USA > New York > History of the state of New York, political and governmental, Vol. II 1822-1864 > Part 13
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tended to farms and even to wild lands. Much capital was thus diverted from industry and commerce, to the detriment of the latter. Much, also, was sent out of the State for foreign speculations and investments.
This lack of capital for the transaction of ordinary business led to demand for more ample banking facili- ties and extension of credit. But the Governor depre- cated such a tendency. What was needed was to abate speculation and to return to sane methods of business. No more banks were wanted to supply the State with paper currency, for there was already enough of that. More could not make it better, and might make it worse. Nor could the creation of new banks create new capital. He therefore recommended great caution and conservatism in the chartering of new banking insti- tutions.
The dominant feature of the message was, however, Marcy's discussion of the Abolitionist movement, which he deprecated and condemned in the strongest terms. He regarded it as a grave menace to domestic peace, since the utterances of the agitators aroused passions which had already led to acts of violence against them. It was also a menace to the commercial prosperity of the State, since southern States were considering a sev- erance of trade relations with all States that tolerated it. The schemes of the Abolitionists were, he declared, visionary and pernicious. He could discern not one good that had resulted or was likely to result from their proceedings, while the train of evils which must neces- sarily attend them was in number and magnitude ap- palling. It was, moreover, a menace to the integrity of
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the Federal Union for the people of one State thus to give offense to those of another. He therefore sug- gested that the time might come when it would be neces- sary to consider to what extent the State should provide by law for the trial and punishment of citizens who committed acts calculated to excite insurrection and rebellion in other States. He was convinced that the Legislature had full power to do this, and he seemed to think that the time was not far distant when it would be its duty to exercise that power. At the request of the Governor of South Carolina he transmitted some reso- lutions of the Legislature of that State on the subject, which were couched in the most extreme terms.
The Legislature in response adopted resolutions de- claring that it fully and cordially agreed with Gover- nor Marcy in his views and sentiments concerning the Abolition movement, but expressing the opinion that, because of the attitude of the majority of the people of the State, legislative action was unnecessary. In this it was not singular among northern Legislatures. The Governor in subsequent special messages transmitted copies of resolutions of several other Legislatures un- sparingly condemning the Abolitionists.
Governor John Gayle, of Alabama, made requisition upon Governor Marcy for the surrender, for trial and punishment, of Robert G. Williams, of New York, for circulating in Alabama some Abolitionist prints that were described as seditious. Williams was spoken of in the requisition as a "fugitive from justice." Governor Marcy replied that he could not be a fugitive, since he had never been in Alabama and therefore could not
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have "fled" from that State. Governor Gayle replied that "flee" in the Constitution should be interpreted as equivalent to "evade"; but Marcy was not convinced of that and accordingly, "with regret," found himself compelled to refuse to surrender Williams.
During this session of the Legislature Jacob Sunder- land resigned from the bench of the Supreme Court, and Greene C. Bronson was appointed in his place. John Savage later in the year resigned the Chief-Jus- ticeship, and Samuel Nelson, already an Associate-Jus- tice, was appointed in his place. Esek Cowen was made an Associate-Justice to succeed Mr. Nelson.
Grave charges of corruption were made in the Senate against two members of that body, John C. Kemble, of the Third district, and Isaac W. Bishop, of the Fourth district. They were accused of fraudulent speculation in stocks, with being implicated in doings of the cashier of an Albany bank who had stolen the bank's funds and absconded, and with various other immoral and dis- honest transactions. The only argument in their favor was that the Senate had no right to try them on such charges, but could only consider regular articles of im- peachment. The majority of the Senate was obviously inclined to reject this plea and to proceed with the trial. Kemble resigned his seat before any action could be taken. Bishop stood his ground a little longer. A vote was taken declaring by 21 to 7 that he was guilty of moral and official misconduct. The question of his ex- pulsion was then put and was defeated, 12 voting for and 16 against expulsion. Bishop then resigned his seat. Two of the most prominent Senators also resigned,
SAMUEL BEARDSLEY
Samuel Beardsley; born in Hoosic, Rensselaer county, N. Y., February 9, 1790; admitted to the bar in 1815 and began prac- tice at Rome, N. Y .; distrct attorney of Oneida county; member of the state senate; judge of Oneida county; United States attorney for northern New York, 1827-1830; elected to con- gress as a democrat and served from March 4, 1831 to March 29, 1836 when he resigned to accept appointment as circuit judge; attorney general of the sate of New York, 1836; again elected to congress and served from March 4, 1843 to May 24, 1844, when he resigned to accept the position of associate judge of the supreme court of New York; made chief justice in 1847; died in Utica, N. Y., May 6, 1860.
