley and Palmer for the eastern. They were instructed to have bodies of troops visit all portions of the state and arrest marauders. General Schofield also had the oath of allegiance administered to certain magistrates of known Union sympa-
GENERAL JOHN B. SCHOFIELD
thies and left them in the exercise of their functions. Prompt justice was meted out to offenders, in and out of the army, whenever it was possible, and whenever the troops showed disorganization they were mustered out. Every effort was used to have the restrictions on trade removed, for the com- mander felt that peace would be more quickly restored when destitution, resulting from the abnormal conditions, was re- lieved, and the people were employed in their usual occupa-
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tions. He also opposed the rulings of the treasury department in regard to trade.
The delay in making known the policy of the United States government regarding re-organization of the civil govern- ment of the state was considered very unfortunate by General Schofield, since he was convinced that the people were well disposed and were ready to make and accept any necessary changes. For the re-organization, he desired the appointment of a military governor who should declare in force the consti- tution of the state as it existed prior to secession, and appoint officers to serve until the work was completed. An enrolment should then be made of all citizens qualified to vote by state law, after administration of the amnesty oath. A convention should be called and its action submitted to the people. He was anxious to be selected as military governor for the state, provided some such plan as this was adopted, but if negro suffrage was to be included he preferred to have no part in it. General Halleck recommended him for the position, but later withdrew his endorsement on the ground that he could not recommend anyone who had advised Sherman to make the terms which had been proposed with Johnston. General Scho. field's measures for pacification and conciliation, meanwhile, were meeting with such success that when he applied for leave, early in June, he said that the presence of troops in the state seemed almost unnecessary. His conduct of affairs, met with the hearty approval of his superiors, and, in every way, he deserved and received the cordial gratitude of the people of the state.
General Schofield would have made an ideal provisional governor but the President had other ideas. Early in May he summoned to Washington a number of North Carolinians, including William W. Holden, David L. Swain, B. F. Moore, William Eaton and a number of Holden's friends and sup- porters. A conference was held by Moore, Swain, and Eaton with the President who showed them the proclamation which had already been prepared for inaugurating the proposed scheme of restoration in North Carolina. Moore vehemently opposed the plan as unconstitutional, urging the President to allow the legislature to meet and call a convention and thus
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preserve the legal continuity of the state government. The President was entirely good-natured but unchangeable. The next day another conference was held with the entire group present. The President requested them to name the provi- sional governor. Moore, Swain, and Eaton declined to take
PRESIDENT ANDREW JOHNSON
any part in the proceedings and the others chose Holden who was at once appointed.
The appointment was one which might have been expected but it was a most unfortunate one. Holden had played fast and loose with all parties, factions, and classes, and had in consequence lost the confidence of nearly every responsible leader of opinion in the state. In addition, he had won the bitter enmity of a very large and influential class. Not less important in determining the character of his administra-
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tion, he was consumed with ambition and was certain to try to use his position for the punishment of his opponents and for contributing to his own advancement. President Johnson formally began his policy of reconstruction on May 29th by is- suing a proclamation granting general amnesty and pardon to those who had been engaged in rebellion against the authority of the United States. This restored rights of property ex- cept in slaves and except when legal proceedings for confis- cation had been instituted. An oath was provided to be taken by all accepting the benefits of the proclamation. Fourteen classes of persons were excepted from the benefits of this proclamation. These included the executive and diplomatic officers of the Confederacy, those who left the service of the United States to aid the Confederacy, the governors of the states in insurrection, all military and naval officers in the Confederate service whose rank was above that of colonel and lieutenant, respectively, and all who voluntarily took part in the war whose taxable property exceeded in value $20,000. Any person belonging to an excepted class could make ap- plication to the President for a special pardon, and a promise of liberal executive clemency was extended. The secretary of state was directed to establish rules for the administration of the oath.
