USA > New York > History of the state of New York, political and governmental, Vol. II 1822-1864 > Part 16
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Buren. There is a certain acrid humor in the recollec- tion that Daniel Webster in one of his campaign speeches-which he was glad afterward to repudiate and to try to forget-literally raged against the Sub- Treasury scheme, declaring that upon his condemna- tion of it and upon his prediction of its evil and disas- trous results he would stake his political reputation, his honor, his all. If that scheme prevailed, he said, there would be no more hope of restoring specie payments throughout the twenty-six States than there was of the restoration of the Jews to Jerusalem. Nobody would live to see it. Yet he himself lived to see it, and only a very short time after the utterance of that foolish speech.
The Whig national convention at Harrisburg, hitherto mentioned, adopted no platform of principles or promises. The omission was not accidental nor com- pulsory, but deliberate and voluntary. It was a piece of shrewd political tactics, intended to secure for the sup- port of Harrison and Tyler all factions opposed to Van Buren, no matter how much they might differ among themselves. Particularly in New York, which was looked upon as the pivotal State of the campaign, the Whig party was still far from being homogeneous and harmonious, and there were certain outside elements, not yet incorporated with it, the cooperation of which was reckoned necessary for success at the polls. Accord- ingly the Whig leaders decided to appeal to the people simply with their candidates and with the "unwritten law" of hostility to Van Buren and all his works.
The Democrats, on the contrary, at their national
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convention at Baltimore in 1840, adopted a formal and explicit platform setting forth the chief policies that Van Buren was pledged to pursue if returned to office for a second term. It pronounced for the limitation of the powers of the Federal government so as not to in- fringe upon or impair the rights of the States, and for the Sub-Treasury system. It strongly condemned the Abolitionist movement, objected to internal improve- ments by the Federal government, declared that no more revenue ought to be raised than was necessary to defray governmental expenses, and opposed the re- chartering of the Bank of the United States. Whether right or wrong, the party had the courage of its con- victions and was able to appeal to the country on that ground and to denounce the Whigs for seeking to gain power without giving any assurances or information as to the way in which they would use it.
With the national issues thus joined and paramount, New York State nominations were perfunctory. The Whigs in August renominated Seward and Bradish. That was a matter of course. In September the Demo- crats met at Syracuse and after much consideration selected as their candidate for Governor William C. Bouck, of Schoharie county. He was a "rough and ready" man, of limited school education but of great native intelligence, of unquestioned integrity, and of painstaking devotion to the public interest. He had been an Assemblyman for several years and for nineteen years had been a Canal Commissioner, in which latter office he had been a most efficient public servant and had made multitudes of friends in many parts of the
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State. Personally he was much liked by all who knew him. For Lieutenant-Governor, Daniel S. Dickinson, of Broome county, was chosen-a man of fine abilities, destined to occupy a conspicuous and honored place in public life for many years.
In this campaign, both national and State, a third party made its appearance, which had no material effect upon the result in 1840 but which, continued and further developed, did hold the balance of power four years later. This was the Abolition party, also known as the Liberty party and later merged into the Free Soil party. In November, 1839, it held a convention at Warsaw, in Genesee county, New York, and nom- inated for the Presidency James Gillespie Birney, then of New York but formerly of Kentucky and Alabama, and for Vice-President Francis J. LeMoyne, of Penn- sylvania; Birney declined on the ground that the body did not have the character of a national convention called to make nominations, and LeMoyne also de- clined. On April 1, 1840, the Abolitionists held a national nominating convention in Albany, six States being represented, which nominated Birney for Presi- dent and Thomas Earle, of Pennsylvania, for Vice- President; and both the candidates accepted. For Governor of New York the Abolitionists nominated Gerrit Smith.