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peremptorily. These were Samuel Young and Myndert Van Schaick. They declared that their sense of self- respect and honor forbade them to remain in a body whose majority would recognize and retain as fellow- members men whom that majority had just declared to be guilty of moral and official misconduct.
The Legislature provided a new apportionment of the State for Senators and Assemblymen, according to the new enumeration of inhabitants, and on May 26 adjourned without day.
CHAPTER XIII
THE REVOLUTION OF 1837
T HE incidence of both a national and a State elec- tion marked the year 1836 in the political history of New York. The coming together of the two elections had occurred before, but never with interest comparable to that which now arose from the fact that the Presidential candidate of the dominant party was the unchallenged leader of that party in this State. Foreindicated several years in advance, that fact was made certain by the Baltimore convention of May, 1835. Additional interest arose from the circumstance that the chosen leader's closest and ablest lieutenant was a candidate for reelection to the Governorship.
The results of both these campaigns were foregone conclusions. Yet, curiously enough, they were so re- garded on only one side, and that was the side which naturally should have taken the other view. The Whigs were far more confident of their own defeat than the Democrats were of victory. Indeed, both President Jackson and Vice-President Van Buren were decidedly anxious and fearful of an unfavorable verdict at the polls. This was partly because they were not able accurately to gauge the drift of popular sentiment for or against the radical policies of the national adminis- tration. It was also largely on account of the formid-
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able-appearing array of parties and factions against them.
The forces opposed to Jackson's administration, and equally opposed to Van Buren as Jackson's successor, comprised the National Republicans, who had formerly supported Adams and Clay and approved Clay's "American system" of protective tariff and internal im- provements; the majority of the Anti-Masons; the nullifiers or State rights men of South Carolina and other southern States; many former supporters of Jackson who had been alienated from him by his arbi- trary course toward the Bank; and a large number of independent voters not affiliated with any party, who had become alarmed at the autocratic policy of the President.
Had these forces been homogeneous and capable of harmonious cooperation, the combination would have been formidable and might have won the election. But they were not. They had nothing in common but their opposition to Jackson. Thus, there was positive antagonism between the nullifiers of South Carolina, represented by John C. Calhoun, and the Whigs of New England, represented by Daniel Webster; for this was but six years after the famous debate between Hayne and Webster in the Senate. Nor did the nulli- fiers care anything about the Bank. Nevertheless, the possibility that a common antipathy toward him would cause them to coalesce effectively filled Jackson with so great apprehension that he interested himself in the campaign to an extent probably never approximated by any other President. Knowing that the Legisla-
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ture of his own State, Tennessee, was likely to pass a resolution recommending as a candidate for the Pres- idency Judge Hugh L. White, at that time a United States Senator from Tennessee, he personally sent to each member of the body a file of the Washington Globe containing a series of envenomed attacks upon that gentleman. In this he decidedly overreached himself, for the resentment which the legislators natu- rally felt at his interference provoked them to nomi- nate Judge White by a more nearly unanimous vote than he would otherwise have received.
Thus rebuffed, and fearing that other States would follow the example of Tennessee in support of White, the President resorted to the extraordinary expedient of directing the holding of the national nominating con- vention a year and a half in advance of the election so as to forestall any defection from the administration ranks. Thus it was that the Baltimore convention already referred to was called and did the work ex- pected of it. Accordingly the year 1836 opened with Van Buren and Colonel Richard M. Johnson, of Ken- tucky, already formally in the field as the regular Democratic candidates for President and Vice-Presi- dent.
