USA > North Carolina > History of North Carolina: North Carolina since 1860, Volume III > Part 21
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35
Russell had in the past characterized the negroes of the South as largely savages, who "stole all the week and prayed it off at church on Sunday," and who were "no more fit to govern or have a share in governing than their brethren in the swamps of Africa," but in this campaign he promised them a full share of the spoils, or, as he phrased it, "oats and fodder." This was but a vain promise in view of the small patronage at the governor's disposal. In his speech of ac- ceptance he declared that he had been suckled at the breast of a negro woman and stood for the negroes. Plausible as he made his various allusions to the colored members of the party, his views were well known and the negro leaders did not trust him. Finally early in July a convention of colored republicans, representing sixty-five counties, assembled in Raleigh and adopted resolutions calling upon every negro in whose heart there was still a spark of self-respect and man- hood to exert himself to the utmost to defend the honesty and integrity of their race by doing all in their power to defeat
Vol. III-17
258
HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
Russell's election Loyalty to the national party was declared and the candidacy of W. A. Guthrie for governor endorsed.
In June the democratic convention met with ninety-five of the ninety-six counties represented. Three names had been prominently mentioned for the head of the ticket, Julian S. Carr, Judge Walter Clark, and Cyrus B. Watson. It was not a position at all sought for since defeat was well-nigh cer- tain and both Carr and Clark declined to allow the use of their names. Both had already been endorsed by a number of coun- ties. Watson did not desire the nomination but pressure was brought to bear upon him and he finally consented to accept. The platform was chiefly devoted to national affairs, contain- ing a demand for free silver and denouncing the gold stand- ard and the Mckinley tariff as "twin monsters going hand in hand on their mission of destruction." On state questions it was colorless and lacked vitality. A fair election law and the impartial administration of the criminal laws were de- manded and the party pledged itself to the continuance of the "system of public education established by the democratic party." Because of bitter opposition to the lease of the North Carolina Railroad and the consequent unpopularity of Gov- ernor Carr, the convention abandoned precedent and failed to endorse his administration.
The nomination of Bryan for President by the democrats and his endorsement by the populists seemed to make the way easier for democratic fusion with the populists. On July 3d, the populist executive committee, composed of Marion Butler, W. A. Guthrie, A. S. Peace, W. H. Kitchin, and Harry Skin- ner, met in Raleigh and invited the silver party to join them in convention in August. They also considered the question of fusion with the democrats. Just before the meeting of the populist convention on August 13th, Butler as chairman of the executive committee submitted to the democratic commit- tee a proposition for fusion. By its terms the democrats were to have six and the populists five electors. On the state ticket the populists were to have the governor, treasurer, and super- intendent of public instruction and the democrats were to have the lieutenant-governor, secretary of state, auditor, at- torney-general and United States senator. Or if the demo-
259
HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
crats preferred, they could take the governor, attorney-gen- eral, and superintendent of public instruction while the popu- lists took the rest. Each party would nominate one associate justice. As concerned the members of Congress the demo- crats were to nominate in the second, fifth, eighth and ninth districts while the populists would select the candidates for the first, fourth, sixth, and seventh. The ninth was to be open for contest. In the counties, "the two executive committees were to use their good offices to secure a fair and honorable division of county and legislative candidates between the two parties in an equitable ratio similar to the above division of state and congressional offices."
The democrats declined the proposition, claiming that it was highly unreasonable and that by it the party had nothing to win and everything to lose. They did, however, offer elec- toral fusion. They felt strongly that the populist leaders, particularly Butler, had sought to make the fusion proposi- tion of such a sort as to force a democratic refusal upon which they could go before the people with the contention that the democrats were insincere and so check the impending popu- list revolt against Butler and fusion with the republicans. This may or may not have been true. The probability is that the populist leaders, conscious of their strong position in the campaign, sought to make the best bargain they could. In any event, they did not fail to accuse the democrats of insin- cerity, stating that since their platforms were much alike there was no obstacles to fusion save the greed of democrats for office.
When the populist convention met, with every county save Chowan represented, there was a strong contest between the Butler element and the middle-of-the-road men who did not want further fusion with the republicans. The latter won the first round with the election of Skinner as permanent chair- man. When the nominations came, W. A. Guthrie was nomi- nated for governor over Cyrus Thompson. Oliver H. Dock- ery, who had been defeated by Russell for the republican nomination for governor, was nominated for lieutenant-gov- ernor. He was at the time an ardent silver man. Butler pre- sented the name of Zebulon V. Walser, the republican nomi-
260
HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
nee, for attorney-general. The opposing faction was very bitter at this attempt to force fusion and no nomination was made for that office or for associate justice. Cyrus Thompson was selected for secretary of state, W. H. Worth for treas- urer, H. W. Ayer for auditor, and Charles H. Mebane for superintendent of public instruction. In making the nomina- tion, the middle-of-the-road faction won.