The national campaign of 1840 was by far the most spectacular and strenuous thus far in the history of the United States; and it was most spectacular and strenu- ous in New York, because this was the largest State in the Union, because it was regarded as the pivotal State
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the vote of which would determine the result, and be- cause it was Van Buren's own State and the chief issue raised was that of opposition to him. It was marked with innumerable processions, especially torchlight parades at night, and with the singing of campaign songs. Some of Van Buren's aristocratic friends having sneered at Harrison because, as they said, he lived or had lived in a log cabin and had known no better drink than hard cider, the Whigs with psychological pre- science took up the challenge and adopted a log cabin with a coonskin tacked on the wall, and a barrel of hard cider, as the emblems of their campaign.
Their campaign paper, too, was called The Log Cabin. Of that famous and formidable sheet Horace Greeley was the editor. So great had been the success of the Jeffersonian that the Whig managers instinctively turned to him to repeat that success, if possible, in 1840. He did more than repeat it. He so far surpassed it as to throw the brilliant record of the former paper into eclipse. The Log Cabin became not merely a New York but a national paper, with a circulation of more than 80,000 a week-an enormous figure for the time, yet far short of what might have been attained had it been possible for the presses to print enough copies to supply the demand.
The State was swept with a frenzy of enthusiasm, both for Harrison and against Van Buren. Henry Clay described the state of the whole nation as "like the ocean when convulsed by some terrible storm," and Daniel Webster-who was one of the foremost campaign speakers, though he had been disappointed in not him-
JOHN CANFIELD SPENCER
John Canfield Spencer; born in Hudson, N. Y., January 8, 1788; was graduated from Union college in 1806; admitted to the bar in 1809 and began practice at Canandaigua, N. Y .; served in the war of 1812; postmaster at Canandaigua; judge advocate general in 1813; assistant attorney general for west- ern New York, 1815; served in congress, 1817-1819; member of the state assembly, 1820-1821, and served one year as speaker; served in the state senate, 1824-1828; special attorney general to prosecute abductors of Morgan; again a member of the state assembly, 1831-1832; secretary of state of New York in 1839; appointed secretary of war by President Tyler, October 12, 1841 and served until March 3, 1843; secretary of the treas- ury, March 3, 1843 to May 2, 1844 when he resigned; died in Albany, N. Y., May 18, 1855.
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self securing the Presidential nomination-declared that the cry, the universal cry, was for a change. The Whig State convention at Utica was attended by more than twenty-five thousand persons from outside of that city, and there seemed little exaggeration in the remark of one of its managers who, when asked how long the procession was which was filing into the meeting-place, replied that the tail end of it was just a little the other side of Albany. In every town and hamlet in the State were displayed a log cabin, a coonskin, and a cider bar- rel, sometimes in miniature, sometimes full-sized. "Tippecanoe, and Tyler too!" "Van, Van, is a used-up man!" and other songs were sung, played, and whistled everywhere. Nor did the excitement deserve the re- proach of "sound and fury, signifying nothing." Greeley's editorials in the Log Cabin were pregnant with profitable thought and instinct with convincing logic, as were also the utterances of innumerable cam- paign orators. Behind and beneath all the "tumult and the shouting" the administration of Van Buren was on trial before the tribunal of the national electorate, not so much for its own acts as for those of its predecessor.
It was probably well for Governor Seward in his campaign for reelection that this great enthusiasm for Harrison prevailed in New York. Otherwise he might not have secured his second term. There had developed against him in a year and a half serious disaffection and opposition. Many conservative citizens had become alarmed at the magnitude of his expenditures for canals and other public works. Beyond doubt, he was spending far more than had been expected or than he
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himself had estimated, though later years amply vindi- cated the wisdom of his course. Many others, particu- larly in New York City, were alienated because in his message in January, 1840, he had recommended the establishment of special schools for the children of im- migrants to be conducted by teachers of their own race, language, and religious faith. This was, beyond ques- tion, an unfortunate and ill-advised recommendation, which we must wonder at Seward's ever making; and it subjected him to much criticism, even from his friends. It was even charged that he was influenced by the suggestion or request of Archbishop Hughes, of the Catholic church in New York City, and that his object was to cater to the Catholic vote. For such accusations there was no ground. The Governor had never so much as met or in any way communicated with the arch- bishop. On the contrary, he had consulted Dr. Elipha- let Nott, the famous president of Union College, and at least one other eminent Protestant divine-a Methodist, -and had received their cordial approval. Neverthe- less, the recommendation lost him many votes, and in the election he ran several thousand behind the national ticket.
