History of the New Netherlands, province of New York, and state of New York : to the adoption of the federal Constitution. Vol. II, Part 23

Author: Dunlap, William, 1766-1839. cn; Donck, Adriaen van der, d. 1655. 4n
Publication date: 1839
Publisher: New York : Printed for the author by Carter & Thorp
Number of Pages: 1078


USA > New York > New York City > History of the New Netherlands, province of New York, and state of New York : to the adoption of the federal Constitution. Vol. II > Part 23


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Huddy early in the war took up arms for his country. In the course of the contest he had assisted in apprehending traitors who resided among the people, and acted as emissaries of the enemy ; and he avowed that in one instance he had assisted at the execution of a man legally condemned for treason. In the spring of 1782, Captain Huddy was stationed for the defence of a place called Tom's river, and had command of a few men, and an unfinished rude blockhouse. He was attacked by a very superiour party of


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refugees, or loyalists, sent from New York to destroy this post, which was in the way of their plundering expeditions. Huddy and his small garrison defended themselves bravely, but in vain ; they were overpowered, part killed, and the, remainder, with the captain, taken to New York. This was in the month of April. After one night's confinement in the " main guard," (that is the dungeon or prison of the City hall in Wall street,) the prisoners were crowded into the Sugar house. But it appears that in this place they were not so completely under the control of Franklin, and the " Board of Associated Loyalists," and were therefore removed to the Provost. Here they were in the power of the brutal Cunningham.


During his confinement a party of refugees had been made pris- oners, and one of them (Philip White) attempting to escape from the horsemen who guarded them, was killed. This was represent- ed in New York by the enemy as an intended and barbarous mur- der, and seems to have given rise to the determination of Gover- nour Franklin and his associates. A captain of refugees, named Lippincot, was found ready to execute the designs of the board of loyalists, even without a written order from Franklin ; it appearing that the prisoners had been before given up by Captain Cunning- ham to the ex-govenour's agents, on an order from the secretary of the board, with very little ceremony, and no reluctance.


While Huddy rested as content as his fellow prisoners, in the Provost, he was demanded by Lippincot, delivered up with two others by Cunningham, put on board a vessel, irons screwed to his hands and feet, and on asking the reason of this treatment, he was told that they were taking him down to the Hook to be hanged. He was received on board a British armed vessel, until Lippincot had made his arrangements. A British commander in his ma- jesty's navy furnished the rope. This prisoner of war was taken on shore, a gallows was prepared, under which he was placed on a barrel, and a negro performed the part of executioner, under di- rection of Lippincot. The barrel was knocked away, and the body of Huddy, who died, as they said, " like a lion," left for the con- templation of his neighbours, with a paper affixed to it, which had been prepared before Lippincot received his orders from the board of associated loyalists. " Up goes Huddy for Philip White."


This atrocious murder caused a demand from General Wash- ington that the perpetrator should be given up ; and a notification that if this justice should be refused, a prisoner of equal rank with Huddy must be sacrificed, to prevent a recurrence of such dis- graceful acts. In consequence of this demand, Lippincot was confined under the care of his friend Cunningham, tried for the murder, and acquitted. It appears that he was considered to be authorized by the orders of Franklin and the board of loyalists.


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A bold party, headed by Captain Hyler of Brunswick, deter- mined to seize Lippincot, even in the heart of the garrison of New York. They ascertained the place of his residence, which was in Broad street, and disguised as English men-of-war's-men, they embarked near the Hook, landed boldly in New York, and proceeded to the house of their intended victim ; but they were disappointed. The refugee captain was absent, gambling at a cock-pit. The party, of course, could not attack him there, nor remain long in their perilous situation ; but returned safe and un- discovered.


The demand of General Washington not being complied with, all the captains of the British army who were prisoners of war were brought together, and required to draw lots to determine which of them should die. The lot fell on a youth of nineteen, a favourite among them all, and every eye, British or American, was filled with tears, as the young victim recognized his doom. His name was Asgil. Great intercession was made to save this young man ; and as, happily, the termination of the war was known to be near, he was spared.


