USA > New York > New York City > History of the New Netherlands, province of New York, and state of New York : to the adoption of the federal Constitution. Vol. II > Part 25
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" The ancient difficulty with New York, was not yet removed. That state had indeed given up all prospect, and probably all de- sire, of subduing Vermont by force, or by policy ; and well knew that Vermont was, and would remain, a free and independent state. But large tracts of land had been granted by the governours to individuals : these tracts of land, by means of the increasing set- tlements and prosperity of Vermont, were become greatly valuable. The government of Vermont had uniformly refused to acknowledge the validity of these grants, or submit to any of the legislative acts of New York, and had made new grants of all those tracts of land : ' and was unalterably fixed in refusing to admit the legality of any legislative act of New York, which related to the territory of Ver- mout. The grantees under New York, were constantly complain- ing of the injuries that were done to them, in not being permitted to take possession of their property ; and of the injustice that would be established, if the government of New York should suffer their lands to be thus taken from them without an equivalent. Much pains had been taken to compromise the difficulty, but without coming to any general agreement : and the government of New York did not conceive any very strong obligation lay upon them, to refund that to individuals, which the state had no hand in grant- ing ; but which was simply an act of the crown of Great Britain, executed by the will of the royal governour ; generally for his per- sonal profit, always for the benefit of his particular friends, but never for any emolument to the government or people.
" A course of events at length occurred, which rendered the views of New York more favourable towards Vermont. Disputes rela- tive to the permanent seat of the federal government, ran high in VOL. II. 29
226 ADJUSTMENT BETWEEN NEW YORK AND VERMONT.
congress. After repeated trials, the decision sometimes fell in favour of remaining at New York, and sometimes in favour of removing to Philadelphia; and it was finally carried in favour of Philadelphia, by a very small majority. Kentucky, it was foreseen, would soon be admitted into the federal union; and Virginia, to whose territory it belonged, with great dignity and honour, instead of opposing, was aiming to promote that event. The representa- tion from the eastern states was diminished of its just proportion, by the exclusion of Vermont; and this had already proved to the disadvantage of New York. If their old controversy could be settled, it was apparent that the interests and influence of these states would in almost every instance coincide. The public senti- ment called loudly for the same measure. To what purpose, it . was said, is Vermont kept out of the Union ?- Is it not in the full and complete possession of independence, and as well regulated and governed as the other states ?- And shall the federal union, throughout the whole territory, be obstructed, and rendered incom- plete, by the ancient and endless controversy between New York and Vermont ?
. " New York wished with the rest of America, to have the federal union completed ; and without calling to view the former occasions of contention, passed an act, July 15, 1759, appointing commis- sioners with full powers to acknowledge the independence of Ver- mont, and to settle all matters of controversy with the state. On October the 23d, 1789, the legislature of Vermont appointed com- missioners on their part, to treat with those of New York, with powers to adjust, and finally determine, every thing which obstruct- ed the union of Vermont with the United States. The commis- sioners from both states were themselves very desirous to have Ver- mont brought into the federal union. The only point of difficulty and debate, related to a compensation for the lands claimed by the citizens of New York, which had been granted by the government of Vermont. After two or three meetings of the commissioners, the matter was brought to an equitable and amicable agreement.
"October the 7th, 1790, ' the commissioners for New York, by virtue of the powers to them granted for that purpose, declared the consent of the legislature of New York, that the state of Vermont be admitted into the union of the United States of America; and that immediately upon such admission, all claims of the jurisdiction of the state of New York, within the state of Vermont, shall cease; and thenceforth the perpetual boundary line between the state of New York and the state of Vermont shall be as was then holden and possessed by Vermont, that is, the west lines of the most west- ern towns which had been granted by New Hampshire, and the middle channel of Lake Champlain.' With regard to the lands which had been granted by New York, 'the said commissioners,
227
ADJUSTMENT BETWEEN NEW YORK AND VERMONT.
by virtue of the powers to them granted, declare the will of the legislature of New York, that if the legislature of the state of Ver- mont should, on or before the first day of January, 1792, declare that on or before the first day of June, 1794, the said state of Ver- mont would pay the state of New York, the sum of thirty thousand dollars, that immediately from such declaration by the legislature of the state of Vermont, all rights and titles to lands within the state of Vermont, under grants froin the government of the colony of New York, or from the state of New York, should cease,' those excepted, which had been made in confirmation of the grants of New Hampshire.
