USA > New York > History of the state of New York, political and governmental, Vol. II 1822-1864 > Part 10
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38
Van Buren and the Regency appreciated the serious- ness of this consideration, the more so since the oppos- ing candidate, Granger, was regarded by the Che- nango people as their loyal friend, whose election as Governor would certainly mean the construction of the canal. So a trusty and diplomatic agent was sent to that district to explain that Marcy would not oppose the canal, that a Lieutenant-Governor strongly in favor of it would be chosen, and that the Legislature at the next session would enact the law needed for the con-
144
[1832
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
struction of the canal. This involved the disappoint- ment and elimination of Edward P. Livingston, who had expected and desired renomination as Lieutenant- Governor and well deserved it. He was reluctant to retire, but did so at the request of the Regency, "for the sake of the party." In his place was elected John Tracy, of Oxford, a Chenango canal man. With these arrangements made, the work of the convention at Herkimer was perfunctory. Marcy was nominated on the first ballot by a vote of 113 to 6, and Tracy was unanimously named.
The ensuing campaign was fought with desperate vigor. The Democrats regarded New York as the pivotal State, upon which depended the reëlection of Jackson to the Presidency; and it was necessary to carry the State as a whole since under the law of 1829 all the Electors were to be chosen on a general State ticket. The paramount issue was the United States Bank, the charter of which Jackson was inexorably opposed to renewing. At first this meant much opposition to Jackson, the financial and business interests of New York City being in favor of the Bank. But Van Buren and his aids adroitly suggested that if the United States Bank were abolished the vast busi- ness which had been doing would be distributed among the State banks to their great profit. This argument proved widely effective and won back to Jackson's sup- port many who at first had deserted him.
The chief State issue was-Marcy's trousers! Thur- low Weed had discovered that Marcy, while serving on the Supreme Court bench, had sent a pair of trousers
WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
William Cullen Bryant, editor and poet; born, Cunnington, Mass, November 3, 1794; wrote verses when 12 years old; entered Williams college at 16 and before leaving home com- pleted the manuscript of his most famous poem, "Thanatopsis"; studied law; moved to New York City and stopped the practice of law, taking up work on magazines and periodicals, 1825; became one of the editors of the New York Evening Post in 1826 and principal editor in 1828; wrote many volumes of verse; died in New York city, June 12, 1878.
145
MARCY BECOMES GOVERNOR
1832]
to a tailor to be repaired, and that the cost of the work, fifty cents, had been entered on the Judge's official ex- pense account, which the State was bound to defray, had been approved by the Comptroller, and had actually been paid from the State treasury. Of course nobody regarded Marcy as capable of dishonesty or "graft." The incident was due to sheer inadvertence. But the remorseless Weed exploited it and rang the changes upon it, till the whole State was agog over "Marcy's pantaloons" and "the Marcy patch." The cartoonists took it up, and in some places Marcy's opponents displayed as a banner flying from a pole or suspended from a line a pair of black trousers with a white patch upon the seat marked in red paint "50 cts." It is not supposable that this issue affected many votes, but it added immeasurable zest and humor to the campaign and really "got on the nerves" of Marcy himself, though his genial spirit usually enjoyed a joke at his own as well as at another's expense.
The result of the election surprised both sides. It was not nearly as close as had been generally antici- pated. Marcy was elected Governor by a majority of nearly ten thousand, receiving 166,410 votes to Gran- ger's 156,672. The Anti-Masonic region, in the west, went strongly for Granger, but the Hudson valley and New York City voted overwhelmingly for Marcy- and for Jackson. Despite the opposition of Webb's Courier and Enquirer the metropolis gave Marcy a majority of about 5,000, a result attributable largely to the local banking interests, which had turned to Jack- son's support in order to free themselves from the com-
146
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
[1832-3
petition of the United States Bank and its branch in that city. The missionary work that the Regency had done in the Chenango valley also showed great results, for Chenango county, which two years before had given Granger a majority of a thousand over Throop, gave Marcy-and Tracy-two hundred. The Electoral ticket ran ahead of the State ticket, and the Jackson Electors won by about 13,000. New York proved not, however, to have been the "pivotal" State, for Jack- son's Electoral majority was so overwhelming that he would have won had New York's forty-two votes been cast against him. A strongly Democratic Legislature was chosen, six of the eight Senators elected belonging to that party.