There is a mysterious atrocity brought to light by the trial of Lippincot, which, if it had not been published by the honourable men who composed the court, all English officers, or Americans in the service of England, I could not have believed. It appears that William Franklin, as chief, or president of the board of asso- ciated loyalists, had authority from some quarter (or he knew that he would be upheld by some supreme power in so doing) to take from the provost-marshal any prisoner he chose, and commit him to men who were ready to obey the ex-governour of New Jersey, in any act of murder. The testimony of Cunningham, and others, received and believed by the court, proves this. And although there is no proof adduced on this trial (and probably it would be avoided) that others were murdered as Huddy had been, but with less publicity, it is difficult not to infer that such had been the case. That Franklin and the board of refugees had this power, is proved ; that it was exercised on Huddy is undeniable ; and that neither Franklin, nor any other of his confederates, was called to account for it.


The mysterious movements of the British on Lake Champlain, and of Ethan and Ira Allen with others in respect to Canada, kept the state of New York in constant agitation, until the New Hamp- shire grants became by interference of Congress, and reluctant consent of New York, the state of Vermont. Ethan Allen is so mingled with all these transactions, that I must give an account of him from the time he was a prisoner to the enemy.


We left Mr. Allen on board of a British vessel, and in irons, by VOL. II. 27


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order of General Prescott the commandant of Montreal, after the failure of the rash attempt on that place in September, 1775 .*


It was in vain that Allen remonstrated against such unworthy treatment, and contrasted it with the manner in which he had be- haved to the officers made prisoners by him at Ticonderoga. Pres- cott saw in those officers, the servants of his most gracious majesty, grossly injured, by being deprived of their garrison and liberty : in Allen, he only beheld a daring rebel and traitor-a pitiful pro- vincial American. The British general did not deign to answer the call of the rebel for humanity, and Allen remained in irons, handcuffed and shackled, thrust into the hold of a vessel, with a chest for his bed, which was furnished by the humanity of one of the crew, but even on that, his massive chains, and the bar of iron to which they were attached, would not permit him to rest in a posture which nature requires.


For five weeks, Allen and his companions in captivity, re- mained thus, all treated as condemned criminals. The ap- proach of Montgomery, caused the removal of Allen with his floating dungeon to Quebec ; and being transferred to another ves- sel, he found in the captain, a gentleman. Captain Littlejohn or- dered the irons to be struck off, and admitted him to his table.


This respite was short. Arnold appeared in the neighbourhood of Quebec, and Montgomery having captured Montreal, was descending the St. Lawrence. Allen was transferred to a despatch vessel destined for England, and placed under the guardianship of Brook Watson.


This wretch (his subsequent riches and the honours showered upon hm by those he served, do not render the term inapplicable,) was ' a New England adventurer, who, under the mask of patriotism, in- gratiated himself with the leaders in opposition to the designs of . Great Britain, and having obtained such knowledge as he thought would entitle him to payment for the communication, fled to Mon- treal with his intelligence, and openly declared himself an enemy to his country. He was rewarded by the ministry, with the post of commissary-general to the British armies in America, and I well remember him on his return to America in office, parading the streets of New York in scarlet, at the same time with Arnold, and in the same blushing colours. He was subsequently lord mayor of London, and a member of the British parliament, where he made himself memorable by his argument in favour of the slave trade, giving as a reason for its being continued and cherished by Great Britain, that the abolition would injure the market for the re- fuse fish of the English fisheries, they being purchased as food for the English slaves, in their West Indies.


" Ante, p. 13 -- I refer the reader to Spark's Life of Allen, (Am. Biog. Vol. 1.) passion.


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To this enemy of God and man, was Allen consigned, and he found from him such treatment as might be expected. His hand- cuff's were replaced, and with thirty-three Americans, manacled in the same manner, he was confined in one loathsome pen, for forty days, during the passage of the vessel. On entering the har- bour of Falmouth, these thirty-four Americans were permitted to see the light of day, and breathe the air of heaven, by being for the first time, brought upon deck.


