USA > New York > New York City > History of the New Netherlands, province of New York, and state of New York : to the adoption of the federal Constitution. Vol. II > Part 40
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His description of the torturing captives, is the same as men- tioned by others. He does not say he witnessed a scene of the kind.
Vanderdonck's notions of the religion of the Indians of New Netherland is confused and contradictory. He says " they neither know nor say any thing of God," and then tells us that " they ack-
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REVIEW OF VANDERDONCK.
nowledge the soul proceeds from God and is his gift." He says they have no superstitions, and afterwards mentions superstitious fears and customs. He says they swear by the sun who " sees all things," and reverence the moon; they distinguish the planets from the stars, but do not worship them. " They profess great fear of the devil, who they believe causes their diseases, etc." To reli- gious discourses they listen attentively, but without any apparent effect. Some of the old men say that in former times God was known among the Indians, but they not knowing how to read and write, he was forgotten. If told that their conduct is offensive to the Deity, they answer, " we have never seen him-if you know him and fear him, as you say you do, how happens it that there are so many thieves, drunkards, and evil-doers found among you ?" The Indian further concluded that God would punish the Dutch for disobeying him, whereas he had never made himself known to the Indian. Vanderdonck remarks on the very few who become Christians, and the universal practice of the Indian children educa- ted among the Dutch, of returning to their native tribes wlien adults. He tells us a story from a trader who went among the French In- dians, who says that in 1639 he talked on the subject of religion with a chief who spoke good French, and this chief told him that he had been so far instructed that he often said the mass among the Indians, and that on a certain occasion, the place where the altar stood caught fire by accident, and the Indians made prepara- tions to extinguish it ; but he forbade them " saying that God who who is placed there (on the altar*) is almighty, and he will put out the fire himself." We waited attentively looking on, but the fire continued until the almighty God himself, with all the fine things which were about him were burnt up : since that time I have never held to that religion, but regard the sun and the moon much more. And he gave for his preference their warmth, light, and produc- tiveness. To their belief in a future state and in rewards and pun- ishments our author testifies, and admires their distinguishing be- tween the body and the soul. As to their notion of a place of bliss, or the contrary, it of course is conformable to their present state and desires.
Another notion is mentioned by our author at great length. It amounts to a belief that God is in Heaven, enjoying happiness, and entrusts the affairs of the earth to the devil. As to their fables of the creation, I cannot think them worth copying from the Doc- tor. A chapter on the beaver finishes the work ; for, the pages occupied by a discourse between a patriot and a New Netherlander are of a distinct character : in this, however, may be gathered hints
* Referring probably to the Romish doctrine of Transubstantiation.
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respecting the situation of New Netherland at the time of writing, and from 1617 to 1656.
The patriot objects to the colony as easily wrested from Hol- land by any other European . power. The New Netherlander endeavours to prove its capabilities of defence : he says the West India Company have been at a great expense in establishing the colony and for its defence and security. He considers the neces- sity which foreigners would be under of using the lead and line in entering the Delaware and Hudson as a source of security-as in so doing they must pass " forts of considerable strength-equal to the forts of this country" (Holland ;) " Sandy Hook, the High- lands, Hell-gate," etc., can be rendered impregnable. To the objection that an enemy would land on the sea-shore and not enter their bays with ships, it is answered that the Indians watch the sea shore, and are rewarded for giving intelligence whenever ships appear on the coast. He thinks landing on Long Island out of the question, and an enemy must attack New Amsterdam di- rectly, and the people would have notice of their approach and be prepared at Sandy Hook, "the Headlands," and above all, Fort Amsterdam-" whereon there are so many cannon mounted" that half would not be required to repel invaders.
The patriot then states the danger of the colony from surround- ing hostile enemies-the Indians and English. To which it is answered that the first are not formidable to men accustomed to their mode of warfare. " The last war we had with them" Kieft's war, " when we were not half as strong as we are now, they remem- ber so well that they will not readily begin again." He says in that quarrel " there was little fault on their side." As to the Eng- lish, the New Netherlander acknowledges that there is much danger both from the Virginians and New Englanders. But " the Virgi- nians can do nothing unless they come by sea ; a land march pre- sents insurmountable difficulties." The "New Englanders are much stronger than we are," but he says their towns and villages are very open to invasion. " Nor would they trouble us without an express command of parliament" which would occasion a war between England and Holland. He thinks the New Englanders do not wish war with New Netherland, " not that I ascribe this to their good will," but to their interest.