Early indications in other States were favorable to the Whigs. Maine, in September, went "hell-bent for Governor Kent," a performance that instantly added another stanza to the song of "Tippecanoe, and Tyler too." In October the Whigs handsomely carried Ohio and Indiana, both of which States were intimately associated with their candidate; and in November the majority of the whole nation followed their example to
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such an extent that the vote of New York was not needed to elect Harrison, though it was given to him. Some disappointment was expressed at the smallness of Harrison's majority in New York, though without reason. It was Van Buren's own State, and his utmost efforts and those of the still potent Regency were exerted to the full to win it. In the circumstances Har- rison's majority of 13,290 was highly creditable. The Abolitionist candidate, J. G. Birney, polled only 2,808 votes, not enough to affect the result.
Seward, as already stated, ran behind Harrison. He polled 222,011 votes, to 216,808 for Bouck, thus win- ning by a margin of 5,203. On the Abolitionist ticket Gerrit Smith got 2,662 votes.
Meantime the government of the State maintained the even tenor of its way. The Sixty-third Legislature assembled at Albany on January 7, 1840. In the Senate the veteran Clerk, John F. Bacon, was replaced by Samuel G. Andrews. In the Assembly the former Speaker, George W. Patterson, was reelected, and Phi- lander B. Prindle was made Clerk. The Governor's message, like that of the previous year, was a thought- ful and detailed presentation of the interests of the State. Extended reference was made to the progress of the University of the City of New York (now New York University), and it was recommended that the State should release that institution from its indebted- ness for the building-stone for its famous Washington Square building, which had come from the State prison quarries at Sing Sing. Other recommendations were for special schools for immigrants' children, already men-
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tioned; for more complete abolition of imprisonment for debt, which was effected ; and for added safeguards for the purity of elections, which led to the enactment of the first Registration law. Report was made of the Governor's action in the matter of the Anti-Rent war and in the controversy with Virginia, of both of which subjects mention has hitherto been made.
Governor Seward gave much space to an elaborate discussion of banking and the currency, and empha- sized the imperative need of a more stable and trust- worthy paper currency which would not be subject to ruinous discount in other States. He suggested the de- sirability of a general revision of the banking laws. Then, turning to more distinctly political matters, he dwelt upon the increasing arrogation of power by the Federal government during the last few years and the serious infringement upon the rights of the States, and suggested that the time had arrived when such tenden- cies ought to be checked and the power of the Presi- dent strictly circumscribed. To that end he advised that the President's tenure of office be limited to a single term, and that Congress have the power of ap- pointing the chief financial officers of the nation.
Public works occupied a major place in the message. The Governor reported much progress in the building of railroads and questioned the propriety of prohibit- ing the transportation of freight on them in competi- tion with the canals! At any rate, he argued, such pro- hibition should certainly be suspended during the winter season, when the canals were closed with ice. He discussed the cost of the canals, which many re-
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garded as excessive and as likely to plunge the State into bankruptcy. He admitted that these costs had exceeded all estimates. The Legislature had com- mitted the State to the expenditure of thirty millions for enterprises the cost of which had been estimated at not more than fifteen millions. The original esti- mates, he confessed, showed great miscalculation. Nevertheless he was strongly opposed to any abandon- ment of the works that had been undertaken. He advised continuance with increased prudence and cir- cumspection under the supervision of a competent board of engineers, and with all issues of bonds kept within such limits as would permit the payment of all interest on them out of the surplus revenues of the State. He was still in favor of enlargement of the Erie canal, and, if necessary, of State aid to the Erie and other rail- roads. He made a singularly eloquent appeal and argument, of great length, for the construction of public works at State expense-the course thus advo- cated being pursuant to one of the cardinal principles of the Whig party, which from its earliest organization had strongly advocated internal improvements.
