USA > New York > History of the state of New York, political and governmental, Vol. II 1822-1864 > Part 30
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was chosen. Thus Weed had his revenge upon Gree- ley for the latter's part in the defeat of Seward at Chicago. It was one of the bitterest disappointments of Greeley's political life.
The Legislature adjourned, after these and the usual array of routine doings, on April 16.
As early as December 13, 1860, Lincoln offered to Seward the position of Secretary of State, and from that time forward there was a steady development of Seward's resolve to resist secession at any cost. In a notable speech in the Senate on January 12 he declared that he would stand for inflexible maintenance of the Union in every event, "whether of peace or war, with every consequence of honor or dishonor, of life or death. The hour has not yet come for this great nation to fall." When a little later he had to present the mammoth petition of the business men of New York to the Senate for some "adjustment" of affairs which would avert the peril of war, he made no pretense of agreeing with the signers. "I have asked them," he told the Senate, "that at home they manifest their devotion to the Union, above all other interests, by speaking for the Union, by voting for the Union, by lending and giving their money for the Union, and, in the last resort, by fighting for the Union."
At the beginning of Lincoln's administration there was naturally a tremendous rush of office-seekers to the national capital. In addition to the numerous changes that were in any event to be expected at such a time, the secession of the southern States was bound
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to remove from the Federal departments a host of place- holders from that section. New York being the larg- est of the States in population probably furnished the greatest number of office-seekers, and Seward in the cabinet, Harris in the Senate, and Roscoe Conkling in the House of Representatives were almost overwhelmed by innumerable importunities.
Lincoln took for himself the initiative in selecting the appointee for the most important New York office, that of Collector of the Port, his choice being Hiram Barney. Why the selection was made did not appear and never has been explained. Barney was not pleas- ing to Weed and still less to Seward. They attributed his appointment to Salmon P. Chase, who to their great disgust had been made Secretary of the Treasury; but it seems certain that while Chase approved the choice he did not suggest it. Barney was a man of high ability and character, well fitted for the place. But his appointment was a serious blow to Weed and the party machine, while it gratified Greeley, with whom Barney had cooperated at Chicago in working against Seward's nomination.
Greeley, however, was not pleased with the admin- istration as a whole, and he made the Tribune very often its unfavorable critic. There was hopeless in- compatibility between his way of looking at things and Lincoln's way, and his views in general contributed little to the solution of the problems of the time. More- over, he was greatly discontented with the selection of Seward to be Secretary of State. By his criticisms he more than once caused the administration embarrass-
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ment and came dangerously near to fomenting a schism in the Republican party.
Amid all these things Governor Morgan pursued his wise and patriotic course unmoved, and splendidly con- tributed to the preparation of the State to perform its duty in the struggle. The crisis came with the firing on Fort Sumter. When the gallant defender of the fort, Major Anderson, came to New York, he was re- ceived with intense enthusiasm. On April 20 there was held in Union Square, New York City, perhaps the greatest demonstration of the kind ever seen in America. Tens of thousands of men of all parties, creeds, and callings crowded around six platforms, from which were made speeches in behalf of the Union by the representative men of the State, Demo- crats and Republicans alike. Daniel S. Dickinson was among the most outspoken. "I know," he said, "but one section, one Union, one flag, one government." John Cochrane, who had dallied with secession and compro- mise, spoke for "Our country, our whole country-in any event, a united country." Even Fernando Wood, who had urged New York City to join the secession movement, said, "I am with you in this contest. We know no party now."
When Lincoln called for troops Governor Morgan reported to the Legislature that New York's quota would be seventeen regiments. In a few hours the en- listment of 30,000 volunteers was authorized, and four days later the New York Seventh, fully equipped for war, marched down Broadway on its way to the front. By July 1 46,700 men had been sent, and by the end of
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the year the number was increased to more than 120,000. Loans of money were offered to the government at the rate of ten to twelve millions a month. A commission consisting of Governor Morgan, William M. Evarts, and Moses H. Grinnell was appointed by the Presi- dent, with extraordinary powers, to purchase and arm steamships and to forward troops and supplies; and another, composed of John A. Dix, George Opdyke, and Richard M. Blatchford, was authorized to act for the Treasury department in the disbursement of public funds. A Union Defense committee had been appointed by the Union Square meeting, which for a time was the chief agency of the national government in New York. John A. Dix, James S. Wadsworth, Daniel E. Sickles, John Cochrane, and others who had been active in politics became officers of the army at the front.