The dress in which Allen was taken prisoner, and which had undergone no change except from hard usage, and long confine- ment, is thus described. " While in Canada, he had clothed him- self, in a short fawn skin, double breasted jacket, a vest and breeches of sagathey, worsted stockings, shoes, a plain shirt, and a red worsted cap." Thus arrayed, he was marched from Fal- mouth, with his companions, to Pendennis Castle, affording a spectacle to the crowds that followed, and who doubtless received and propagated the description of an American, from that ex- hibition.


In their new prison, they found themselves comparatively comfortable. They were still in irons, but they had airy room, straw, and good food. The fame of Allen as the conquerour of Ticonderoga, had gone before him, and although it had operated upon General Prescott and Brook Watson, as an incentive to cruelty, brave men were wrought upon to admire the daring achievement, and to honour the hardy leader: the con- mander of Pendennis, sent him breakfast and dinner from his own table, and his suppers were supplied by another admirer. He was allowed to walk on the parade ground within the walls, and many visited him to enjoy the contrast between his savage dress, and his bold, fluent, and energetick language, conveying to them informa- tion of a country to which they were strangers, except as the atro- city of rebellion against England had made them known. Allen was not at his ease respecting the fate Prescott had promised, and made use of a stratagem to convey to the British government, a hint that retaliation might be the consequence of putting him to death as a rebel. He asked permission to write to the continental congress : which being granted, he handed to the guard a letter, in which, he advised congress of the treatment he had received, but requested that no retaliation should be inflicted on British pri- soners in their power, until his final destiny should be known ; but then to retaliate according to the importance of the American cause.


This letter, as he designed, was sent to Lord North ; and what- ever effect it may have had, it was soon apparent that chains and death could not be resorted to as punishments for the prisoners taken in arms resisting the forces of England in America. It was determined to treat Allen and his companions as prisoners of war,


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and their irons being removed, they were sent on board the Soleby frigate, to be sent back to the rebellious colonies. The captain of this ship, ordered Allen below, telling him the deck was the "place for gentlemen to walk." In the cable tier he was confined, part of the time sick, but by boldly appearing on deck, and claiming the privilege of a gentleman from his rank, and the captain's declara- . 'tion, he was allowed to breathe the air again. In the Soleby, he was carried to Cork, and as soon as it was known that he was in the harbour, he, and his companions in captivity, experienced the generous sympathy of the gentlemen of Ireland. Clothes for the privates were sent, and an ample wardrobe for Allen, suited to his rank as a colonel, not forgetting two beaver hats, fiercely cocked and bound with gold lace. Not content with clothing the ragged, they supplied abundant food for the hungry, and sea stores were furnished for all the rebels, with a feeling which indicated not only generosity and humanity, but a sympathetick attachment to the cause in which the Americans suffered.


Fifty guineas were offered to Allen ; of which he accepted seven, as a resource in any pressing emergency.


Such was the behaviour of the Irish gentlemen of Cork-but the English gentlemen of the navy, appeared only to feel chagrin at the occurrence. The captain of the Soleby, swore that the American rebels, should not be feasted "by the rebels of Ireland," and ordered the delicacies designed for Allen and his companions, to be given to his majesty's servants. The clothing they were ge- nerously permitted to keep. The Soleby sailed for America with a fleet, and the rebel prisoners were divided among the ships. On arriving at Cape Fear River, in North Carolina, Allen was trans- ferred to a frigate, called the Mercury, and his fellow captives col- lected, and placed again in his company. The captain of this fri- gate, is described, as " tyrannical, narrow minded, and destitute of the feelings of humanity."


One of the Americans died on the passage from Ireland, and another escaped after arrival on the coast, by swimming. Some of them were sick, but medical attendance was denied them, they were shut down in the cable tier, and if they complained, were told, that they would be relieved on their arrival at Halifax, by the gallows.


The Mercury sailed from Cape Fear River on the 20th of May, and touched at the Hook off New York the first week in June. At this time General Washington with the American army had possession of New York, and the British shipping lay in the outer harbour near the Hook. The Mercury remained here three days, during which time Governour Tryon, and Mr. Kemp, the attorney- general of New York under the old government, came on board. Tryon eyed Allen, as they were walking on different parts of the deck, but did not speak to him. It is natural to presume, that the


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late governour saw with a secret satisfaction the man in safe custo- dy, who had caused him so much unavailing trouble in writing proclamations. Kemp was the same attorney, whom Allen had met at Albany, when he attended the court there as agent for the patentees of the New Hampshire Grants. No man had been more active in pressing the New York claims, or in stirring up persecu- tions against the Green Mountain Boys; and of course no one had acquired among them a more odious notoriety. This accidental meeting with Ethan Allen must have called up peculiar associa- tions in the minds of both the governour and the attorney-general.