The platform endorsed the election and county govern- ment laws, demanded that the legislature make all coins of the United States, including the trade dollar, legal tender, favored legislation prohibiting gold contracts of all kinds, de- manded revision and improvement of the school laws, low freight rates, an anti-pass law for public officials and con- demned in unsparing terms the democratic party for the lease of the North Carolina Railroad to the Southern Railway and for failure to enforce the laws against trusts. The republi- cans, through the state committee, at once endorsed the nomi- nations for secretary of state, treasurer, and superintendent of public instruction. Gubernatorial candidates still remained in the field as did those for lieutenant-governor, the republican committee later choosing C. A. Reynolds.
The populist leaders still dickered for electoral fusion with the republicans and ignored the matter of agreement with the democrats. The republicans expressed their willingness to divide the electoral ticket, regarding it as a very good bar- gain in view of their small chance of carrying the national ticket. But it began to look as though the republicans would succeed in breaking the Solid South with North Carolina. Butler's position was one of considerable difficulty since in August he was chosen chairman of the national committee of the people's party. But in September, Bryan visited the state and arrangements for fusion were begun. Soon after, the democratic, populist and silver parties agreed upon a plan. The democrats and populists were each to have five electors and the silver party one. This did not, however, stimulate the populists to fusion on the state ticket, and fi- nally, in the middle of October, when it was fairly clear that Russell was certain to win, the democratic committee invited the populists to a conference in the interest of fusion, at the
261
HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
same time offering to endorse Guthrie for lieutenant-gov- ernor, and later to elect him senator, Thompson for secretary of state, Worth for treasurer, and Montgomery for associate justice, and to concede four members of Congress, the two parties to combine on the legislative tickets. The populist reply was a cool refusal coupled with a suggestion that if the democrats regarded Russell as a menace, they would do well to support Guthrie.
The campaign drew on to a close with Guthrie using all his influence to prevent the populists from supporting gold men. Fusion with the republicans on county tickets was by now general. There was a similar co-operation on members of Congress where four were nominated by the republicans and five by the populists, and on the legislative tickets where the republicans were playing with the populists, for while offering fusion on apparently liberal terms, in a large number of cases they dictated the nominations to the legislature by exercising a sort of veto. But, still there was no agreement as to the governor. According to the populists, the republi- cans promised that Russell would be withdrawn and that he refused. Pressure was then exerted to bring Guthrie down and he not only would not come down but insisted upon pub- licly condemning the sacrifice of principle by the populists that was involved in supporting "gold-bug" republicans for Congress and for the legislature where a United States sen- ator was to be chosen. By this time populists had forgotten such things in their eagerness to win and the full machinery of the party, in control of H. W. Ayer, who had finally se- cured the withdrawal of his republican opponent, was directed against Guthrie. He issued a statement that in view of his behavior no true populist could vote for him. As a matter of fact populist leaders had found it impossible to control Guthrie, where principle was involved, and were glad of an excuse to cut loose from him.
When the election came Bryan carried the state by a ma- jority of about 19,000 and Russell won with a plurality of something more than 8,000, Guthrie receiving 30,000 votes. Five populists, three republicans, and one democrat were elected to Congress. The democratic exception was William
-
262
HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
W. Kitchin who, accepting a forlorn hope in the Fifth District, unhorsed Thomas Settle who had held the district for two terms and seemed secure. Fusion was successful in seventy- five counties. The legislature stood as follows:
Senate
House
Joint Ballot
Populists
25
39
64
Republicans
18
54
72
Democrats
7
26
33
Silver
1
1
The republicans had outplayed Butler and the populists. Butler's ultimatum had been free silver, a populist governor and a populist legislature, and none of these had been se- cured. The republicans had won the lieutenant-governorship which they had conceded to the populists.
The legislature met and organized. A. F. Hileman, a populist, was chosen speaker of the House. There were many reasons for the belief that the session would not be as har- monious, as concerned the fusionists, as the preceding one, for both elements were somewhat inclined to soreness and hence party division was more acute. The republicans were inclined to be somewhat highhanded in their treatment of their allies, were on the whole contemptuous of them, and sought to ignore them when possible. The populists, for their part were getting tired of being used by the republicans, they wanted a larger share of the offices, and many were restive under the rule of Butler which grew increasingly difficult to bear as was evidenced by frequent bursts of temper on the part of populists, accompanied frequently by bitter denunci- ation of him and of his methods. 'A large proportion of the populists in the state were politically ignorant, inexperienced, and prejudiced, but they were conscientious and devoted to principle. They were now beginning to see that the net re- sult of fusion in the way of the economic and social better- ment of the people was nothing at all. Intense in their essen- tial democracy and bitter against the democratic party be- cause they believed it controlled by bosses, they found that the destinies of the populist party were in the hands of an oligarchy, with a steady tendency towards autocracy and that
263
HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
democracy in party control was further away than in the old party. As a result of all these things there were factions in the party and factional differences among the leaders. Lines of cleavage with the republicans appeared and unity was lack- ing.