"This proposal and declaration being laid before the legislature of Vermont, they very readily agreed to the plan, which had been concerted by the commissioners from both states ; and on October 28, 179S, passed an act directing the treasurer of the state to pay the sum of thirty thousand dollars to the state of New York, at the time proposed ; adopting the western line as the perpetual boundary between the two states; and declaring all the grants, charters, and patents of land, lying within the state of Vermont, made by or under the late colony of New York, to be null and void, those only ex- cepted which had been made in confirmation of the grants from New Hampshire.
" In this amicable manner, was terminated a controversy, which had been carried on with great animosity for twenty-six years. Both sides were weary of the contest, and happily for them, the general state of America led to moderation, equity, and wisdom ; and this seems to have been the only period, in which the matter could have been adjusted to the satisfaction of all parties."*
The act passed by the legislature of the state of New York, au- thorizing commissioners to declare the consent of the state, to the independence of Vermont, expressly declared, that the act was not to be construed, to give any person claiming lands in Vermont under title from New York, any right to any compensation what- ever from that state. This was considered as a revolution effected by force, and not imposing any obligation upon the government to indemnify those who suffered by the cession.t The question was argued before the assembly, and decided in 1787.
. Williams's History of Vermont, pp. 200-301,
t Kent's Comm. Vol. I. pp 178, 179.
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228
ATTEMPTS TO CREATE REVOLT IN THE ARMY.
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CHAPTER XV.
Provisional articles of peace-Attempts to create revolt in the army -Armstrong's letters-Washington's opposition-Peace conclud- cd-Eracuation of New York-Convention to form constitution- Washington, first President of the United States-Attempts to ridicule him-His reception in New York.
1782 NOTWITHSTANDING the strenuous exertions of Lord Chatham for the subjugation of the United States, the 1783 English parliament resolved, " that the house would consider as enemies to his majesty, and the country, all those who shall advise or attempt the further prosecution of offensive war on the continent of North America." Instruc- tions were sent to Sir Guy Carleton, (who had now taken up his quarters in Kennedy's house, No. 1, Broadway, as the suc- cessor of Sir Henry Clinton,) to use his endeavours for carrying into effect the wishes of Great Britain for an accomodation with America.
The commissioners on our part, were John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens; on the part of England, Messrs. Fitzherbert and Oswald. On the 30th of November, 1782, provisional articles were agreed upon, which were to be inserted in a treaty of peace, by which the independence of the United States was acknowledged in the most ample manner. But now came a severe trial for the man who had passed through so many trials for the good of his country, as well as its peace. General Washington was desirous that his companions in arms should submit to the ne- cessity imposed by unavoidable circumstances, accept of the pro- mises made by the yet unsettled government, and retire to their employments with untarnished laurels. But here, as throughout his life, he met the malign influence of those who had endeavour- ed to thwart the efforts of a good providence and its agents, in every stage of the contest for self-government.
In December, 1782, many of the officers being apprehensive ยท that they should be disbanded before their accounts were liquidated, drew up a memorial, and deputed General MeDougall, Colonel Ogden, and Colonel Brooks, to wait upon congress with it. This produced favourable resolutions. Subsequently a report was cir- culated, by an incendiary, that congress did not mean to comply with the resolves they had published in favour of the army. This brought out an address to that body, signed by many officers, in
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229
ARMSTRONG'S LETTERS.
which they ask for money, for settlement of accounts, and security for what is due. They say that their condition is wretched, and call on congress to show the world that the independence of Ame- rica is not to be based on the ruin of any particular class of citizens. This address produced resolves, that, the superintendant of finance make such payment as circunstances will permit, and that the seve- ral states be called upon to make imme liate settlements with their respective divisions of the army ; that the army, as well as other creditors, have a right to security for what shall be found due, and that congress will make every exertion to obtain funds from the respective states.