Few Governors of New York have taken their place in more auspicious circumstances than did William L. Marcy on New Year's day of 1833. Himself in the prime of life, of engaging personality, of commanding ability, of flawless integrity, of ripe experience, and with a record of unbroken success in high achievement, he entered office by virtue of a decisive majority at the polls, with a splendidly organized party at his back and with the favor of the national administration for his aid and comfort. He had a worthy company of lieutenants in the Albany Regency, including Silas Wright, Jr., Edwin Croswell, Azariah C. Flagg, Ben- jamin Knower, James Porter, and John A. Dix; and a substantial and trustworthy majority in each house of the Legislature to carry out his policy in the enact- ment of laws.
The Fifty-sixth Legislature met at Albany on Janu-
147
MARCY BECOMES GOVERNOR
1833]
ary 1, 1833. John Tracy, the new Lieutenant-Gover- nor, presided over the Senate, and the Assembly chose Charles L. Livingston again to be its Speaker. The Governor's message was like himself-lucid, direct, sincere, and practical; scholarly without being pe- dantic, and sufficiently eloquent on occasion without be- coming merely rhetorical. One of the first topics men- tioned in it, when now recalled, throws an interesting light upon the lack of Federal legislation for the gen- eral welfare which the nation then suffered. Learn- ing that a shipload of convicts was being sent from Europe to New York, appeal was made to the national government for protection against such an unwelcome invasion; and the answer came from Washington that nothing could be done there, but that the State or the city must deal with the matter as best it could.
The campaign promise to the citizens of the Che- nango valley was promptly fulfilled. The Governor in his message recommended favorable action on the canal project, and the Legislature speedily enacted a bill for the construction of the canal without placing any limit upon its cost.
There was a vigorous reference to the Nullification convention in South Carolina, in which the Governor earnestly upheld the principle of protection to Ameri- can industry by means of tariff duties. At the request of the Governor of South Carolina he transmitted to the Legislature a transcript of the proceedings of the Nullification convention, expressing in doing so his "unequivocal disapprobation" and his "deep regret" at the utterance of doctrines which if established would
148
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
[1833
mean the end of the Union. In response the Legisla- ture adopted resolutions strongly upholding President Jackson in his attitude toward nullification and pledg- ing to him the aid of New York, if needed, in his an- tagonism to that pernicious thing.
Conspicuous among the duties of the Legislature was the election of two United States Senators, one to fill the vacancy caused by the election of Marcy to the Governorship, and one to succeed Charles E.Dudley, whose term was about to expire and who was not a can- didate for reëlection. The selection of these men was recognized as a task of more than ordinary political importance. Van Buren, the Democratic leader of the State, was Vice-President and was the chosen candidate of the administration for the succession to the Presi- dency in 1836, and it was necessary to have two Sena- tors who were not only men of real ability but also loyal political friends of Van Buren.
The first choice, to fill out Marcy's unfinished term, was easily and most felicitously made. It fell with- out opposition upon Silas Wright, Jr., of Canton, who had succeeded Marcy as State Comptroller on the lat- ter's appointment to the bench of the Supreme Court. Without detraction from Marcy's merits it may be said that it would have been better to elect Wright to the Senate in the first place, instead of Marcy. For, as we have seen, Marcy did not shine in the Senate, while Wright did. Marcy was not Wright's inferior. In some respects he may have been his superior. But he was not fitted for Senatorial work, while Wright was. For the second place, to succeed Mr. Dudley, there
149
MARCY BECOMES GOVERNOR
1833]
was hot competition, but in the end Nathaniel P. Tall- madge was elected.
The election of Silas Wright to the Senate created a vacancy in the office of State Comptroller, which was filled by the election of Azariah C. Flagg. That in turn vacated the office of Secretary of State, to which John A. Dix, who had been Adjutant-General, was chosen. Finally Levi Hubbell was made Adjutant- General to succeed Mr. Dix.