Governor Russell was inaugurated on January 12th. He was a man full of bitterness who had made an unenviable rec- ord in the Confederate army and had carried the stigma all his life. His abilities were far from mediocre but a fiery tem- per and the intensity of his prejudices, particularly against what he termed "the aristocracy" in North Carolina, fostered in him a partisanship which was apt to control him in all things. His inaugural address began with the identical words of Vance in 1877, "There is retribution in history," but there the similarity ceased. Vance's address had indeed been full of rejoicing at the redemption of the state, but the spirit of the thing was fine and it was forward-looking. In Russell's opening paragraph was poured out the bitterness of his soul as he described a condition of affairs which had never existed in North Carolina, imagination painting for him the entire picture. He then turned to a commonplace discussion of the tasks which he saw before his party. There was no vision in the speech, no conception of the opportunity of his party to gain and hold the confidence of the white people of North Carolina. His first suggestion was that drunken judges be removed, this being directed at one of the democratic judges who was periodically intoxicated. No one can dispute the need of his removal but an isolated case scarcely furnished material for the opening of an inaugural after twenty years of exile. He commended the election law; properly enough, demanded the suppression of mob rule and lynchings; ad- vised retrenchment in expenditures, and the regulation of the railroads ; and urged the invalidation of the lease of the North Carolina Railroad, for which he condemned his predecessor and made strong intimations of the existence of fraud. He congratulated his party upon breaking the Solid South with North Carolina and closed with the absurd imperialistic sug- gestion that the United States should seize and occupy all the
264
HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
remaining regions of the earth which were open for exploita- tion.
The governor and his party were entirely confident of the future. No doubt entered their minds of their ability to ab- sorb the populists and permanently control the state. The weakness of the tie which made fusion possible and the men- ace to continued party supremacy which the strong and solid negro vote constituted was not at the time considered. A pro- phetic expression, based upon hope, certainly, but also upon a very real knowledge of the people of the state was that of Josephus Daniels in the News and Observer the morning after the inauguration :
Those who believe that a party where eight-tenths of its mem- bers are negroes can long remain in power in North Carolina do not understand the genius, the temper, and patriotism of the people of this commonwealth. Four years will mark the duration of its ten- ure of power.
The question of primary interest before the legislature was the senatorial election. By the time the session began there was considerable doubt of the result due to the bitter opposition of many populists to the re-election of Pritchard. At the time of his election he had been a strong advocate of free silver, but in 1896 he had apparently been converted to the gold standard and had endorsed the St. Louis platform of his party. Many populists thought this fact absolved them from support of his candidacy, whatever might have been the agreement between the leaders of the party. The more conscientious demanded that the republicans replace him with some silver republican for whom they could vote without sac- rifice of principle. A considerable minority favored his elec- tion in accordance with the agreement. Butler was personally silent on the subject in public but there was little doubt as to where he stood for his paper, the Caucasian, was bitterly op- posed to Pritchard's election and most outspoken in condem- nation of populists who would vote for a gold-bug. In the meantime the republican caucus nominated Pritchard who it seems had written a letter in which he declared himself still a silver man but acknowledged that he had become convinced
265
HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
that international agreement was necessary before it was practicable.
The democratic caucus aware that there was no possible hope of electing anyone from their party and keenly anxious not only to secure a silver senator but also to procure the de- feat of the republicans and spoil the combination of their op- ponents, made a formal offer to the populist caucus of a con- ference with a view to united action in electing a silver man. Guthrie was probably the man they had in mind. The offer was entirely ignored.
The populists, in the meantime, were finding it a difficult matter to maintain party discipline or in any way secure unity of action. The leaders still confidently claimed that Pritchard could not be elected but when the caucus met to consider the senatorial matter, there was a bitter quarrel over the time allowed the advocates of Pritchard's election, and finally this resolution was offered and adopted: "Resolved, that it is the determination of this caucus never to endorse Senator Pritchard for the United States Senate." Immedi- ately twenty-three of the members withdrew from the caucus. With this action there was a clear-cut division of the party, Butler heading the majority faction which opposed Pritchard, and Skinner, the minority which desired to carry out the party pledge made two years before. Finally the caucus nominated Cyrus Thompson, but the bolters did not return.
National attention was directed to the situation and pres- sure was exerted in various ways. Both populists and demo- crats made loud charges that Hanna had sent a "barrel" to be used for bribes and there were varied charges that prom- ises of Federal patronage had influenced the bolters. There is no evidence of bribery but offers of Federal spoils were doubtless freely made; at least, it would have been an extra- ordinary case if they had been lacking. The statement was made later and not contradicted that within a year every bolter who voted for Pritchard had been given a Federal of- fice.