They could do very little more than recommend to the states, who, now that immediate pressure from without was about to be withdrawn, might be expected to fall off from that union which dan- ger produced. The negotiations continued some time. General McDougall remained at Philidelphia. Colonel Ogden appears to have been there part of the time, as we shall see by Major John Armstrong's letters to General Gates.
While this disturbed state was kept up in the army, and increased as the day of separation was supposed to approach, an anonymous letter was circulated among the officers, most artfully calculated to exasperate passion, and produce the most fatal consequences.
Justice can only be done to the talents of the author by reading the whole, which is preserved in the general history of the time ; from which I have made this abstract : It is dated March 10, 1783. The author assumes the character of a veteran who had suffered with those he addressed. Ile tells them that to be tame in their present situation would be more than weakness, and must ruin them for- ever. He bids them " suspect the man who would advise to more moderation, and longer forbearance." He then describes the high state in which the country has been placed by their services. And says, " does this country reward you with tears of gratitude and smiles of admiration, or does she trample on your rights, disdain your cries, and insult your distresses ?" He advised them to carry their appeal from the justice, to the fears of government. " As- sume a bolder tone-say, that the slightest indignity from congress now most operate like the grave, and part you from them forever." That if peace takes place, " nothing shall separate you from your arms but death : if war continues, that you will retire to some un- settled country, with Washington at your head, and mock at the distresses of government." The insidious expression of " courting the auspices, and inviting the direction of their illustrions leader," was calculated to make the army believe that Washington would join them in rebellion against his country, and was certainly a bold artifice, coming, as it did, from one in constant correspondence with General Gates, and attached to him both by inclination and
230
WASHINGTON'S OPPOSITION.
office. It was likewise an expression which called for decided action from the commander-in-chief.
The author was long suspected to be Major Armstrong," who late in life acknowleged the fact. He attempted to justify himself, by saying that they were written " at the solicitation of his friends, as the chosen organ, to express the sentiments of the officers of the army, and were only an honest and manly, though perhaps, indiscreet endeavour, to support publick credit, and do justice to a long-suf- fering, patient, and gallant soldiery." However willing I should be to attribute this " indiscreet endeavour" to pure motives, yet, when the gentleman goes so far as to assert that " the slander pro- pagated and believed for half a century, that two distinguished of- ficers of the revolution had conspired to put down the commander- in-chief, is an impudent and vile falschood from beginning to end," I am obliged, with the evidence of this conspiracy before me, to hesitate, before I exonerate the writer of the letter in question from blame. The commander-in-chief noticed the anonymous address in orders, with pointed disapprobation, and requested that the gene- ral and field officers, with a proper representation from the staff of the army, would assemble on the 15th instant, to hear the report of the committee deputed by the army to congress. This request was seized upon, and represented in a second paper as giving sanc- tion to the proceedings of the officers, and they were called upon to act with energy. On the 15th of March, the commander-in- chief addressed the convention of officers, (General Gates being the chairman,) in the language of truth, feeling, and affection. He overthrew all the artifices of the anonymous writer and his friends, one of the principal of whom sat in the chair. Washington noticed the advice to mark for suspicion the man who should recommend mo- deration. He feelingly spoke of his own constant attention, from the commencement of the war, to the wants and sufferings of the army, and then pointed out the dreadful consequences of following the advice of the anonymous writer, either to draw their swords against their country, or retire, if war continues, for the defence of all they hold dear. He calls to mind the scenes in which they had acted together, and pledges himself to the utmost exertion for obtaining justice to his fellows in arms. He requests them to rely on the promise of congress. He said, " I conjure you, in the name of our common country, as you value your own sacred honour, as you respect the rights of humanity, to express your ut- most horrour and detestation of the man who wishes, under any spe- cious pretences, to overturn the liberties of your country ; and who wickedly attempts to open the floodgates of civil discord, and de- luge our rising empire in blood."