The Legislature adjourned on April 30 without day.
That year was marked with the decline and disin- tegration of the Anti-Masonic party, and also with the rise of what was to be formidable as the Whig party. The second defeat of Francis Granger disheartened the Anti-Masons, and the adoption by the Regency of the Chenango canal scheme deprived them of one of their strongest issues. So presently a number of their leaders turned back to the Democracy. Foremost among these was Albert H. Tracy, of the Eighth Sena- torial district, a man of exceptional talent and the high- est character, who had been regarded as more than any other the supreme State leader of that party. He entered into negotiations with Van Buren, who showed himself inclined to facilitate in every possible way the coming over of Anti-Masons to the Democratic party, and who welcomed Tracy into fellowship. John Bird- sall, another Senator from the Eighth district, and various other Anti-Masons, followed Tracy into the Regency camp. But despite Tracy's utmost efforts, to his chagrin and to Van Buren's immeasurable disap- pointment he could make no impression on William H.
150
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL . [1833
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
Seward or Thurlow Weed and his Albany Evening Journal. Both Seward and Weed had, as the latter once confessed, frequently and almost habitually taken their politics from Mr. Tracy. But on this supreme occasion they declined to do so and instead busied them- selves, with consummate skill, in uniting the fragments of the Anti-Masonic party and of the National Repub- licans in a new organization.
The real issue was of course not Masonry. Four propositions were put forward and ardently advocated -in favor of internal improvements, a protective tariff, the United States Bank, and National Sovereignty as against State Rights. Marcy and his party were com- mitted to the Chenango canal, but that was merely for political purposes; at heart and in general they were opposed to such public undertakings. Marcy upheld protection, to a degree, in his message, but that was chiefly to stand with Jackson against the nullifiers. Marcy and his party were unequivocally opposed to the United States Bank. Finally, while they were in- flexibly opposed to Calhoun's nullification in South Carolina, they inclined in general toward a pronounced State rights doctrine.
It was upon these points that the Democrats were antagonized by Seward, Weed, Francis Granger, Mil- lard Fillmore, John C. Spencer, and others, and it was to make that antagonism effective that these men associated themselves into a new party, which under the name of Whig was destined to an important career. But they were not yet fully organized, and the result was that the fall elections of 1833 went heavily against
151
MARCY BECOMES GOVERNOR
1833]
them and in favor of the Democrats. Albert H. Tracy was reelected to the Senate from the Eighth district by the narrowest of majorities. He still was nominally an Anti-Mason, but in every other district a straight- out Democrat was chosen. Of the 128 Assemblymen the Regency elected 104. Thus was Marcy encour- aged and strengthened at the polls during his first year in the Governorship.
During this year, also, another strong tie between the national administration and the Albany Regency was established by the appointment of Benjamin F. Butler to be Attorney-General of the United States. Mr. Butler had been one of the original organizers of the Albany Regency, and for several years before his call to Washington had been one of the Commissioners for the Revision of the Statutes of the State of New York. When President Jackson decided to remove the government deposits from the United States Bank his course was disapproved by William J. Duane, Secre- tary of the Treasury. Thereupon he removed Mr. Duane from that office and put into his place Roger B. Taney, who had been his Attorney-General; and it was to succeed Mr. Taney that Mr. Butler was ap- pointed. Although this was a political selection, Mr. Butler's eminent ability and high character caused it to be regarded by men of all parties as altogether fitting, and it was publicly approved in an appreciative ad- dress which was presented to Mr. Butler by about ninety of the foremost citizens of Albany, including the veteran Federalists, Abraham Van Vechten and Stephen Van Rensselaer.
CHAPTER X
THE RISE OF THE WHIGS
B USINESS depression and disaster prevailed in New York in 1834 to an extent and with a severity which contrasted strangely with the congratulatory and optimistic tone of the Governor's message. In the fall of 1833 President Jackson with- drew the government deposits from the Bank of the United States. There occurred a violent conflict between the branches of that institution and the State banks which had been selected as depositaries, with the result of intolerable scarcity of money and much dis- tress, and frequently outright disaster to merchants and others who were dependent upon credit. Stocks of all kinds suffered great decline. Thus, the stock of the Delaware & Hudson Canal Company fell in sixty days from 125 to 75; that of the Boston & Providence Railroad Company from 115 to 88; and that of the Camden & Amboy Railroad Company, regarded as the most solid and profitable corporation of the kind in America, from 150 to 125.
