USA > North Carolina > History of North Carolina: North Carolina since 1860, Volume III > Part 19
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disposition to check construction and a large number of new roads were chartered.
After the adjournment of the legislature there was a gen- eral feeling in the state that any tendency of the Alliance towards the formation of a third party had been checked. In May the meeting at Cincinnati was held at which a new party was organized but there was little apparent inclination on the part of the Alliance in North Carolina to join in the move- ment. There was a general feeling that such action was use- Iess since the Alliance now controlled absolutely the demo- cratic party in the state. Alexander, Carr, Butler, and other leaders were opposed, the Progressive Farmer was appar- . ently so, and Polk had nothing to say upon the subject. But when the state meeting of the Alliance was held in August it was apparent that the feeling of the delegates was far from being unfavorable to the new party. At the bottom of this was the failure of the democratic party in the country to ac- cept the sub-treasury which the rank and file of the Alliance were inclined to regard as the specific for all financial and economic ills. Still no definite action was taken other than to endorse with emphasis the sub-treasury plan. Butler, who was elected president, was, as has been mentioned, opposed to a third party. Yet it was very clear to many that unless the democratic party went the whole way and swallowed the sub- treasury and free and unlimited coinage of gold and silver, ac- cepting at the same time the domination of the Alliance in the choice of candidates, separation was certain. But neither the Alliance nor the democratic party faced the facts in the case.
In the meantime Polk, who was chosen in the fall president of the national organization for the third time, probably as the man most favorable to a new party, was using every effort to prepare the way for the People's party. His influence in the North Carolina Alliance was tremendous and his work highly effective. The Progressive Farmer, which of course reflected his views, began to advocate the entrance of the Al- liance as a body into state politics. This, of course, would mean a third party. In October, Butler announced it to be the firm intention of the Alliance to stand by the sub-treasury
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HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
scheme even if it split the democratic party, and a little later Polk declared his opposition to the re-nomination of Cleve- land. Both maintained that there would be no third party, unless it was brought about by the intolerance of democratic leaders. There was of course plenty of intolerance among politicians and newspaper editors, but, on the other hand, any difference of opinion or honest criticism was construed as intolerance and proscription by the Alliance and resented as such. These were radical views. Such men as Elias Carr and Alexander opposed extreme views and action. Thus by the end of 1891 there was a real division of Alliance leaders into radicals-rule or ruin men-bent on carrying their every point and really hopeful that a third party would be formed, a more conservative element who would only as a last resort join in such a movement, and a group that could not be persuaded to join a third party. The members of the last two groups lost no occasion of pointing out that the Alliance could not hope for more in a new party than it already possessed in the democratic party; that it could not really get as much; and that the formation of a new party would mean inevitably the loss of the prestige and power of the Alliance and its becom- ing a mere side-show of the republican party in North Caro- lina. At the St. Louis conference in February, 1892, over which Polk presided, the North Carolina delegation opposed any third party action, but Polk identified himself with the movement.
The republicans in the State watched the movement with undisguised pleasure and very cleverly lost no opportunity of encouraging the progress of Alliance discontent. They could easily do this for the republican membership of the organization was negligible and had been all along rather unwelcome to the mass of Alliance men except when they de- sired to make the point that the movement was not partisan. Thus the republicans were able to see in the formation of a third party, with or without fusion, a strong probability of republican success. Therefore a considerable body of repub- lican politicians devoted their energies to the promotion of a new party and, when it finally came, joined it, seeking to
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give it, so far as possible, into the control of republicans in the interest of fusion.
During the legislature of 1891, Jeter C. Pritchard, the foremost republican leader in the state, had declared that he regarded the county government issue as settled and the re- publican press in the main had agreed, but in the summer it appeared that it was to be revived and that many republicans were relying upon that and the third party to win in 1892. Talk began of a reorganization of the party on a white basis. Part of this was genuine since many republicans were heartily sick of the negro and of political identification with him. But in part it was intended only to offset the argument that the democrats were certain to use-which in fact they had used since the beginning of the movement. A protective tariff league was organized during the year as a part of this move- ment and an attempt made to interest the rapidly-growing group of manufacturers in the matter.
After the St. Louis meeting and the adoption of the plat- form there, Polk became an open advocate of the populist party as of course did the Progressive Farmer. It was said, but with what truth is not known, that he confidently expected to be nominated for President at Omaha. He had sufficient following in the state to alarm the democrats who began with real venom to denounce him, the populist party, and even the Alliance, vehemently emphasizing the fact that the sole re- sult would be republican success. It was later said that they set out "to make Populism odious" in North Carolina. But it was mistaken tactics, serving only to alienate many who were friendly and strengthening the advocates of populism by making them appear martyrs. The press was particularly active and the Progressive Farmer in March was able to say : "It is well known that two years ago the Alliance together with its friends was the Democratic Party in North Carolina; yet now there is not one democratic paper in the State which champions the cause of the farmer."