. Since known as General Armstrong. He was afterward secretary at war.
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231
PEACE CONCLUDED.
The convention resolved, unanimously, among other things, that " the army, have unshaken confidence in congress, and view with abhorrence, and reject with disdain, the infamous propositions contained in a late anonymous address to the officers of the army."
In a letter written by John Armstrong at Philadelphia, to Gene- ral Gates, in April, 17S3,* he mentions a plan agitated, to grant land in Muskingum to the army, and form a new state. This, he says, is intended to amuse and divert the army from the conside- ration of more important concerns. In another letter he thanks Gates for cautioning him not to leave the papers exposed to curious and inquisitorial eyes. ( The general remembered the letter of Con- way to himself.) He says, "Ogden is now here," at Philadelphia, from the army, " and, as he conceals nothing, he tells us a great deal. Among other things, it is said, that the army look back with horrour and regret upon the mistaken step they have taken," (pre- vions to Washington's address to them,) "and like contemptible penitents who have sinned beyond the prospect of salvation, wish to have it to do over again. It is now, however. too late-the sol- diers are anxious to disperse ; no ties, no promises, will hold them longer, and with them will every loitering hope of ours break also." He prophesies civil war, and exclaims, "Can it be otherwise? will the whigs who have lent their money-and will the men who have lent their time and blood to America, sit down quietly under their wants and their wretchedness? A dissolution of all debts, of all crc- dits, of every principle of nuion and society, must and will follow. And suffer me to ask, where will it stop? God in his anger gave them a king ; and we want a scourge." " One secret, however, Ogden tells me which shall be no longer so. Mr. Brooks was sent from hence with orders to break the sentiments like those contained in the anonymous address to the officers, and to prepare their minds for some manly vigorous association with the publick cre- ditors ; but the timid wretch discovered it to the only mon, from whom he was to have kept it, and concealed it from those to whom he had engaged to make it known. To be more explicit, he be- trayed it to the commander-in-chief, who, agreeable to the origi- nal plan, was not to have been consulted till some later period. Such a villain !- I would have written again had I not seen the impotency of the army, and the assurance of congress. They see our weakness, and laugh at our resentments."
On the 30th of November, 1752, the articles of peace were agreed to, and on the 25th of November, 1753, the governour of the state, and the commander-in chief of the American armies, took possession of the city of New York.
* Gates' Papers, in Library of N. Y. Hist. Soc.
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232
EVACUATION OF NEW YORK.
Sir Guy Carlton seemed to supersede Sir Henry Clinton, merely to adjust matters, and close the war. Brook Watson was appoint- ed commissary-general for the same purpose. Before the 25th of . . November, 1753, such of the citizens of New York, as intended to continue among their former enemies had time to make their ar- rangements, and both Washington and Clinton gave them assurance of protection.
A fleet of transports under a strong convoy, had sailed in Octo- ber, 1782, from New York for " the province of Nova Scotia, lia- ving on board a number of loyalist; with their families, amounting in all to 450 persons." . They were furnished by the British with provi- sions for a year-rations for a twenty-one days passage-cloathing, tools of husbandry, arms and ammunition. They are to have lands ; they go to enjoy a good government, " freed from the de- testable tyranny of seditions demagogues, and the burthen of une- qual and oppressive taxes." Most of these people returned as soon after the peace as they could find means.
On that memorable day the 25th of November, 1783, General Washington entered the city by the Bowery, the only road at this time, accompanied by his friends and the citizens in general on horse- back : at an appointed hour the British troops had embarked, and their gallant fleet was standing to sea over the bay.
The military of the American army was under the command of General Knox, who took immediate possession of the fort, and prepared to hoist the American colours and fire an appropriate salute.
The British arms were disgraced by some underling, in knocking off the cleats and sloshing the flag-staff, to prevent the American flag from being hoisted.