The situation was aggravated by the speculation in the stock market, which at about this time began to develop some of the methods that in later years have become familiar matters of course but then were novel and were regarded with strong disfavor by conserva-
152
153
THE RISE OF THE WHIGS
1834]
tive business men. Referring to what he regarded as disgraceful gambling in stocks in New York City, the famous diarist Philip Hone wrote :
"It consists in selling out stocks ahead, as it is called, where a man buys and sells to the amount of millions without owning a dollar of the stock, betting it will fall, and then taking pains by every kind of lying and chicanery to injure the reputation of the stock that he may win."
In brief, "selling short."
Early in the year (1834) great public meetings were held in New York City to protest against the removal of the deposits from the Bank and petition for their return, and a great memorial was signed by thousands of the business men of the metropolis. A delegation of merchants carried this memorial to Washington, but presently returned to report that their errand had been in vain. The President was immovable in his anti- Bank policy. Thereupon a mass-meeting was held and a Union Committee of twenty-five merchants and financiers, with Albert Gallatin at its head, was ap- pointed "to confer with committees of the State and national banks with a view to produce that entire con- cert and harmony of action essential to enable them to afford the greatest possible relief to the community."
It was amid such circumstances that the Fifty- seventh Legislature of the State of New York met at Albany, on New Year's day of 1834, and listened to Governor Marcy's second annual message. William H. Seward entered upon his last year of service in the State Senate. Charles L. Livingston, of New York, and Francis Seger, of Lewis county, took their
154
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
[1834
seats as Senators from the First and Fifth districts, respectively. The one had been Speaker and the other Clerk of the Assembly, and that body filled their places with William Baker, of New York, Speaker, and Philip Reynolds, Jr., Clerk. These officers were elected by overwhelming Democratic majorities.
The Governor's message was long, detailed, prac- tical and business-like, and generally most optimistic in tone. He referred lightly to the prevailing business troubles, but would not concede that they were due to the President's withdrawal of the deposits. Much attention was, however, given to the subject of bank- ing and finance, on which Marcy, as a former Comp- troller of the State, was an expert. He spoke of the great multiplication of banks, notices having already been given of the organization of one hundred and five more, and he raised the question of the propriety of chartering them under the old system. Under that system, he pointed out, stockholders received practical gifts of from ten to fifteen per cent. of the capital. This was an abuse which he thought might inspire needless multiplication of banks, and he suggested that it should be abated by means of a law giving to the State all excess value of bank stock above the sum actually paid for it. He discussed the proposal to reduce the rate of interest on bank loans, but did not think that it would effect the desired end, and he recommended that the circulation of banks be restricted to a sum not greater than their actual capital.
Much attention was given, also, to the many State institutions. He reported that both the State prisons
155
THE RISE OF THE WHIGS
1834]
were more than self-sustaining, the earnings of the inmates showing a handsome surplus above the costs of maintenance, some of which had been appropriated for new buildings and repairs. He repeated the urg- ing of former years, that a special prison be constructed for female convicts-a recommendation which was not favorably acted upon until 1835. Other objects of re- view and recommendation were the House of Refuge, asylums for the deaf, dumb, and blind, the county poor-house system, and the great need of another State Hospital for the insane. At that time Bloomingdale was the only such institution, and its accommodations were inadequate. Two years later the Legislature authorized a new asylum, to be built at Utica.
The Governor recommended that provision be made for special schools for the instruction and training of teachers, which was done in an act passed on May 2; and he also advocated the material extension and im- provement of the common school system. Another rec- ommendation was for a State Board of Agriculture which should not only gather and distribute useful in- formation but also maintain a State College of Agricul- ture for the scientific education of farmers. This lat- ter proposal was considered at some length by a com- mittee of the Senate, which reported upon it unfavor- ably, saying that it would require the levying of a State tax to which the farmers themselves would be among the first to object. The committee therefore recom- mended that the farmers be left to educate themselves as best they could and to work out their own salvation. Many local canal schemes were reported and discussed.