The same day the President issued another proclamation appointing William W. Holden provisional governor of North Carolina. This was the first of a series of similar proclama- . tions for all the Southern states. It was based upon the war power of the President as commander-in-chief. It gave the provisional governor so appointed power to prescribe the necessary rules for calling and assembling a convention whose delegates should be chosen by the portion of the population that was loyal to the United States at that time when it should be called. This convention was given authority to exercise all powers necessary to restore the state to her constitutional relations with the United States Government, and present such a republican form of government as would entitle the state to the guarantee of the United States against invasion, insur- rection, and domestic violence. It was directed to prescribe qualifications for electors and for holders of office. The proc-
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lamation itself prescribed as qualifications for electors and delegates to the convention that they should have taken the amnesty oath as provided in the President's proclamation, and that they should be voters qualified by the state constitu- tion in force previous to May 20, 1861. All persons in the military and naval service were directed to aid the provisional governor and enjoined from hindering and discouraging the loyal people from organizing a state government .. The heads of the various departments were ordered to put into opera- tion the laws of the United States and the district judge was ordered to hold the courts.
On June 12th, Governor Holden issued a proclamation in which summarizing the President's proclamations, he outlined his policy. He announced that he would soon call a convention to provide for carrying out the work of restoration and that in the meantime he would at once appoint provisional state and county officers. He urged the loyal people in the state to take an interest in public affairs, to discourage disloyalty, and to elect to office only the friends of the United States. He devoted some space to bitter denunciation of the Confederate government, congratulating the people upon their deliver- ance from it. He gave good and kindly advice to the negroes, promising assistance from the Government, and closed with a declaration of "charity for all with malice towards none."
At first the governor moved very slowly and carefully in his work. He was criticised for his delay in calling the con- vention, but this was scarcely just, since he was overwhelmed with pardon matters, thousands of applications requiring his endorsement. Here, indeed there was room for criticism, since he recommended the pardon of many intense secession- ists and advised suspension of pardon in the case of such men as William A. Graham, John M. Morehead, Josiah Tur- ner, John A. Gilmer and many others who had opposed seces- sion with all their power. Later on he kept from pardon cer- tain candidates for the convention whom he wished excluded. In some cases his efforts to prevent pardon were ineffectual.
Under instruction from the President the expenses of the provisional government were paid by the war department. This was fortunate since there was no money in the treasury
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and the mass of the people were destitute. Just before the close of the war, the state owned a large quantity of cotton and rosin and Governor Holden was notified by Secretary Seward that this could be retained. Most of it, however, had already been seized and the treasury department only allowed the state to take the "ungathered debris." Holden appointed .
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GOVERNOR WILLIAM W. HOLDEN
Jonathan Worth state treasurer and he succeeded in saving of this an amount that brought $150,000.
By the end of July the governor had appointed more than three thousand magistrates, officers for the counties and towns, judges and solicitors, and directors in the corporations in which the state had an interest. In almost all cases he chose former whigs, and for high position recommended only one democrat, that being Robert P. Dick, whom the President
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appointed district judge but who could not take the iron-clad oath.
The state was full of travellers and newspaper men from the North who sent home highly inaccurate accounts of the conditions which prevailed. According to these, hostility to the United States was rampant, a new rebellion was being planned, and, in the selection of officers, Union men were ig- nored. Absurd as the reports were, they were credited in the North and were in the main written with the end of misrep- resentation in view. Governor Holden was thus attacked on both sides and in this case without justice for in the matter of appointments he certainly displayed no partiality for seces- sionists. In fact, leaving out of consideration all questions of motive or of his action in some individual cases, his work was well done. He was far less proscriptive than his enemies or even his friends had expected.
On August 8th, he ordered an election of delegates to a convention of the people. Voting and membership were lim- ited to those who had been pardoned. The campaign was quiet as there were no issues. Slavery and secession were alike dead and apparently only the question of the war debt remained as a problem, and concerning this there was little or no discussion. It was generally thought that the matter should not be touched at the time, a view in which the Stand- ard, Holden's paper, agreed. Personal differences arose of course in the campaign and the exclusion of some unpardoned men, notably, William A. Graham, aroused such feeling that many who were qualified to vote refused, claiming that the candidates were dictated.