The commercial advantages of New Netherland are the next sub- ject. The articles of export are stated to be wlieat, rye, peas, bar- ley, pork, beef, fish, beer, and wines, which are sent to the West Indies. The settlers wlio come to New Netherland raise their own provisions " in the second year, and in the third have a surplus." "The trade in peltries is then mentioned, and the advantages ex- pected from the cultivation of the vine, from the fisheries, and the exportation of hemp, timber, tar, ashes, and iron.
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Ile proceeds, " it is now about fifteen years since the New Netherlands have begun to be settled in earnest by freemen : in that time we have endured a destructive war, otherwise it would have been double what it now is : for that which had been done by the Company, except the fortifications and a few houses, was of little importance, the residue was destroyed in the war." The exact period here meant and the war alluded to I do not at present com- prehend. At present, he says, that is in 1656, people of property have settled in the colony, whereas before, the emigrants were ad- venturers, who would bring little and carry away much, and thought nothing of the common good : but now there are good citizens, loving " orderly behaviour," who have erected good dwellings; and fine farms with pasturage, fields of grain, gardens, and orchards abound. He asserts that although much has been expended on the country, more has been carried from it, but the expenditure was by the Company, and the profits were embezzled by others. Now that the trade is free, this abuse has ceased. It must be re- membered that the Dutch West India Company failed in 1634. " Now he says trade is carried on to advantage, the Indians with- out our trouble or labour bring to us their fur trade, worth tons of . gold, which may be increased."
I must here remark that the natives were the only trappers and hunters. As yet no companies of merchants had enlisted Euro- peans in their service to be led by their agents or clerks, armed, into the territories of the natives, to destroy the game on which the owners of the soil subsisted, merely for the skins of the ani- mals, and bear off for their own profit those skins which were the clothing of the Indians ; thus robbing the native of food and rai- ment, who, if he stands on the defensive against the invaders, is without mercy murdered, and stigmatized as a murderer-nay so reckless are the wretches employed by the honest, honourable, Christian merchants, that they occasionally murder the Indians for sport, as is testified by the author of Captain Bonneville's trapping expedition ; and yet at this time (1839) these trappers are held up for admiration as the " remnant of chivalry," the Raleighs and Sydneys of the age .* The Dutch traders exchanged articles de- sired or wanted by the Indians for those of which they at that time had a superfluity ; they did not intrude upon the haunts of the beaver or buffalo. They neither robbed nor murdered the Indians in their early intercourse with them-yet we find our dainty moral- ists of the present day reprobating Dutch traders for selling guns, powder, lead, hatchets and rum, to those who like the whites mis- use them ; and praising the English or American traders who hire
. See second No. New York Review, Art. Irving's Bonneville.
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APPENDIX.
ruffians to rob the dwellers on the prairies of the West, and mur- der them at their pleasure whether resisting or not. The ruffian trapper is yclept a remnant of chivalry-the Indian if he retaliates or resists is a " merciless murderer."
Vanderdonck says, that iron ore was already discovered in the New Netherlands, and that the people of New England already " cast their own cannon, plates, pots and cannon-balls from native iron."
Our author says, the Indians prepare the colours with which they smear their faces and bodies, some from earth and stones pounded fine, and some from the juice of herbs and berries, dried - on pieces of bark and preserved in powder. They carry these paints about them in little bags. Although their skill as painters was principally confined to daubing their bodies, he says, he has seen " some counterfeit representations of trumpets in their strong houses or castles, where they hold their councils." They like- wise paint their shields and war clubs. Sometimes they attempt the likeness of a canoe or of an animal, but the Doctor with admi- rable naivetté says, "they are not well done." But he says that they have a method of colouring and preparing hair, with which they form beautiful ornaments resembling plumes. Some of the hair used in this ornament is long and coarse, some short and very fine ; these they unite together by means to him unknown and they produce a beautiful effect. They also know how to prepare a colouring wherein they dye the hair a beautiful scarlet red, and the colour is so well fixed that no exposure changes it. This coloured hair they plait and tye, forming bands for use or decoration.