The opposing parties and factions, as might have been expected, did not unite on any one candidate for either office. It would doubtless have been impossible for them to do so had they tried, but they did not try. Neither did they enter into such an understanding as had prevailed to some extent on one or two former occasions, that all their Electoral votes should be
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"pooled" for some one candidate in case it were found that thus he could be elected; though it is possible that this might have been done if Van Buren had failed to get a clear majority of the Electoral College. Their object was to divide the Electoral vote so that no can- didate would have a majority, and thus throw the election into the House of Representatives.
So several anti-Jackson candidates were put forward. General William Henry Harrison was the most promi- nent of them-as a candidate. He was nominated by a Pennsylvania convention, and also was the choice of the Whigs of New York. Ohio named John McLean. Massachusetts nominated Daniel Webster. Tennessee and Alabama were for Judge White. South Carolina was to choose her Electors not by popular election but through her Legislature, and was inclined to support W. P. Mangum, of North Carolina. There were also several candidates for the Vice-Presidency. The Harrison men, and also the supporters of Webster, generally inclined toward Francis Granger, of New York, who had been one of the foremost leaders of the Anti-Masonic party and a candidate for Governor. The southern States largely favored John Tyler, of Virginia.
With the national campaign thus disposed, New Yorkers turned to their State campaign. Three State conventions were held, in September. The Demo- crats, gathering as usually at Herkimer, unanimously and without controversy renominated Marcy and Tracy. It was good political strategy so to do, it was the desire of Van Buren that they should do so, and
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it was only just to Marcy that he should be returned to the office that he had filled with, on the whole, sur- passing excellence.
The Whigs, as in national affairs, were less united. They did not expect to win the election, and for that reason ambitious men, such as William H. Seward, were disinclined to be candidates. Thurlow Weed, the shrewdest political observer in the State, regarded the outlook with little hope and could give no one encouragement to look for success. The convention found, however, a willing candidate, or sacrifice, in Jesse Buel. He had been the founder of the Albany Argus and its editor, had succeeded Solomon South- wick as State Printer in 1813, had served with credit in the Assembly, and had by honest industry and enter- prise amassed an independent fortune. Though not a man of brilliant parts he was intelligent, prudent, honest, and honorable above suspicion, and universally respected. He accepted the nomination without hope of election, partly because he esteemed it an honor to be the candidate and partly because as a loyal party man he felt it to be his duty to make the sacrifice for the party's sake. For Lieutenant-Governor the Whigs chose Gamaliel H. Barstow, an active politician who had belonged to pretty nearly all parties in turn and had been an active force in each. He had served with distinction in the Legislature and as State Treasurer, and was a man of high integrity and aggressive leader- ship. Neither of these candidates had been conspicu- ous in the Anti-Masonic organization, though Bar- stow had at one time belonged to that party. It was
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felt that the Anti-Masons were sufficiently recognized through having their great leader, Francis Granger, on the national ticket as candidate for the Vice-Presidency.
The Loco Foco seceders from Tammany Hall and their sympathizers throughout the State also held a convention, under the name of the Equal Rights party, and nominated Isaac S. Smith for Governor. In New York City they formed a coalition with the Whigs on the local ticket and succeeded in electing a State Sena- tor and a Representative in Congress.
The campaigns, both national and State, were vigor- ously conducted, New York being regarded as in a peculiar sense the battle-ground of the nation. The early fall elections in other States seemed to presage the defeat of the Democrats. In Maine at the September election not a single Democratic Congressman was chosen. In Pennsylvania the Democrats won by the narrowest of majorities, while New Jersey and Ohio, which had formerly supported Jackson, were carried by the Whigs. This caused the Democrats to redouble their efforts and the national administration to use all possible influence in their behalf.