When the election came, Pritchard, with the aid of seven- teen of the bolting populists was elected, the democrats voting for R. A. Doughton, the late lieutenant-governor. Pritchard
266
HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
was easily the strongest man of his party and he had won the respect and admiration of his political opponents. Even so strongly partisan a newspaper as the News and Observer which disagreed with him on every political question, con- tained the day after his election a long editorial which spoke admiringly of the man and congratulated his party upon his election. Not so Butler. The populist caucus, after perma- nently excluding the bolters, adopted a series of resolutions said to have been written by Butler which, in addition to bit- ter denunciation of Skinner, contained the following para- graphs :
The election of Mr. Pritchard, the candidate of Hanna, Sherman and Wall Street to represent the silver sentiment of North Carolina in the United States Senate discovers a startling crisis in the history of the People's Party. He could not have been elected by Republican votes. He was elected by those who call themselves Populists, and at a time when they could as easily have elected a Populist. Populists who fail in a critical hour to stand for Populist principles are not the Populists in whose hands and under whose leadership the prin- ciples of the party can be carried to victory. Before nine o'clock this morning agents, including pie-counter Republicans and bolting Populists, were approaching members of the People's Party and every visiting Populist in Raleigh who favored the elec- tion of the People's Party nominee for United States Senator by seductive pleas of persuasion and subtle sophistry and by direct prop- ositions and overtures, coupled with considerations. * * *
As the livery of heaven is stolen to serve the Devil in, so every crime committed against the integrity of the People's Party and its essential principles will be attempted in the name of "Cooperation." Already the Populist supporters of Hanna's man begin to call them- selves "cooperative Populists," when in truth they are nothing but Republicans, while attempting to better serve the purposes of the Re- publican Party by masquerading as Populists. By their fruits ye shall know them.
We have desired the continuance of cooperation upon honorable grounds. Cooperation which tends to destroy our organization or compromise its principles is suicidal. Such cooperation. therefore, cannot be permitted or tolerated. The only way by which the People's Party can be able to maintain its existence. strengthen its lines, and by its growth be in a position to command honorable cooperation is by purging from its ranks all who place self above the welfare of the people. This purging must be done. It cannot be begun too soon.
Nevertheless, soon after the election, the populist caucus announced its readiness to carry out the agreement of cooper-
267
HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
ation with the republicans. The latter did not reply, and on January 27th, the populists issued an address denouncing Skinner, the bolters, and the republican party, and condemn- ing fusion. A resolution was also passed declaring that by the action of the republicans the contract of co-operation was at an end "and that, therefore, all connection and negotia- tions from this caucus to them be closed." Immediately the minority populists replied with a furious attack upon Butler. Such were the political amenities of the day.
The senatorial election had absorbed the attention of all and until it was over nothing was done. Then and then only were regular legislative matters taken up.
Both populists and republicans had laid chief emphasis since 1895 upon the county government and election laws, as entitling them to a fresh grant of power. Both were now altered; in the former by striking out the provision for the appointment upon affidavit and petition of additional county commissioners, in the latter by making provision for a county board, consisting of the clerk, register of deeds, and chairman of the county commissioners, which should appoint a registrar and a judge of election from each party. This meant under existing political conditions partisan control of elections and was so intended. To insure the party regularity of the illiter- ates an official party ballot with a device was provided for and stickers were made illegal. With these changes the election law became far worse than the one which it replaced which had been so vehemently abused. There was little in the new one to prevent wholesale fraud. During the course of the session the republicans drafted an election law which was far worse and which failed of passage.
The most important and beneficial act of the legislature was the passage of the new school law which was excellent. Another law set aside $50,000 to be used in assisting such localities as voted special school taxes, elections on the ques- tion being required. Under the new provisions and guided by- Charles H. Mebane, the educational revival of the state now began.
A new revenue law was passed which made the tax rate 46 cents and the poll tax $1.29. This was later carried to the
268
HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
Supreme Court and by it declared unconstitutional because the equation was not preserved, and so the rate of 1895 was re- stored.
In pursuance of the plan to obtain control of the state institutions, the legislature chartered the three hospitals for the insane under new names and with new boards. The old boards resisted and the Supreme Court upon appeal decided that a change of name, or even the abolition followed by im- mediate re-establishment, of an institution, did not operate to remove the officials. But control was finally obtained of the railroads, the Board of Agriculture, the Agricultural and Me- chanical College and the School for the Blind. Of the last- mentioned, James Young, a negro was made director and became the controlling member of the board. No single act of Governor Russell provoked such keen indignation as this.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.