This art practised by the Mohicans and Iroquois in 1600, is now in use among the tribes of the far west, as we see by the arms and ornaments in our museums. General Johnson remarks that the purple colour prepared by the Indians was from " the poke berry," but they knew, as Vanderdonck remarks, the superiority of min- eral colours, and we may say, that it was experience taught them, as well as white artists, that only such are permanent.
INDIAN CIRCULATING MEDIUM. LXXXIX
INDIAN CIRCULATING MEDIUM. FIRST INTERCOURSE BETWEEN THE DUTCH AND NEW ENGLAND.
I AM indebted to Moulton's History of New York* for the fol- lowing interesting extracts :
" Cloth, [of dark colour] hoes, hatchets, awls, beads, and other trinkets, looking-glasses, Dutch trumpets, (in which the natives delighted) and fire-arms, were the articles for the Indian trade. The . circulating medium was seawan.t This was manufactured particu-
* Vol. I. pp. 376 -- 385.
t " Seawan, was the name of Indian money, of which there were two kinds ; wompam, (which signifies white ) and suckuuhock, (sucki signifying black. ) Wom- pam or wompameague, was, though improperly, also understood among the Dutch and English, as expressive of the generick denomination. Wompam, or white mo- ney, was made of the stem or stock of the meteanhock or periwinkle : suckau- hock, or black money, was manufactured from the inside of the shell of the qua- haug (renus mercenaria, ) a round thick shell-fish, that buried itself but a little way in the sand, and was generally found lying on it in deep water, and gathered by rakes or by diving after it. The Indians broke off about half an inch of a purple colour of the inside, and converted it into beads. These, before the introduction of awls and thread, were bored with sharp stones, and strung upon sinews of beasts, and when interwoven to the breadth of the hand, more or less, were called a belt of seawan or wompam. A black bead, the size of a straw, about one third of an inch long, bored longitudinally and well polished, was the gold of the Indians, and always esteemed of twice the value of the white ; but either species was esteemed by them of much more value than European coin. An Indian chief, to whom the value of a rix dollar was explained by the first clergyman of Rensselaerwyck, langhed ex- ceedingly to think the Dutch set so high a price upon a piece of iron. as he termed it. . Three beads of black and six of white were equivalent, among the English, to a penny, and among the Dutch, to a stuyver. But with the latter. the equivalent number sometimes varied from three and six, to four and eight. Que of Gover- nour Minnit's successors fixed by placard, the price of the ' good splendid seawan of Manhattan,' at four for a stuyver. A string of this money, one fathom long. varied in price from five shillings among the New Englanders, (after the Dutch gave them a knowledge of it) to four guilders, ($1.60g) among the Dutch. (a) The process of trade was this : the Dutch and English sold for seawan their knives, combs, scissors, needles, awls, looking-glasses, hatchets, hoes, guns, black cloth,
(a) " The prices of the fathom are related by Roger Williams and David Piet- ersen De Vries. They must have referred to an inferiour quality, if we calculate the number of beads in a fathom. or the Indians sold by the fathom at a price much less than the Dutch and English had put upon the value of single beads or shells."