Van Buren was elected President. His national plurality of the popular vote over Harrison was more than 200,000; but counting the White and Webster votes he had only about 25,000 majority in the nation. In the Electoral College he had 170 votes against 124 for all others. But the State of Virginia, while voting for Van Buren, cast its vote for William Smith, of Alabama, for Vice-President, instead of Colonel John- son, and the latter thus received only 147 Electoral
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votes, or just half of the College. This, for the only time in history, caused the election of a Vice-Presi- dent to be thrown into the Senate. The result was the choice of Johnson by 33 votes against 16 for Granger.
The result in New York State, so far as the popular vote was concerned, was more emphatic than in the nation. Marcy received 166,122 to Buel's 136,648, thus securing a larger popular majority than Van Buren had in the whole country. Isaac S. Smith re- ceived 3,496 votes.
The Legislature chosen at this time was also strongly Democratic. It was the first elected under the new apportionment that had been made agreeably to the enumeration of inhabitants of 1835, and the changes made in the distribution of seats give an informing in- dication of the growth of the various counties. The Senate remained unchanged, consisting of four Sena- tors from each of eight districts. In the Assembly some counties gained and others lost members. Albany retained three, unchanged. Allegany had an increase from one to two. Broome retained one. Cattaraugus increased from one to two and Chautauqua from two to three, while Cayuga was reduced from four to three. The new county of Chemung received one. Chenango retained three, Clinton one, Columbia three, Cortland two, and Delaware two. Dutchess was reduced from four to three, and Erie was increased from two to three. Essex and Franklin retained one each. Gene- see was increased from three to four, Greene retained two, and Herkimer was reduced from three to two. Jefferson retained three. Kings county was still grow-
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ing so slowly that it was increased only from one to two. Lewis had one, Livingston two, Madison three, Monroe three, and Montgomery and Hamilton together three. New York was increased from eleven to twelve, and Niagara from one to two. Oneida was reduced from five to four. Onondaga retained four, Ontario three, Orange three, and Orleans one. Oswego was increased from one to two, and Otsego was decreased from four to three. Putnam had one and Queens one. Rensselaer was decreased from four to three. Rich- mond and Rockland had one each. Saratoga was de- creased from three to two. St. Lawrence had two, Schenectady one, and Schoharie two. Seneca was re- duced from two to one, and Steuben was increased from two to three. Suffolk had two and Sullivan one. Tioga was decreased from two to one, and Tompkins from three to two. Ulster had two and Warren one. Washington was decreased from three to two, as was also Westchester. Wayne had two and Yates one.
The Sixtieth Legislature met at Albany on January 3, 1837. The organization of the Senate remained unchanged. But in the Assembly, as Tompkins county had lost a member in the new reapportionment, Charles Humphrey, of Ithaca, the former Speaker, was not re- turned, and Edward Livingston, of Albany, was chosen in his place.
The Governor's message congratulated the Legisla- ture and the State-most prematurely-upon the sub- sidence of the anti-slavery agitation. He did not ap- parently realize that Gerrit Smith was still very much alive, and had not yet heard of a young theological
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student named Henry Ward Beecher, then just be- ginning ministerial work in an Indiana town. He paid an eloquent tribute to President Jackson and antici- pated a favorable judgment of posterity upon his ad- ministration. A grave blemish upon a generally admi- rable document was his partisan stricture upon those who had ventured to oppose the election of Van Buren. He called attention to the need of relief for the over- burdened courts and a general reform of the judiciary system, and the Legislature responded by creating a commission to consider the matter and to report the next year. Much attention was also given to the edu- cational system, and he recommended that more than five million dollars of Federal funds be accepted by the State for safe-keeping and that the State's profit therefrom be applied to the school fund, which was done. There was also considerable discussion of the banking and currency system, which was in an omi- nously unsatisfactory condition. Reference was made to the work of the newly-created Geological Survey, and this subject was further dwelt upon at much length in a special message on February 11.