The convention met in Raleigh on October 2d, and organ- ized by unanimously electing Judge Edwin G. Reade president. The body, composed mainly of former whigs, contained few who had been secessionists, although almost all had submitted quietly to the will of the majority. Quite a number of the members had been connected with the peace party during the war. While not composed of men of first rate ability, or those of wide experience, it nevertheless had a considerable number who had served in the legislature or in previous conventions. All were sincerely anxious to restore the state to its normal
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relations with the Union. The more important leaders in the body were B. F. Moore, Edward Conigland, M. E. Manly, Thomas Settle, George Howard, William Eaton, and Dennis D. Ferebee.
The president, Judge Reade, had been a member of Con- gress, Confederate senator, Superior Court judge and was at the time a provisional justice of the Supreme Court. In tak- ing the chair he made an eloquent address, looking to speedy reconciliation and union.
In conversation and in correspondence, President Johnson had made it clear that he expected of the convention that it should pass ordinances nullifying the ordinance of secession and abolishing slavery and that the first legislature should ratify the Thirteenth Amendment. The convention took up first the secession question. All wanted the matter ended finally since all recognized that the doctrine was dead, but a division appeared as to the means. An influential though small minority desired a simple repeal of the secession ordi- nance, while the majority desired and insisted upon an ordinance which would declare it null and void from the begin- ning. A bitter debate arose out of the question but the majority finally enforced its will. The ordinance abolishing slavery caused no such discussion and was passed unani- mously. Both were ordered submitted to the people for ratification.
The two great objects of the convention having been ac- complished, attention was turned to the reorganization of the state government. The election of state and county officials, members of Congress and of the legislature were provided for, all offices, whose incumbents had taken the oath of allegi- ance to the Confederate States, were declared vacant, but all laws and official acts since May 20, 1861, not inconsistent with the state and federal constitutions were declared valid as were the acts of the provisional governor and his agents, and all contracts were declared binding, the legislature being in- structed to prepare a scale of depreciation of the currency during the whole period of the war. A large number of less important ordinances were passed and the only matter un- settled was that of the state debt.
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A committee was appointed to consider the question and it finally recommended that no action be taken at that session. A resolution to repudiate the debt incurred in aid of the war was at once introduced and considerable debate followed. Immediately there was shown to the members a letter to Gov- ernor Holden from the state agent in Washington, Dr. R. J. Powell, which quoted every member of the cabinet except Secretary Stanton in statements to the effect that no action be taken at the time. This seemed conclusive as to the opinion of the national administration and the governor, and the resolution was tabled and in general this action seemed ac- ceptable to the press and to the public.
But a surprise was in store for the state and the conven- tion. For some reason Governor Holden changed his opinion. This was probably due to his discovery that the opposition to him had come to a focus in the selection of Jonathan Worth as a candidate for governor. Representing as Worth did the property-owning class, it probably seemed necessary to Holden to make a special appeal to the masses who owned no bonds and would probably welcome repudiation. At any rate, on the day after he learned of the plan to run Worth, he tele- graphed the President that the convention had involved itself in a bitter discussion of the debt and that the people were believed to be opposed to paying it, and asking if it should not be repudiated. This false statement of the case was effec- tive. The President at once sent a very strong letter demand- ing repudiation and the convention, under this influence, adopted an ordinance repudiating the entire debt incurred in aid of the war. The requirement of the President paved the way for the later repudiation of the special tax bonds and was undoubtedly a wise demand at the time from the theo- retical standpoint, but it caused terrible hardship. It forced every bank in the state into liquidation and most of them to complete ruin, impoverished thousands of the people on whom prosperity depended, swept away the larger part of the prop- erty of the University, and seriously impaired the Literary Fund which supported the public school system The respon- sibility for all this, in the minds of the people, rested upon Vol. III-5
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Holden and his action was deeply resented. It assured his defeat in the approaching election.
The convention adjourned until May 24, 1866, and the campaign began at once. Holden had been requested by a large minority of the members of the convention to be a can- didate and accepted. The opposition to him, after casting about for some time, had, as has been seen, settled upon Worth, a man of much practical ability and of high character. He was reluctant but finally agreed to run.