One injudicious thing was done in New York early in the war, which resulted in disaster. Greeley in the Tribune, impatient to see the southern armies crushed at once, permitted-he did not himself write it-the publication daily of the editorial demand: "Forward to Richmond! The Rebel Congress must not be per- mitted to meet there on the 20th of July! By that date the place must be held by the National Army!" The government yielded to the popular clamor that was thus fomented, and the result was the disaster of Bull Run. One-third of the losses in that battle were New York men.
As both parties had joined in rallying to the support of the government at the outbreak of the war, the Re-
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publican State committee proposed to the Democrats that in the November election of 1861 there be but one ticket, made up of men of both parties. Dean Rich- mond conferred with Horatio Seymour, Sanford E. Church, and other leaders who had not participated in the Union Square meeting, and as the result replied to this proposal that the Democrats were ready to unite with all citizens opposed to war and in favor of compromise. That was of course an unacceptable reply.
The Democratic State convention was held at Syra- cuse on September 4. Francis Kernan made a power- ful address declaring it to be the duty of the party to "oppose equally abolitionism at the north and secession at the south, to protect and to preserve the govern- ment, but not to let it be a war for the emancipation of slaves." The platform agreed with Kernan, deny- ing the right of secession and declaring it to be the duty of the government to put down rebellion and the duty of the people to rally to its support, but insisting that to pervert the war into one for the abolition of slav- ery would be fatal to all hope of restoring the Union. A full ticket of State officers was nominated, headed with the name of David R. Floyd Jones for Secretary of State.
The Republican convention met in Syracuse on September 11, and simultaneously there met there also a People's convention, with Thomas G. Alvord as its president. The latter body, fired with patriotic en- thusiasm, nominated a ticket composed of both Dem- ocrats and Republicans on a strong war platform.
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Horatio Ballard was named for Secretary of State, Daniel S. Dickinson for Attorney-General, Lucius Robinson for Comptroller, William B. Lewis for Treasurer, and William B. Wright for Judge of the Court of Appeals. The Republican convention co- operated with the People's and united with it in the nominations, excepting for Canal Commissioners.
Lyman Tremain and Francis C. Brouck withdrew from the Democratic ticket, on which they had been nominated for Attorney-General and Treasurer, and supported the People's Union ticket. Albert P. Lan- ing, Greene C. Bronson, and James T. Brady joined them. Daniel S. Dickinson was the most effective of all the campaigners on that side. Horatio Seymour made only one speech for the Democratic party, in which he expressed a willingness to prosecute the war as a means of restoring the Union but not for the aboli- tion of slavery nor for infringement upon the rights of States.
The result of the election was an overwhelming vic- tory for the People's Union ticket. Its candidate for Secretary of State received 297,428 votes to 189,716 for his Democratic opponent; and similar votes were cast for the other candidates. But for Canal Commis- sioners, on whom there was no union, the Democrats cast 198,385 votes, the Republicans 179,691, and the People's party 105,721. To the State Senate there were chosen 22 Unionists and 10 Democrats, and to the Assembly 70 Unionists and 58 Democrats. George Opdyke defeated Fernando Wood for Mayor of New York City. Among the Senators chosen were Henry
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C. Murphy, Richard B. Connolly, John V. L. Pruyn, Lyman Truman, and Charles J. Folger. Among the Assemblymen were Henry J. Raymond, Thomas G. Alvord, A. Bleecker Banks, John B. Dutcher, Peter A. Porter, Smith Ely, Ezra Cornell, Benjamin F. Tracy, and Chauncey M. Depew.