The Mercury arrived in Halifax after a short passage from New York. The prisoners were put into a sloop, then lying in the har- bour, and a guard watched. them day and night. In this confine- ment they were served with so scanty an allowance of provisions, that they suffered cruelly from the distress of hunger, which, added to the attacks of the scurvy, made their condition more deplorable than it had been at any former time. They were still under the direction of the captain of the Mercury, to whom they wrote letter after letter, imploring medical aid and other assistance ; but in vain. The captain was deaf to their calls, took no notice of their com- plaints, and, to get rid of their importunities, ordered the guards to bring him no more letters. Their case seemed now reduced to the verge of despair. Allen resolved, however, to make one more effort. He wrought so far upon the compassion of one of the guards, as to persuade him to take a letter directed to Governour Arbuthnot, which was faithfully communicated. Touched with the claims of humanity, the governour immediately sent a surgeon to the prisoners, with instructions to administer such relief to the sick as was necessary, and also an officer, to ascertain and report the grounds of their complaint. This officer discharged his duty well, and the result was, that the next day they were removed from their dismal quarters on board the prison-sloop, to the jail in Halifax.


Allen met Mr. James Lovell of Boston (afterward a member of congress, and one of Gates's faction,) in the jail of Halifax. He had been confined in the jail of Boston by Gage, and carried thence to the jail of Halifax, where he was locked up with prisoners of the lowest description.


There were now together four American officers, besides Mr. Lovell, who, by the custom of war and the practice then existing in regard to British prisoners taken by the Americans, had a right to their parole ; but this was never granted. They were kept in close confinement till orders came fromn General Howe to send them to New York. Partial negociations had commenced between Ge- neral Washington and General Howe for the exchange of priso- ners, and certain principles had been laid down, by the mutual agreement of the parties, as a basis upon which to proceed. More-


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over congress had instructed General Washington to make a spe- cial application in favour of Mr. Lovell and Colonel Allen, pro- posing to exchange Governour Skene for the former, and an officer of equal rank for the latter. The legislature of Connecticut had also interfered in behalf of Allen, and eighteen of the prisoners . taken with him, who were natives of that state, and solicited con- gress and the commander-in-chief to use all practicable means for effecting their release. The same had been done by the Massachu- setts legislature in the case of Mr. Lovell.


The Lark frigate, on board of which were Mr. Lovell, Colonel Allen, and their companions, sailed from Halifax about the middle of October. Luckily they found themselves at last under an officer, Captain Smith, who treated them with the politeness of a gentle- man, and with the feelings of a man capable of sympathizing in the distresses of the unfortunate. The first interview is thus described . by Colonel Allen. " When I came on deck, he met me with his hand, welcomed me to his ship, invited me to dine with him that day, and assured me that I should be treated as a gentleman, and that he had given orders that I should be treated with respect by the ship's crew. This was so unexpected and sudden a transition, that it drew tears from my eyes, which all the ill usages I had be- fore met with were not able to produce; nor could I at first hardly ,speak, but soon recovered myself, and expressed my gratitude for so unexpected a favour, and let him know, that I felt anxiety of mind in reflecting, that his situation and mine was such, that it was not probable it would be ever in my power to return the favour. Captain Smith replied, that he had no reward in view, but only treated me as a gentleman ouglit to be treated. He said, this is a mutable world, and one gentleman never knows but it may be in his power to help another."