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larly by the Indians of Scawan-hacky, or Long Island ; and of this, as well as the first mentioned articles, the New Netherlanders had on hand a surplus quantity. It is obvious, therefore, that for the purpose of vending these wares, a favourite policy of Gover- nour Minuit was to ascertain a new market.' His trading vessels had visited Anchor-bay, and Sloop-bay, situate on each side of Red-Island,* ascended the rivert flowing into the bay of Nassau,# and trafficked at Sawaans or Puckanokick, where Massassowat, the friend of the Plymouth people, held dominion. From him and other Indians the latter had often heard of the Dutch, and from the same source the Dutch had no doubt received intelligence of the English. But during the six years which had elapsed since the settlement of Plymouth, there had not been the least intercourse with New Netherland. This negative relation would have con- tinued, if the commercial policy which has been suggested, had not now induced Governour Minuit to seek out New Plymouth, as the market which was most convenient to intercourse, most con- genial in temper and circumstances, and, therefore preferable to . . Virginia and Canada, for the purpose of establishing a treaty of commerce and amity. The people of Plymouth had a trading- house at Manomet, § but, comparatively unambitious, their com- merce, fortifications, and strength of men, were, as was acknow- ledged|| by them, far inferiour to those of New Netherland. Con-
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and other articles of the Indian traffick, and with the seawan bought the furs, corn, and venison from the Indians on the sea-board, who also, with their shell money, bought such articles from Indians residing in the interiour of the country. Thus by this circulating medium, a brisk commerce was carried on, not only between the white people and the Indians, but between different tribes among the latter. For the seawan was not only their money, but it was an ornament to their persons. It distinguished the rich from the poor, the proud from the humble. It was the tri- bute paid by the vanquished to those, the Five Nations for instance, who had exacted contribution. In the form of a belt, it was sent with all public messages, and pre- served as a record of all transactions between nations. If a message was sent with- out the belt, it was considered an empty word, unworthy of remembrance. If the belt was returned, it was a rejection of the offer or proffer accompanying it. If accepted, it was a confirmation, and strengthened friendships or effaced injuries. The belt with appropriate figures worked in it, was also the record of domestick transactions. The confederation of the Five Nations was thus recorded. The cockle shells had indeed more virtne amongst Indians, than pearls, gold, and silver had among Europeans. Seawan was the seal of a contract -- the oath of fidelity. It satisfied murders, and all other injuries, purchased peace, and entered into the religious as well as civil ceremonies of the natives. A string of seawan was de- livered by the orator in public council, at the close of every distinct proposition made to others, as a ratification of the truth and sincerity of what he said, and the white and black strings of seawan were tied by the pagan priest, around the neck of the white dog suspended to a pole, and offered as a sacrifice, to Thalonghyaic- aagon, the upholder of the skies, the God of the Five Nations."
. " Roode Lylandt, corrupted into Rhode Island."
t " Taunton."
: " Narragansett."
" North side of Cape Cod."
" " By Governour Bradford, in his Letter Book."
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FIRST INTERCOURSE BETWEEN THE DUTCH AND N. E. XCI
fined in their operations to the vicinity of the barren and lonely spot on which they had been cast, their little trade was indispensa- ble, and they were aggrieved that the Dutch had encroached upon this trade, alinost to their very doors. Having no transatlantick commerce, they, this year, (1627) sent an agent to England and Holland, to make arrangements for such supplies as their wants or commerce demanded.
"Such was the relative situation of the two colonies when in March, Governour Minuit caused a deputation to the governour and council of Plymouth, with two letters, written in Dutch and French, dated at ' Manhatas, in Fort Amsterdam, March 9th, 1627,' (N. S.) signed, ' Isaac de Razier, secretary.' The Dutch gover- nour and council congratulated the people of Plymouth on the suc- cess of their praise-worthy undertaking, proffered their " good will and service in all friendly correspondency and good neighbour- bood,' invited a reciprocity of amicable feeling, suggested for this purpose among other things ' the propinquity of their native coun- tries, and their long continued friendship,' and concluded by de- siring 'to fall into a way of some commerce and trade'-offering any of their goods that miglit be serviceable, and declaring that they should feel themselves bound to accommodate and help ' their Plymouth neighbours with any wares that they should be pleased to deal for.'*
" The answer of Governour Bradford and council was as fol- lows:t
"' To the Honourable and Worshipful the Director and Coun cil of New Netherland, our very loving and worthy friends and Christian neighbours.
"'The Governour and Council of Plymouth, in New England, wish your Honours and Worships all happiness and prosperity in this life, and eternal rest and glory with Christ Jesus our Lord in the world to come.
"' We have received your letters wherein appeareth your good will and friendship toward us, but is expressed with over high titles, and more than belongs to us, or than is meet for us to re- ceive : but for your good will and congratulation of our prosperity in this small beginning of our poor colony, we are much bound unto you, and with many thanks do acknowledge the same, taking it both for a great honour done unto us, and for a certain testimony
" Extract from a manuscript history of Plymouth, communicated by Hon. Francis Baylies of Massachusetts. Prince's New England Annals, p. 172. Mor- ton's New England Memorial, p. 01. Governour Bradford's Letter Book, III. Mass. Historical Collections, p. 51. Hutchinson, II. App.
t " Dated March, 10, 1627. The original was written in Dutch."