CHAPTER XXX REACTION AND REVERSAL
T HE early disasters of the Civil War, and the burdens that began to fall upon the people, caused in 1862 widespread reaction against the Republican administrations both national and State. Following the initial enthusiasm for the great cause, questions of principle and policy as to the war's objects and conduct came under discussion. Nowhere were the pains and losses of war more keenly felt than in New York, where commerce and industry were badly affected and a serious financial panic occurred. In his message to the Eighty-fifth Legislature, on January 7, 1862, Governor Morgan addressed himself, apart from routine matters, almost exclusively to the issues and the conduct of the war; and in that document and by his attitude and course during the session and throughout the remaining year of his term he showed himself a great Executive. In that Legislature James Terwil- liger was Clerk of the Senate, and Henry J. Raymond and Joseph B. Cushman, respectively, were Speaker and Clerk of the Assembly. The session, which lasted until April 23, was marked by active efforts to sustain the Governor and the national administration.
It was impossible, however, to stem the tide of re- action, and the endeavors to do so were counteracted
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by the dissensions that arose in the Republican party over the question of emancipation of the slaves. Gree- ley and the old anti-slavery element were impatient for immediate emancipation, in demand for which the Tribune editor addressed to the President his famous "Prayer of Twenty Millions," wherein Lincoln was charged with being remiss in duty and being under the influence of the pro-slavery politicians of the border States. Years afterward Greeley publicly confessed he had been wrong at that time and Lincoln had been right. But in 1862 his criticisms of the President had a mischievous effect.
Early in the year thoughtful men of both parties, realizing the critical state of affairs in the nation and the immense importance of keeping New York solidly in line for the Union, deprecated a State campaign on party lines, and sought to bring about such an achieve- ment as the Republicans had proposed in the preced- ing year, with a single Loyal ticket representing and supported by both parties. There was a widespread feeling in favor of General John A. Dix as a candidate for Governor who would command universal support, and some of the foremost Republican leaders joined with the War Democrats in counselling his nomina- tion. The plan was to have him nominated by the Constitutional Union party, which would hold a State convention in Troy on September 9. But this did not suit the purposes of Dean Richmond and Horatio Seymour, who were confident that in a straight party contest they could easily carry the State. Accord- ingly James Brooks, of New York, was commissioned
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to capture the Troy convention for a Democratic candidate.
Seymour desired the selection of Sanford E. Church. But Richmond doubted the ability of that gentleman to be elected and decided that Seymour himself must run. He instructed Brooks to that effect, and the re- sult was that the Constitutional Union convention gave 32 votes for Seymour, 20 for Dix, and 6 for Millard Fillmore. The next day the Democratic convention met in Albany and unanimously ratified Seymour's nomination. David R. Floyd Jones was named for Lieutenant-Governor.
Probably Seymour was sincere in his reluctance to be the candidate. But he accepted the nomination and addressed the Democratic convention in a carefully prepared speech in which he strongly criticised the national administration for its conduct of the war and denounced all proposals for emancipation of the slaves as making "for the butchery of women and children, for scenes of lust and rapine and of arson and murder, which would invoke the interference of civilized Europe." The platform, prepared by A. B. Laning, pledged the party to continue united in support of the government and "to use all legitimate means to sup- press rebellion, restore the Union as it was, and main- tain the Constitution as it is."
This action of the Democrats made a partisan con- test inevitable and strengthened the movement for the nomination of Dix by the Republicans despite his Democratic antecedents. Thurlow Weed was com- mitted to that policy, as also were Seward and Henry
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J. Raymond. On the other hand, Governor Morgan earnestly advised the choice of James S. Wadsworth, who had a brilliant war record and was the chief mili- tary adviser of the Secretary of War. His champion- ship of Silas Wright was well remembered, he had been one of the organizers of the Republican party, and he was personally beloved for his many acts of charity and his public benefactions. His hatred of slavery and his approval of the Emancipation procla- mation, which Lincoln issued on September 23, made him the favorite of the radical element of the Republi- can party.
The Republican convention met in Syracuse on Sep- tember 25, calling itself the Republican Union conven- tion. Henry J. Raymond was its chairman, and he made a vigorous speech in reply to and condemnation of Seymour's at the Democratic convention. A letter from Governor Morgan was read, declining to be a candidate for a third term. The platform, presented by Parke Godwin, urged vigorous prosecution of the war and expressed the profoundest satisfaction at the issuance of the Emancipation proclamation.