The campaign which followed was very actively conducted and grew increasingly bitter as time passed. Neither can- didate took any open part, but there were twenty-three as- pirants for the seven seats in Congress and at least 500 for the 170 seats in the legislature so there was no lack of speak- ers. The press entered enthusiastically into the battle and the lines began to be drawn here which were to endure for years.
Holden's supporters, with the Standard as a mouthpiece, sought at first to defeat Worth by ridicule, but when his strength became apparent, with some success they attempted to identify him with the original secession element and to in- timate that his candidacy amounted to disloyalty and even to an actual defiance of the United States. In the state it was generally known that Worth's Union record was far better than Holden's, but outside the state misunderstanding of the conditions was usual, and even the President was for a time deceived. The most important question in the state was that of restoration to the Union, and the slogan: "William W. Holden and Go Back to the Union, or Jonathan Worth and Stay Out of the Union," was highly effective, giving Holden a strength he would not otherwise have had.
Worth's supporters, on the other hand, did not fail to emphasize the political unreliability of Holden and to point out his action in relation to the war debt as an example of it. In time they succeeded in making Holden himself the issue, and the day had passed when he, on his own merits, could com- mand a majority of the white men of the state although he now had the support of such men as B. F. Moore, R. S. Don- nell, and Bedford Brown. Instrumental in this shift of issue was the Sentinel newspaper edited by W. E. Pell.
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When the election came Worth received a majority of almost six thousand. The two ordinances were ratified in a light vote. Of the seven congressmen chosen, all had orig- inally opposed secession and all but two had been whigs. But
WILLIAM E. PELL Founder of the Sentinel
two had been in the Confederate Congress and only two could take the iron-clad oath required for admission.
The President was much disappointed in the result and, in a letter requesting Holden to continue for a time as provi- sional governor, frankly said so. Holden took this to mean that Worth's election might not be recognized as valid and he eagerly sought to secure this action by the President.
The legislature met late in November. Thomas Settle was elected speaker of the House and Samuel F. Phillips speaker
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of the Senate. The governor's message emphasized the neces- sity of immediate ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment and the question was taken up at once. Opposition to the clause giving Congress the power of enforcement was evident and four members of the Senate offered a formal protest against ratification, but both houses voted it by large major- ities. Later a declaration that the power of Congress to legis- late on the subject of the freedmen was. not enlarged was passed.
To offset Holden's charges of disloyalty a series of reso- lutions was then passed, declaring that the people of the state accepted in good faith the President's terms and that they were loyal to the government of the United States and were ready to make any sacrifice, any concessions consistent with honor and safety, for the restoration of harmony.
Most of the session was spent in filling offices declared vacant by the convention. William A. Graham and John Pool were elected to the Senate, Holden having been privately offered the latter's seat and having refused it. Two members of the old Supreme Court were re-elected and Judge Reade replaced Judge Manly. Most of Holden's appointces to the Superior bench were elected as well as several of the solicitors. Almost all the new officials were former whigs, most of the democrats retiring into an obscurity that was to last for some years.
When Congress met the senators and representatives chosen presented themselves at Washington to be sworn in, but were denied admission along with the members from the other late Confederate States. Under the lead of Thaddeus Stevens the contest with the President was joined concerning the question of Reconstruction which was to end only with the entire overthrow of the President's plan.
It was not deemed wise to take up general legislative mat- ters while the status of the state was unsettled and so, after filling all the vacancies and administering the oath of office to Worth, the legislature adjourned until the following Feb- ruary.
On December 23d, in spite of Holden's efforts, Secretary Seward notified him and Worth that in the opinion of the
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GOVERNOR JONATHAN WORTH
BARTHOLOMEW F. MOORE
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President the time had come to end the provisional govern- ment, and on December 28th, Governor Worth assumed office.
Throughout the administration of the provisional gov- ernor there was constant interference by the military author- ities with civil functions. At first there had been no question of distinction between civil and military powers. In a sense the provisional governor was more a military than a civil official. His appointment and authority were based upon the war power of the President and his chief duty was to restore civil government. North Carolina formed a military depart- ment at first under General Schofield and later under General Ruger. Still later it became a part of the Department of the South under General Sickles.
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