The following is the statement of an eye-witness .* "I was on Fort George, within two feet of the flag-staff : the halyards were unreeved, the cleats were knocked off, the flag-staff was slushed, and a sailor boy (not a man) tried three times, and got up about three feet, when he slipped down-some persons ran to Mr. Goelet's, iron monger, in Hanover-square, (now Pearl street,) and got a hand-saw, hatchet, hammer, gimblets, and nails ; one sawed lengths across the board, one split the cleats, and some bored, until they had plenty of them. .
" The sailor boy tied the halyards around his waist, filled his out- side sailor-jacket pockets full of the cleats, then began to nail them on from the ground, on the right and left of the flag-staff; as he ascended the flag-staff, he nailed the cleats on, then he reeved the halyards, and when the American flag was then hoisted on Fort George, a salute was fired of thirteen rounds immediately, and three cheers were given.
* N. Y. Commercial Advertiser of June 30th, 1831.
233
CONSTITUTION FORMED.
" It took near one hour before we could hoist our American stan- dard ; at the time we were preparing to hoist it, tlie river was covered with boats filled with soldiers to embark on board the shipping that lay at anchor in the North river-the boats at the time lay on their oars, sterns to shore ; observing us hoisting our colours, they kept perfect silence during this time. When our salute of thirteen guns was fired, the boats rowed off to their shipping."
The writer was engaged in other parts of the show until evening, when the American commander-in-chief took up his head-quarters at the tavern known as Black Sam's, and there continued until the 4th of December 1783. At noon on that day the officers met at Francis's tavern, corner of Queen street and Broad street ; a house known since for many years as a French boarding-house, the name of Queen street being changed to Pearl. Its keeper, Samuel Francis, a man of dark complexion, was familiarly known as " Black Sam." This house was the quarters of the general, and when the officers had assembled, their beloved leader entered the room, and, after addressing them in a few words, he concluded, by saying, " I cannot come to each of you to take leave, but shall be obliged to you if you will come and take me by the hand." Knox who had served with him from the commencement of hostilities, was the first to experience the parting grasp of the hero's hand ; and, in turn, all present, in silence, pressed that hand which had guided a nation through the storms of war, and was destined to rule its des- tinies during an unknown futurity. Leaving the room, he passed through a line of his brave soldiers to Whitehall, where he entered the barge waiting for him. He turned to the assembled multitude, waved his hat, and thus bid them a silent adieu, as they then thought forever.
Congress was sitting then at Annapolis, and he hasted to de- posit in the hands of those from whom he had received it in the year 1775, his commission of commander-in chief of the American forces.
From thence he flew to enjoy as a private citizen the blessing of a home and family at Mount Vernon, with the admiration of a world. Here he continued as Farmer Washington, until called by the voice of his country to a convention for the amendment of the government founded by the old confederacy of sovereign states.
The convention was held at Annapolis, in September 1756, and resulted only in holding a convention in Philadelphia in May 1787; this convention immediately adopted the principles of the declara- tion of independence, and George Washington as their president. On the 17th of September, 1757, the constitution under which we have lived was announced to the people.
VOL. II. 30 .
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234
WASHINGTON THE FIRST PRESIDENT.
To become the fundamental law of the land, nine of the states were required to adopt it. . Massachusetts was the last of the nine, but George Washington was the name which all the people, whether federalist or anti-federalist as they were then called, pronounced as the president.
Although the new government was to commence its operations on the 4th of March 1789, a house of representatives was not formed until the first, nor a senate until the sixth, of April. At length the votes for president and vice-president were counted in the senate. Washington was unanimously called to the chief ma- gistracy of the nation. The second number of votes was given to John Adams. Washington and Adams were therefore declared to be duly elected president and vice-president of the United States, to serve for four years from the 4th of March 1789. Washington's election was announced to him at Mount Vernon, on the 14th of April. On the second day after receiving notice of his appoint- ment, he departed for New York, then the seat of government.
In an entry made by himself in his diary, his feelings on the occasion are thus described :- " About ten o'clock I bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life, and to domestick felicity ; and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I have words to express, set out for New York, in company with Mr. Thompson and Colonel Humphreys, with the best dispo- sitions to render service to my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations."*
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