Seldom had the administration of a Governor of New York begun in more auspicious circumstances- superficially regarded-than those attending the en- trance of William L. Marcy upon his third term. Hard times in State and nation had been suddenly changed into what seemed on the surface to be almost unexam- pled prosperity. His close political friend had been elected President of the United States, with a friendly majority in Congress. He himself had been reëlected
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by a decisive majority, and he had a favorable majority in the Legislature of nearly two to one in the Assembly and five to one in the Senate. He had by the admission of his foes made a splendid record in his former terms, he was superbly fitted for the place, he was in the prime of life and intellectual vigor, his reputation was spot- less, and his personality was everywhere beloved. His party was throughout the State perfectly and efficiently organized and counted among its members the most substantial financiers and business men.
Yet before the year was out his administration was discredited and his party was crushingly defeated, and the next year saw that party all but destroyed and him- self retired to private life.
We have already spoken of the reckless land and other speculation prevailing in 1835 and 1836 against which Governor Marcy uttered a warning in his mes- sage. The speculators generally paid for their lands in banknotes, and to meet the demand for that pur- pose the banks greatly increased their issue of such currency. To check such inflation President Jackson in 1836 ordered that the Federal land offices should accept no more banknotes but should insist upon being paid in coin or in certificates of the deposit of coin or bullion. This did not stop the speculation, but it led the speculators to make large demands upon the banks for gold and silver, which in turn caused the banks to call in their loans and to refuse many other loans in various lines of business.
In the same year, after paying off the national debt the treasury had a surplus on hand of about forty mil-
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lion dollars. This surplus was ordered by Congress- against the judgment of Van Buren-to be distributed for deposit among the various States, New York's quota being more than five millions-referred to by Marcy in his message of 1837. Supposing that the surplus would remain with them indefinitely, the banks in which it had at first been deposited had treated it as so much capital, on the strength of which they had made large loans. When, therefore, an order came for the redis- tribution of it among all the States in sums propor- tioned to the numbers of their representatives in the Electoral College, many of the banks were seriously embarrassed.
The era of speculation had been an era of extrava- gance, in which immense purchases of goods were made in Europe. Becoming fearful of the condition of American finances, the Bank of England declined to discount the bills of American merchants in payment for such purchases. Further demands upon American banks for specie to be shipped to England were con- sequently necessitated, with the result of greatly aggra- vating the financial troubles.
Early in January, 1837, Mr. C. C. Cambreling, a Representative in Congress who was on close terms of confidence with Van Buren and reflected his policies, introduced a bill for the abolition of some tariff duties and the great reduction of others, practically aiming at the destruction of Clay's "American system." This action, taken as an earnest of the policy to be pursued by the incoming administration, materially added to the unrest and apprehension which prevailed through-
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out the nation and which were probably more acute in New York than anywhere else.
By the middle of March prosperity gave place to depression and distress, with apprehensions of impend- ing disaster. On March 20 Philip Hone wrote in his Diary: "The prospects in Wall Street are getting worse and worse." Eight days later a meeting of New York merchants was held for the purpose of sending a letter to Nicholas Biddle, president of the Bank of the United States at Philadelphia, requesting him and his bank to "step forward in this most appalling crisis and save the commercial community of New York." Mr. Biddle, it must be recalled, was the man upon whom chiefly had broken the storm of Jacksonian wrath against the Bank.
It was too late. Panic irresistibly set in. Stocks fell at an astounding rate, and with them the prices of speculative lands. Railroad and canal stocks sold at about half the price of a year before. Lots on Man- hattan Island which had brought in 1836 $480 each, in the spring of 1837 went begging for purchasers at $50. At the beginning of May a delegation of New York merchants went to Washington to confer with the President, Van Buren. Their errand was fruit- less. He declined to withdraw or modify the treasury order for payments only in specie, or to call a special session of Congress. A few days later three banks in Buffalo were closed. They were so-called "Safety Fund banks," having been chartered under the Safety Fund law which had been enacted in 1829 at the rec- ommendation of Governor Van Buren. The Legisla-
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