By April the St. Louis platform had been repudiated by many Alliance leaders, including Elias Carr. Harry Skinner, while not condemning the platform, was opposed to any sepa- rate party organization. Marion Butler, president of the Al-
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liance, lingered, endorsing the St. Louis platform, threaten- ing the democratic party unless it accepted it, but confidently expecting to win the state convention. In June the execu- tive board of the Alliance expressed dissatisfaction with the action of the Progressive Farmer and Polk at once announced that it had ceased to be the official organ of the Alliance.
In the meantime, Butler issued a call for an Alliance con- ference in Raleigh on the day of the meeting of the demo- cratic convention. Undoubtedly this was intended to influ- ence the convention. Trouble was brewing, for while extreme Alliance men urged the friends of the St. Louis platform to control the democratic primaries and convention, many demo- crats in retaliation wanted to exclude from the primaries and convention all who favored the St. Louis platform. Demo- cratic leaders naturally demanded that none should be admit- ted to the primaries who would not agree to abide by the decision on nominees and platform of the party in state and nation. This was not welcome since Alliance influence was being exerted to defeat Governor Holt for nomination, ac- companied with threats of independent action, and there was bitter opposition to the nomination of Cleveland for Presi- dent.
When the democratic convention met, the elements op- posed to Holt were in control and he was defeated by Elias Carr who had not been a candidate for the nomination. His selection was a triumph for the Alliance, but for the conserva- tive wing.
Of leading Alliance men, Harry Skinner was present, and his name was presented for nomination for lieutenant- governor. He declined, however, to have it considered, stat- ing that with his financial views his nomination would be unwise and that success must be won since the democratic party in North Carolina was the ark of the covenant. The platform was shaped by the same influences. It denounced the protective tariff, the force bill, and demanded financial reform, the relief of the agricultural classes, abolition of na- tional banks, the issue of more greenbacks, the free coinage of silver, a graduated income tax, and the prohibition of alien land-holding and dealing in futures on agricultural products.
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The only state question receiving any attention was that of education, better schools being demanded.
With such complete triumph all save the most radical ele- ment of the Alliance seemed satisfied. But preliminary steps were taken at the Alliance conference, on the same day which was attended by delegates from seventy counties, to organize the people's party in the state, and that was accomplished later in the month. Polk's name was presented for the presi- dential nomination at Omaha and S. Otho Wilson and Harry Skinner were elected delegates to the Omaha convention. Skinner at once repudiated this action as far as he was con- cerned. Polk died in June and the greatest influence in the Alliance and a very radical one was thus removed. Butler as late as July was apparently favorable to the democratic state ticket, and, while the question of a state convention of the people's party to make nominations was discussed, such ac- tion appeared unlikely. Up to this time there had been no Alliance criticism of the state government, but division on men developed and was followed rapidly by criticism of gov- ernment which was increasingly vehement.
With the nomination of Cleveland, however, the radical element had a chance. The rank and file of the democrats were for him heart and soul but democratic politicians, led by Vance, liked him if anything less than did the Alliance radicals. Hoping to take advantage of this discontent which was not concealed, believing the current republican report that they would not nominate a state ticket, separate action was decided upon in July and a convention was called to meet August 15th. Alliance opposition to Cleveland was due to dislike of his attitude towards silver and the wide-spread be- lief that he was the friend of Wall Street, with all that such a thing then signified to the agricultural classes. The feeling was intensified by the attempt of the democrats to make his name a shibboleth.
The first populist convention was an interesting body. Marion Butler served both as temporary and permanent chair- man although so recent a convert. In the convention were a number of republicans who had never left the republican party in reality but, more or less openly, were there primarily to
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assist in the defeat of the democratic party and if possible to engineer a fusion in the interest of the republican party. The platform adopted called for economy in state government, en- couragement to education, agriculture, and manufacturing, a 6 per cent interest law, secret ballot, purity of elections, and the taxation of all railroads. It was in all respects an admir- able document. Harry Skinner was then by acclamation nom- inated for governor. A sensation occurred when he took the platform and accepted only upon the condition that if the republicans nominated a state ticket and he saw division among the whites endangering white supremacy, he was to be free to say so frankly. His chief interest, he said, was in financial reform and if the republicans had a ticket he would vote for the democratic candidate. A tremendous demonstra- tion of hostility followed and Skinner declined the nomina- tion. He was, however, later nominated with Butler for elect- or for the state-at-large. For governor, Dr. W. P. Exum was nominated over J. H. Mewborne.