The Governor on March 14 sent to the Senate a long report on the anti-rent troubles. Three days later he transmitted to the Assembly a detailed report of a great citizens' meeting in New York in favor of the enactment of a national Bankruptcy law. He argued strongly in favor of the proposed measure, and recom- mended that the Legislature advise the New York Representatives in Congress and instruct the Senators to give it their support. The Legislature adopted a
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concurrent resolution to the desired effect.
A noteworthy veto message referred to a bill which would deprive an alien father in this country of the natural right of guardianship over minor children in case he wished to take them to a foreign land, the chil- dren and their mother being of American birth. In the message he entered into an elaborate discussion of conjugal rights and authority over children. The bill was, however, repassed over his veto.
Early in the session the Legislature performed two notable acts of a purely partisan character, which, how- ever, were so much in accord with the spirit and prac- tice of those times as to seem by no means out of the ordinary routine. One was the enactment of a bill re- moving Edwin Croswell from the office of State Printer and appointing Thurlow Weed in his place. Mr. Croswell had performed the official duties of his place with fidelity and high ability, and in addition had been the very efficient editor of the Democratic organ. Mr. Weed, in his turn, also served in the most satisfactory manner possible, besides being the brilliant and power- ful editor of the chief newspaper of the Whigs.
Following this five new Canal Commissioners were chosen. The five sitting Commissioners were all Dem- ocrats, who had been active in party politics and doubt- less had used their official influence to promote the interests of their party, though there was no hint of any improper action or any neglect of their public duties. All of them were removed, and their places were filled with five Whigs. Among the Commis- sioners thus ousted was William C. Bouck, whom the
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Democrats a few months later made their candidate for Governor. It was at first proposed to retain him in office because of his long service and consequent familiarity with all the details of the canal administra- tion, but in the end he was removed with his colleagues. The Legislature adjourned on May 14 without day.
We shall do well to regard this year 1840 as mark- ing an epoch in the history of New York and indeed of the nation, and to take a brief survey of the material condition of the State at that time. It was indeed an epochal year, for it saw the overwhelming defeat in national politics of that great party which had enjoyed unbroken control of the government since the first year of the century, and it saw, too, the rise of a great new party that was destined to lead the way to a still greater one that would thereafter for most of the time domi- nate the State and nation. It saw in New York the confirmation of the victory of the Whig party, achieved two years before, the breaking of the power of the Albany Regency, and the beginning of an era in which for fourscore years political control of the State alter- nated, with frequent dramatic changes, between the two great parties.
The population of the United States in 1840 was 17,100,572, of which New York had 2,428,921, or almost exactly 14 per cent. No other State approxi- mated two millions, and only three others exceeded one million. Virginia, originally the largest of all, had fallen to the fourth place, Pennsylvania and Ohio be- ing respectively second and third. New York thus had then a much larger proportion of the whole population
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of the United States than it has at the present time. On the other hand, New York City had a far smaller proportion of the population of the State. Its popula- tion was only 312,710, or less than thirteen per cent. of the State's, whereas at present the percentage is above fifty. Still, it was by far the largest city of America. Brooklyn was the second city of the State, with 36,233. Albany had 33,721, Rochester 20,191, Troy 19,334, Buffalo 18,213, Utica 12,782, Salina (Syracuse) 11,014, Fishkill 10,437, Poughkeepsie 10,- 006, Lockport 9,125, Newburgh 9,833, Mount Pleas- ant (Sing Sing or Ossining) 7,307, Seneca (Geneva) 7,073, Schenectady 6,784, Warwick 6,626, Plattsburg 6,146, Kingston 5,824, Williamsburg 5,680, Rome 5,680, Hudson 5,672, Catskill 5,339. No other place in the State had so many as 5,000 inhabitants. Albany was the second county of the State, Onondaga third, Mon- roe fourth, Erie fifth, Jefferson sixth, and Rensselaer seventh, no other having so many as 60,000 inhabitants.