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of your love and good neighbourhood. Now these are further to give your Honours, Worships and Wisdoms to understand, that it is to us no small joy to hear, that it hath pleased God to move his Majesty's heart, not only to confirm that ancient amity, alliance and friendship, and other contracts formerly made and ratified by his predecessors of famous memory, but hath himself, (as you say,) and we likewise have been informed, strengthened the same with a new union, the better to resist the pride of that common enemy, the Spaniards, from whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now for as much as this is sufficient to unite us together in love and good neighbourhood in all our dealings, yet are many of us further tied by the good and courteous entreaty which we have found in your country, having lived there many years with freedom and good content, as many of our friends do to this day, for which we are bound to be thankful, and our chil- dren after us, and shall never forget the same, but shall heartily desire your good and prosperity as our own forever. Likewise, for your friendly proposition and offer to accommodate and help us with any commodities or merchandize which you have and we want, either for beaver, otters, or other wares, is to us very accep- table, and we doubt not but in short time, we may have profitable commerce and trade together. But you may please to understand that we are but one particular colony or plantation in this land, there being divers others besides, unto whom it hath pleased those Honourable Lords of his Majesty's council for New England, to grant the like commission, and ample privileges to them, (as to us) for their better profit and subsistence, namely ; to expulse or make prize of any, either strangers or other English, which shall attempt either to trade or plant within their limits, (without their special license and commission) which extends to forty degrees : yet for our parts, we shall not go about to molest or trouble you in any thing, but continue all good neighbourhood and correspondence as far as we may ; only we desire that you would forbear to trade with the natives in this bay, and river of Narragansett and Sowames, which is (as it were) at our doors. The which if you do, we think also no other English will go about any way to trouble or hinder you ; which otherwise are resolved to solicit his Majesty for re- dress, if otherwise they cannot help themselves.
" ' May it please you further to understand, that for this year we are fully supplied with all necessaries, both for clothing and other things ; but it may so fall out, that hereafter we shall deal with you, if your rates be reasonable : and therefore, when your . people come again, we desire to know how you will take beaver by the pound, and otters by the skin, and how you will deal per cent. for other commodities, and what you can furnish us with ; as likewise what commodities from us may be acceptable with you, as
FIRST INTERCOURSE BETWEEN THE DUTCHI AND N. E. XCIII
tobacco, fish, corn, or other things, and what prices you will give.
" ' Thus hoping that you will pardon and excuse us for our rude and imperfect writing in your language, and take it in good part, because, for want of use, we cannot so well express that we under- stand, nor happily understand every thing so fully as we should : and so we humbly pray the Lord, for his mercy's sake, that he will take both us and our native countries in his holy protection and defence. Amen.
" ' By the governour and council, your Honours' and Worships' very good friends and neighbours.'
"In August, Governour Minuit and council sent another de- puty,* and in reply, insisted upon the right to trade to the places which Governour Bradford and council had interdicted, that 'as the English claimed authority under the King of England, so we, (the Dutch) derive ours from the states of Holland, and will defend it.' The letter was in other respects very friendly, and, as if to preclude any interruption to the harmony of their projected inter- course, the messenger was charged with a present of a rundlet of sugar and two Holland cheeses, for which many thanks were re- turned in the answer by Governour Bradford ; he also requested that a deputy might be sent to confer respecting their future trade and commerce, and with the most friendly zeal cautioned the Dutch to avoid the Virginia ships or fishing vessels, which might make prize of them, as they had a few years previously, of a French colony that had intruded within their limits :$ apprized them of the patents of Queen Elizabeth, and advised them to solicit the States General, to negotiate with England for an amicable understanding upon the subject. Governour Bradford communicated copies of the correspondence to the council for New England, and to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, requesting advice. But now, as if apprehen- sive, lest the contemplated intimacy with the New Netherlanders, might give plausibility to their local pretensions, he wrote again to Governour Minuit in October, that he should suspend a decision on the question of trade, till the Plymouth agent should return from England and Holland, whither he had been sent to make arrange- ments, before it was ascertained that supplies could be obtained from the Dutch. He again advised them to adjust their title to a settlement 'in these parts,' lest in these 'stirring evil times,' it should become a source of contention.
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