In the republican party there was genuine division. Some leaders like J. J. Mott and D. L. Russell desired no republican ticket in the field and the breaking of the race issue which would result. Others saw and publicly predicted what would happen if a ticket was nominated. In the West, however, there was widespread eagerness for a ticket and an aggressive cam- paign with emphasis upon the tariff as a national issue and county government as a state issue. This feeling coupled with a natural desire for the maintenance of party solidarity pre- vailed and on September 7th the republican convention met in Raleigh. It adopted a platform denouncing the election and county government laws, and nominated a state ticket headed by D. M. Furches.
All the parties went into the campaign in earnest although it is not likely that the republicans hoped to win. The popu- lists were hopeful and intensely earnest. Public meetings in large numbers were held at which great enthusiasm was aroused, and twelve newspapers, of which the Progressive Farmer and Butler's Caucasian were the most important, as- sisted in spreading the doctrines of the party. The demo- crats very skillfully used the race issue and once more the
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Force Bill played a large part in campaign argument. Many populists were so alarmed at the prospect of the return of the negro to power that they refused to support the ticket, and W. A. Guthrie, who had declined the nomination for associate justice of the Supreme Court, issued a public letter to mem- bers of the party urging them to beware of republican suc- cess. So effective were these arguments that it became ap- parent long before the end of the campaign that there was a real identity of interest between what was left of the people's party and the republicans.
General Weaver, the populist presidential candidate, vis- ited the state in the course of the campaign but did little to help the party cause, the democrats making effective use of the bitter speeches against the South which he had made while a member of the republican party. Exum, the candidate for governor, attracted unpleasant attention by losing his tem- per in a debate with Charles B. Aycock, one of the demo- cratic candidates for elector for the state-at-large, and slash- ing him with a knife. Aycock warded off the thrust with his arm and possibly thus saved one of the most valuable lives in the history of the state. He, with his colleague, R. B. Glenn, covered the entire state and thus began the establish- ment among the people of a reputation which steadily grew brighter with the passage of time.
The discovery of the existence of a secret political society among the populists, known as Gideon's Band, caused some excitement in the state, particularly among those who remem- bered the Ku Klux, and undoubtedly was effective in checking the growth of the party. Little or nothing is known of it. It was contrary to the state constitution and during the follow- ing year S. Otho Wilson was indicted in Wake Superior Court for membership. He entered a plea of nolo contendere and no further action was taken.
While the elections resulted in a rather sweeping demo- cratic victory, the party winning the state and electoral tickets, eight out of nine members of Congress, and a majority in both Houses of the Legislature, the populists gave a good account of themselves for so young a party. In a number of counties, notably in Chatham, Nash, and Sampson they
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showed great strength. The best view of the election results can be obtained from the following tables :
STATE TICKET
Carr, Democrat
135,519
Furches, Republican
94,684
Exum, Populist 47,840
NATIONAL TICKET
-
Cleveland
127,763
Harrison
94,445
Weaver
43,772
THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY
Senate
House
Joint Ballot
Democrats
.47
93
140
Republicans
0
16
16
Populists
3
11
14
In these results was food for democratic thought. The vote for governor showed a shrinkage of republican votes from 1888 of almost 40,000 and of democratic votes nearly 13,000. The democrats with a plurality of approximately 40,000 were still 7,000 short of a majority of the total vote. The plurality of the electoral vote was about 33,000 in a much lighter vote, with more than 10,000 votes lacking of a ma- jority. It was therefore clear that the democratic party could only hope for escape from defeat by inducing the mal- contents to return, a thing which could only be made possible by a very successful democratic national administration and a period of agricultural prosperity. The populist party, as it existed, was definitely aligned with the republican party for the defeat of the democrats and if fusion could be accom- plished without loss of strength, victory would be won. Popu- list feeling against the democrats, too, was intensified by the election. A section of the election law which had never been strictly regarded, requiring the full name to be recorded in registering, was invoked in a large number of cases by demo-
Vol. III-16
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cratic election officials in order to disfranchise populists and republicans. Populists thus came to feel that they had been robbed of victory everywhere, and thus to hate the election law, all of which formed another bond with the republican party.
The legislature of 1893 was in no sense notable. It was a rather conservative body, thanks to the withdrawal of the more radical element of the Alliance. Party feeling showed itself strongly in the introduction of a bill to repeal the char- ter of the Alliance. This was nominally done at the request of members of the Alliance in order to protect certain funds of the organization and to prevent their being employed for the benefit of the populist party, but the real reason was par- tisan dislike of the Alliance. The bill failed to pass, but an- other bill amending the charter greatly limited the Alliance and made its destruction an easy matter. Apart from the manifest injustice and wrong of the law, it was the poorest politics imaginable. It consolidated a mass of Alliance opin- ion and feeling against the democratic party which lost the support of a large conservative element, and convinced the populists that the democratic party would stop at nothing in order to win. In a sense it made certain the continuation and growth of the populist party and insured democratic defeat at the polls at the next election.