New York was at this time the foremost agricultural State of the Union. It surpassed all others in the num- ber of horses, mules, cattle, sheep, and poultry which it possessed, and in the quantities which it produced of barley, oats, buckwheat, wool, hops, hay, potatoes, dairy products, fruits, and lumber. It stood second to Tennessee in number of swine, to Pennsylvania in rye, to Alabama in wax, to Louisiana in sugar, and third to Ohio and Pennsylvania in wheat. It surpassed all other States in the length of its mail routes, 14,598 miles, on which during the year the mails were trans- ported 3,203,060 miles by stagecoach, 1,102.106 by
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horse and sulky, and only 619,160 by railroad.
The canals of the State, which had figured so largely in politics and concerning which there had been and still was so much controversy, had cost down to Febru- ary 23, 1837, $11,963,712, and measured 631 miles in length. To this cost there had been added, in Gov- ernor Seward's administration, expenditures or con- tracts amounting to $30,444,000 more. The tolls re- ceived from traffic on the canals began with $5,437 in 1820; in 1823 they were $152,958; in 1825, $566,279; in 1830, $1,056,922; in 1835, $1,548,986; in 1840, $1,- 775,747 ; and in 1841 they surpassed two millions. The merchandise arriving at tidewater on the canals in 1840 was 669,012 tons, and that going in from tidewater was 129,580 tons.
The total debt of the State in 1840 was $20,165,254, which was larger than that of any other State except Pennsylvania. The debt of New York City was $9,- 663,269, which was more than twice as large as that of any other city in America. Salaries of officials were small. The Governor received $4,000, the Lieutenant- Governor six dollars a day during the session of the Legislature, and Senators and Assemblymen three dol- lars a day for the same time. The Comptroller and Secretary of State received $2,500 each, the Treasurer $1,500, the Attorney-General $1,000, the Chancellor $3,000, the Justices of the Supreme Court $3,000 each, and the Judges of the Circuit Courts $1,600 each.
In the Twenty-seventh Congress of the United States, of which the House of Representatives was elected in 1840, New York still had the forty Representatives
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apportioned to her under the census of 1830. In that year (1840) the Democrats elected all the members from New York City, and among them was the omi- nous figure of Fernando Wood. Elsewhere in the State the Whigs reelected Francis Granger and Millard Fill- more. The entire delegation consisted of 21 Democrats and 19 Whigs.
CHAPTER XVI
WHIG DISASTER
T HE Whigs of New York began the year 1841 flushed with the overwhelming triumph of the preceding autumn, which gave them their first President and placed them in full control of all depart- ments of the State government. The Sixty-fourth Legislature met on January 5 with a strong Whig majority in each house. No change was made in the organization of the Senate. In the Assembly a new Speaker was chosen in the person of Peter B. Porter, Jr., of Niagara county.
Governor Seward's message was, as usual, long and scholarly. Much of it was devoted to a routine re- view of the various interests of the State, but several special topics were dwelt upon in his characteristic fashion. Reference was made to the considerable measure of success already resulting from the act of 1840 for the regulation of elections in New York City. Under that law the election was required to be held and completed in a single day, instead of extending over three days as thitherto; the wards were divided into election districts; and registration of voters in advance of election was directed. All were admirable provisions, now regarded as matters of course. They were then, however, opposed and bitterly denounced
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by the Tammany Hall Democrats, on the ostensible ground that they constituted an odious discrimination against the city since they were applied to no other part of the State. Seward accordingly recommended that the same provisions be extended to the entire State, which was in time done.
In addition he recommended a Corrupt Practices act that would make it a felony for anyone to vote who was not legally qualified to do so, and would pun- ish with life-long disfranchisement anyone guilty of either giving or taking a bribe for voting. This recom- mendation was doubtless occasioned by an incident of the fall election of 1840. One J. B. Glentworth, a New York tobacco inspector and an active Whig poli- tician, proposed to another Whig leader that a lot of men be brought over from Philadelphia to vote in New York, Pennsylvania being supposedly far more certain to go Whig than New York. He boasted that he had thus "colonized" voters in 1838 with great success, at a cost of about thirty dollars each. His plan was to pretend that they were legitimately em- ployed at laying water-pipes. Hence originated the term "laying pipes," as an expression in political vocabulary.
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