Both Wadsworth and Dix were presented as candi- dates for the nomination, and both names aroused much enthusiasm; but on the first ballot an overwhelming majority was cast for Wadsworth. Lyman Tremain, who had withdrawn from and repudiated the Demo- cratic ticket the year before, was named for Lieutenant- Governor.
There followed a campaign of almost unexampled bitterness, in which personal vilification largely sup-
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planted argument. Compared to some of the utter- ances, Raymond's declaration that every vote for Wads- worth would be a vote for loyalty and every vote for Seymour a vote for treason may be esteemed moderate. The Democratic press belittled Wadsworth's distin- guished military services and denounced him as "a malignant Abolition disorganizer," while the Tribune called Seymour "a consummate demagogue, radically dishonest." Seymour himself, Dean Richmond, and John Van Buren were the foremost speakers on the Democratic side, the last-named emerging from years of retirement for the occasion ; while Daniel S. Dickin- con was the chief Republican advocate. An effort was made just before election day to get both candidates to retire in favor of Dix, but it came to an end when Dix sent word from the war front that he was too busy there to be drawn into politics.
The October elections presaged disaster for the Re- publicans, but the radicals continued confident of vic- tory until the votes were counted. Then it was found that the Democrats had carried the State by a small but sufficient majority. Seymour had 306,649 votes to Wadsworth's 295,897. The Assembly was tied, each party having 64 members. Of the thirty-one Con- gressional districts the Democrats carried seventeen. Even Roscoe Conkling was beaten, by Francis Ker- nan. Among the Representatives elected were Benja- min Wood, Fernando Wood, James Brooks, Erastus Corning, John V. L. Pruyn, John A. Griswold, DeWitt C. Littlejohn, Theodore M. Pomeroy, and Reuben E. Fenton, the last-named for his fifth and last term.
IRA HARRIS
Ira Harris, senator; born in Charlestown, Montgomery county, N. Y., May 31, 1802; was graduated from Union college in 1824; studied law in Albany and in 1828 was admitted to the bar; member of the state legislature in 1845 and 1846; state senator in 1847; delegate to the state constitutional convention, 1846; justice of the supreme court, 1847-1859; elected to the United States senate from New York and served from March 4, 1861 to March 3, 1867; delegate at large to the state constitutional convention in 1867; died in Albany, N. Y., December 2, 1875.
HENRY J. RAYMOND
Henry J. Raymond; born in Lima, N. Y., January 24, 1820; was graduated from the University of Vermont in 1840; moved to New York City and studied law; member of the state assembly in 1850-51, 1862; established the New York Times in 1851; delegate to the whig national convention of 1852; lieu- tenant governor of New York, 1854-6; delegate to the republi- can national convention in 1860; in congress, 1865-1867; died in New York City, June 18, 1869.
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When the Eighty-sixth Legislature met, on January 6, 1863, there was a prolonged contest over the Speaker- ship of the Assembly. The majority of the Republi- cans wanted to nominate Chauncey M. Depew. But because of the necessity of having a candidate for whom every man would vote, and because at least one de- clared that he would not vote for Depew, Henry Sher- wood, of Steuben county, was named. The Demo- crats put forward Gilbert Dean. As the two parties were exactly tied there was no election for many bal- lots, and it was evident that there could be none until some member deserted his party. After seventy-seven ballots the Republicans withdrew Sherwood and voted for Depew. Then T. C. Callicot, of Kings county, a Democrat, refused longer to vote for Dean. A re- cess was taken, during which there was much in- triguing. Democratic leaders offered Depew votes if all the Republicans would support him. Callicot also approached him with a promise that if the Republi- cans would all vote for him (Callicot), he would in turn vote with them for John A. Dix for United States Senator and thus assure his election.