156
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
[1834
The urgent need of improving the Erie canal received much attention, the Governor reporting that the canal needed widening, deepening, and equipping with double locks. There was also need of improving navigation of the Hudson River, and this, Marcy pointed out, was unquestionably the duty of Congress. But there was danger that any action by that body would be regarded as a precedent under which many unworthy schemes for unnecessary "improvements" would be foisted upon Congress, calling for appropria- tions of millions of dollars a year. He therefore asked whether it would not be better for New York to assume the cost of the work herself, rather than subject the national government to such danger. He seemed to have a premonition of some of the "River and Harbor" bills of our own time.
A long special message was sent to the Legislature by the Governor on March 22, devoted to considera- tion of the business troubles of the State and ways and means for their abatement. He admitted that the great depression had followed the withdrawal of the deposits from the Bank of the United States, but be- lieved that its principal causes had no connection with that act of the President. He did not approve the creation of a great State Bank at New York, but urged that the State should aid the existing State banks. This he thought might be done by issuing four or five mil- lions of State stock and loaning it to the New York banks, so as to enable them to supply as much credit to business as was withdrawn by the branch of the Bank of the United States in that city. The Legislature
157
THE RISE OF THE WHIGS
1834]
acted promptly and favorably upon this recommenda- tion, enacting a law in accordance with it, which, how- ever, was never put into effect. The Bank of the United States, seeing that with such backing of the State the State banks would not have to suspend the redemption of their notes in coin, as had been feared, quickly reversed its policy and began to increase its issue of notes and extend its loans. The State banks never called upon the State for the aid which had been provided for, and the law enacted for their relief be- came a dead letter.
The Legislature adjourned without day on May 6.
The extent and intensity of the odium that President Jackson-and because of him, the Democratic party- incurred on account of the Bank controversy and the disastrous depression of business, were strikingly shown in the April election in New York City for Mayor. The National Republicans were first in the field with the nomination of Gulian C. Verplanck, who had been refused reelection to Congress by the Democrats be- cause of his unwillingness to support Jackson in his extreme enmity to the Bank of the United States. He was not at all a strong candidate, for while he was an accomplished man of letters and art critic he knew little of politics or of men and had been unstable and waver- ing in his political course. Tammany Hall, which controlled the Democratic party in the city, first be- sought Charles L. Livingston, State Senator and for- mer Speaker of the Assembly, to run, but he declined. Thereupon it nominated Cornelius W. Lawrence, then a Representative in Congress, who against his will had
158
POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENTAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK
[1834
been constrained to support Jackson's anti-Bank policy and who had refused to present to Congress the great memorial of his fellow-merchants of New York. He was sick of the whole business and wished that he might repudiate it and join the other merchants of the city in opposing Jackson's policy, but the bonds of party were not to be broken and he accepted the nomination.
The election lasted three days, April 8, 9, and 10. It was marked with much rioting and bloodshed. Tammany Hall had by this time enrolled a consider- able membership of Irish immigrants, and these were too easily aroused to acts of violence. The trouble was centered in the Sixth Ward, which thus acquired the name of "Bloody Sixth" that clung to it for many years thereafter. On the last day of the election the Mayor himself, with a strong body of police, strove to enforce order, but was defied and attacked, and many of the police were wounded. Eight of them were carried to a hospital. The Mayor then called out a regiment of militia and a troop of cavalry. An enor- mously heavy vote was polled, no less than 35,141, and Lawrence won by the small majority of 179. At the preceding election the Democrats had carried the city by more than 5,000. Moreover, on this occasion while they failed to win the Mayoralty, the opposition to Jackson elected a majority of the Board of Aldermen. A few days later a monster jubilee was held at Castle Garden to celebrate the result of the election, which was rightly considered a great victory for the Whigs, as the combined National Republicans, Anti-Masons, and other factions opposed to Jackson, to Van Buren,
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.