An opportunity soon occurred of verifying this last remark. They had not been at sea many days, when it was discovered that a conspiracy was on foot to destroy the captain and the principal officers, and seize the ship. An American captain, who had com- manded an armed vessel, and been recently taken prisoner, was the chief conspirator. He revealed his designs to Colonel Allen and Mr. Lovell, requesting their co-operation in bringing over the other prisoners, about thirty in number, and telling them that several of the crew were ready to join in the plot. It was known that there were thirty-five thousand pounds in money on board, and the plan of the conspirators was to take the ship into an American port, where they expected to divide the booty according to the usual rules of captures. Without waiting to discuss the laws of war, or to reason about the infamy and criminality of such an act with men, who were prepared to execute it, Colonel Allen declared with his usual decision and vehemence, that he would not listen a moment


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to such a scheme : that, in its mildest character, it was a base and wicked return for the kind treatment they had received, and that he would at every personal hazard defend Captain Smith's life. This rebuff was unexpected by the conspirators, and it threw them into a distressing dilemma, since the fear of detection was now as ap- palling to them, as the danger of their original enterprize. They then requested him to remain neutral, and let them proceed in their own way, but this he peremptorily refused ; and he finally suc- ceeded in quelling the conspiracy, by adhering to his resolution, and promising, that, as he had been consulted in confidence, he would not divulge the matter, if the leaders would pledge them- selves instantly to abandon the design. In the present state of things they were glad to accept such terms. . At the conclusion of this affair, Colonel Allen was forcibly reminded of the words of Captain Smith.


Before the end of October, the Lark frigate anchored in the har- bour of New York, and the prisoners were removed to the Glasgow transport. Mr. Lovell was exchanged in a few days for Governour Skene ; and colonel Allen, after remaining four or five weeks in the transport, where he met with very civil usage, was landed in New York and admitted to his parole. Here he had an opportunity of witnessing the wretched condition and extreme sufferings of the American prisoners, who had been taken in the battle on Long Island and at Fort Washington, and who were left to perish of hunger, cold, and sickness, in the churches of New York. He speaks of these scenes as the most painful and revolting, that could be conceived. Indeed numerous concurring testimonies have es- tablished it as a fact, of which not a shadow of doubt can now be entertained, that human misery has seldom been seen in such heart- rending forms, or under circumstances so aggravating. The mo- tives of the enemy for practising, or perinitting cruelties so little consonant to the dictates of humanity, the customs of civilized war- fare, and every principle of sound policy, are not a fit theme of inquiry in this narrative. The fact itself is an indelible stain, deep and dark, in the character of Sir William Howe, which no array of private virtues, of military talents, or public acts, will hide or ob- scure. The picture drawn by Allen, coloured as it may be by the ardour of his feelings, is vivid and impressive, and its accuracy is confirmed by the declarations of several other persons, who also related what they saw.


While he was on his parole in New York, a British officer of rank and importance sent for him to his lodgings and told him that his fidelity, though in a wrong cause, had made an impression upon General Howe, who was disposed to show him a favour, and to advance him to the command of a regiment of royalists, if he would join the service, holding out to him at the same time brilliant pros-


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pects of promotion and money during the war, and large tracts of land at its close. Allen replied, " that if by faithfulness he had recommended himself to General Howe, he should be loth by un- faithfulness to lose the General's good opinion ;" and as to the lands, he was by no means satisfied, that the king would possess a suffi- cient quantity in the United States at the end of the war to redeem any pledges on that score. The officer sent him away as an incor- rigible and hopeless subject.


In the month of January, 1777, he was directed with other pris- oners to take up his abode on the western side of Long Island, being still on parole, and allowed the usual freedom under such cir- cumstances within certain prescribed limits. Here he remained in a condition of comparative comfort till August, when he was sud- denly apprehended, environed with guards, conducted to the pro- vost-jail in New York, and put into solitary confinement. 'T'his act was on the pretence of his having infringed his parole, which he affirmed was untrue, and the whole proceeding unjust and ma- licious. But the cause was now of little moment, since he was chiefly concerned with the effect. For the space of three days he was immured in his cell without a morsel of food. The sergeant, who stood at the door, refused to be moved by offers of money or appeals to his compassion, and repelled every advance with a sol- dier's oath and the brief reply, that he would obey his orders. The pains of hunger became extreme, but they were at last assuaged; and in a few days he was transferred to another apartment of the jail, where he found himself in company. with more than twenty American officers.




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