The question presented to Depew was, therefore, whether he should accept Democratic votes and win the prize of the Speakership, leaving the United States Senatorship in doubt and likely to remain vacant, or should help elect a Democrat, Callicot, Speaker, and assure the choice of a Republican United States Sena- tor. He chose the latter course. There followed dis- graceful scenes of violence and rioting, the Democrats desperately striving to prevent the election of a man
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whom they denounced as a renegade and traitor, until at last Governor Seymour had to threaten to use mili- tary force to preserve the peace of the State. Then on the ninety-third ballot Callicot was elected Speaker. Joseph B. Cushman was appointed Clerk.
It was consequently the 26th of January before Gov- ernor Seymour was able to present his message to the Legislature. The document began with an elaborate consideration of the causes and conduct of the war. He held that the war was not due to the question of slavery but to widespread disregard of the obligations imposed by the laws and the Constitution, to disrespect for constituted authorities, and above all to local and sectional prejudices and animosities. The declara- tions of Lincoln and Seward that the nation could not permanently endure half slave and half free he de- nounced as indicating a spirit of disloyalty. He strongly criticised the Federal government for what he regarded as its usurpation of power, its arbitrary arrests, and its application of martial law. The mes- sage was throughout distinctly unfriendly to the Lin- coln administration. Yet Seymour insisted that the Union must be restored in spite of rebellion at the south and fanaticism at the north.
The chief work before the Legislature was to choose a United States Senator to succeed Preston King. Had Wadsworth been elected Governor with a sub- stantial Republican majority in the Assembly, Horace Greeley would again have been a candidate. As it was, he urged the reelection of Preston King or the election of Daniel S. Dickinson. On the other hand,
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Weed and Seward wanted ex-Governor Morgan; while Henry J. Raymond, David Dudley Field, Charles B. Sedgwick, Henry R. Selden, and Ward Hunt were among those "also mentioned." Morgan led on the informal ballot, and on the second formal ballot was nominated by the Republican caucus. The Democrats nominated Erastus Corning, an Albany merchant of wealth and public spirit, and of high ability and spot- less character. In the Senate Morgan received 23 votes and Corning 7, with 2 absentees. There was at first no choice in the Assembly, Morgan having the 64 Republican votes and Corning 62, while Callicot cast his vote for Dix and one vote was cast for Fernando Wood. Then on the second ballot, as Callicot would not vote for Morgan the 64 Morgan votes were trans- ferred to Dix, giving him 65 to Corning's 63. That made it possible to go into joint session, where the Re- publicans were not dependent on Callicot's vote. On the first ballot, therefore, Morgan was elected Sena- tor with 86 votes, to 70 for Corning, 1 for Dix, and 1 for Dickinson. The Legislature continued its ses- sion without further sensations, and adjourned without day on April 25.
It was at about the time of Morgan's election to the Senate that Thurlow Weed, as if contented with that crowning victory, retired from the editorship of the Albany Evening Journal and from the active manage- ment of the Republican party. With the majority of that party he was no longer in sympathy, and he real- ized the futility of further attempts to impress his con- servative views upon the radicals who had come into
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control. It was at the same time, too, that Union League clubs were formed, which generally became centers of Republican activity and influence.
That spring President Lincoln wrote to Governor Seymour a letter expressing a desire to become ac- quainted with him and a confidence that fuller under- standing of each other would demonstrate to both their practical agreement on national interests. Seymour disregarded the letter for some weeks and then wrote a formal reply promising to write more fully after the Legislature had adjourned, but declaring plainly that neither political resentments nor personal objects would turn him aside from the course he had chosen. The promised letter was never written. In fact, it would have been futile, for Lincoln and Seymour were radically so far apart that agreement between them would have been impossible.
There followed the arrest of Clement L. Vallandig- ham, whose banishment to the south evoked from Sey- mour a letter, addressed to a public meeting of protest, denouncing that act as revolutionary and an exercise of despotism. "If it is upheld," he added, "our liber- ties are overthrown." A few weeks later he promptly and energetically responded to the call for troops to check Lee's invasion of Pennsylvania. Yet at the very moment when Lee was retreating in defeat from Gettysburg, in a Fourth of July address in New York City the Governor dwelt chiefly upon the fruitlessness of the war and the fatal subversion of the liberties of the people.
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