The only other work of the legislature worthy of mention was the final securing from the Raleigh and Gaston and the Wilmington and Weldon railroads of a surrender of their ex- emption from taxation. This left exempt only the North Car- olina Railroad which saw the handwriting on the wall and surrendered its exemption the following year.
The year 1893 furnished still more reasons for party divi- sion. The panic played directly into the hands of those who desired the overthrow of the democratic party. The quarrel of the President with the silver men over the repeal of the silver purchase law had a strong reaction in the state and the final passage of the repeal bill by a democratic Congress seemed final and conclusive proof that the party was domi- nated by "gold-bugs" and hence was not to be trusted. Vance won anew the affections of the populists by voting against
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the bill, but Ransom supported it and thus won an intensity of hatred from the populists which made them ascribe to him every evil quality to be found among members of the United States Senate. This feeling played no small part in securing fusion the following year.
By 1894, then, the potential strength of the populist party was much greater and its leaders, and no less its rank and file, were determined, at any cost, to secure democratic defeat.
CHAPTER XIII
FUSION AND ITS RESULTS
Although 1894 was an off-year, politically, it was highly important. A state treasurer, chief justice and three as- sociate justices, and a number of judges and solicitors, be- sides the members of Congress and of the legislature, were to be elected. The legislature then chosen would elect two United States senators. Ransom's term expired in 1895 and Jarvis, who had succeeded Vance upon the latter's death in April, would hold his seat only until the legislature acted. It was by now an understood thing that Butler and Pritchard would replace them in the event that fusion could be arranged and should result in victory.
The populist convention met in Raleigh on July 31st. W. H. Worth was nominated for treasurer. A resolution was adopted declaring for a non-partisan judiciary, after which the convention nominated W. T. Faircloth, a republican, for chief justice; D. M. Furches, another republican, and Walter Clark and Henry G. Connor, both democrats, for associate jus- tices.
The platform was devoted mainly to national matters, but it declared for a four months' school term and a reformatory, condemned the democratic party for extravagance and for failure to collect back taxes from the railroads, to execute the laws against trusts, and to prosecute the officers of banks which had failed through their fault or negligence. Demo- cratic election methods were also condemned and by implica- tion new election laws were demanded.
A week after the convention O. H. Dockery, V. S. Lusk, J. H. Young, C. M. Bernard, and H. G. Ewart issued a state- ment that a republican conference had been held in Raleigh at the time of the populist convention and had recommended
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HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
co-operation with the populists on officers and had declared for the non-partisan judges already nominated. Undoubtedly at this meeting the details of fusion were agreed upon by the republican and populist leaders.
In the meantime Judge Connor, who had shortly before retired from the Superior bench, declined to accept the prof- fered nomination, declaring the Supreme bench as then com- posed, non-partisan. Attempts to induce him to reconsider failed, and it became necessary to look elsewhere for a can- didate, and Judge W. A. Montgomery, a populist, was se- lected.
Early in August the democratic convention met at Raleigh and nominated Chief Justice Shepherd, and Associate Jus- tices Clark, Burwell, and MacRae for re-election. The plat- form was devoted entirely to national matters, with the ex- ception of the standard endorsement of the party's record in the state, and offered small hope of conciliation of the seceders and consequent victory.
The republicans did not hold their convention till Septem- ber. The most important matter before it was that of fusion with the populists. This was carried and the populist nomi- nations were made those of the republican party. The plat- form favored a new election law, the repeal of the county government law in the interest of local self-government, and the passage of a law allowing the deduction from the value of taxable property of all debts. Much of the platform was devoted to national matters among which provisions it is in- teresting to note that while a protective tariff was endorsed, a declaration in favor of the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of sixteen to one was included.
The republicans made a most favorable bargain. In the division they received two members of the Supreme Court whom by no possibility could they elect alone. In addition there was the practical certainty of one senator and the con- trol of the fusion legislature which would give them what they most desired, that is, a change in the system of county government and a new election law.
The campaign was one of much bitterness but the result was never in doubt. The democrats were listless and apa-
M
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thetic, conscious of their impending defeat and highly dis- gusted with political conditions. They had begun to feel a deep disappointment in the results of two years of democratic rule in the nation, the distribution of the spoils had left more than an ordinary amount of bitterness, and the panic of 1893 and the low price of cotton had caused a reaction most un- favorable to the party. There was really, as one sees it today, never any ground for a hope of success and, beyond the shock of overthrow there was not much democratic surprise at the result of the election which was a complete fusion victory, the democrats getting only four solicitors and one member of Congress besides Judge Clark, whom all parties nominated. Of the other offices the republicans got the lion's share, two members of the Supreme Court, three Superior Court judges, three members of Congress, and five solicitors, while the popu- lists had the state treasurer, an associate justice, three judges, two solicitors, and three members of Congress. The legis- lature was politically divided as follows :
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