USA > New York > History of the state of New York, political and governmental, Vol. II 1822-1864 > Part 15
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It was in consequence of this engagement of Greeley to edit the campaign paper, followed by the nomination of Seward, that the so-called "firm of Seward, Weed, and Greeley" was formed-a combination which for the first time completely overthrew the formidable Al- bany Regency and which for some years controlled the political life of the Empire State.
The Whigs did not, however, find the way to victory an altogether easy one. The chief obstacle in their way was presented by Gerrit Smith and the Abolitionists, who demanded as the price of their support ante-elec- tion pledges from Seward which he was not willing to give, and which indeed it would have been very foolish
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for him to give. Seward hated slavery as much as did Gerrit Smith himself. But he realized that the great masses of the people, and of the Whig party, were not yet ready to adopt Abolitionist principles, and that for him to make the pledges demanded would alienate three votes for every vote won. But because of his wise declination to give the pledges a number of extreme Abolitionists openly repudiated him. It was reckoned that these would by election time number about 20,000, all drawn from the Whigs or from the independents from whom the Whigs had hoped to recruit their strength.
Following this defection, late in September, came the disheartening results of the October elections in various other States, showing heavy Whig losses. New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Ohio all went against the Whigs. At this many of the New York leaders lost hope. Seward himself a week before election told Weed that he feared the State was lost to them. Francis Granger, who had been working loyally for Seward, abandoned hope because of the Abolitionist defection. He thought the Abolitionists would poll more than 20,000 votes, and that by the Presidential election of 1840 they would number one-fourth of the electorate of the State. Millard Fillmore also despaired, and declared himself sick of the Whig party. Weed was silent, grimly reso- lute, untiring in labor. Greeley alone remained openly optimistic and confident of success.
The election occurred on November 7, an auspicious day for the Whigs since it was the anniversary of the battle of Tippecanoe, won by their national leader,
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General Harrison. Extraordinary efforts were made on both sides to get every voter to the polls, with the result that by far the largest vote in the history of the State down to that time was cast. Indeed, the defeated candidate received a larger vote than any successful candidate had ever before received. The victory of the Whigs was not overwhelming, but it was ample. Seward received 192,882 votes and Marcy 182,461. The Whigs also secured five of the eight Senators and about two- thirds of the Assembly. The Democrats had enough hold-overs in the Senate, however, to maintain their control of that body.
The result of the election was received by Seward with fear and trembling as he realized the tremendous responsibilities about to be laid upon him. "I shudder," he said, "at my temerity." Marcy was at first inclined to be jocular. His retirement, he remarked, would give him a chance to write a History of the Regency, which would be a History of the Golden Age of New York, beginning with his entrance into public life and ending with his exit from it! The striking feature of that record, he said, would be "the ascendancy of honest men." Later he expressed regret at the downfall of the Regency and was fearful lest the control of the State might pass into the hands of men less scrupulously hon- est than himself and his associates. He seemed to con- sider his own public career at an end after eighteen years of service, not foreseeing that he was yet to be a cabinet officer under two Presidents and was to give to international affairs the ripe fruitage of talents which thus far had been chiefly confined to the State.
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Governor Seward's feeling as to his "temerity" was not without reason. Seldom had a man entered upon the duties of the Governorship in more trying circum- stances than those that surrounded him in January, 1839. He was young and quite inexperienced in admin- istrative duties, and he was succeeding a man of mature years, of extended experience, of exceptional ability, who for six years had directed the State's affairs with a success that had commanded the approval of foes as well as friends. He was expected, and indeed he in- tended and desired, to make a radical transformation in the administrative policy of the State, and he knew that if he did not do so to the approval at least of his own party he would be condemned as a failure. He had a strong majority at his back in the Assembly, but a hos- tile majority against him in the Senate-in which cir- cumstances it might not be possible always to secure the legislation he wished, yet he would be held accountable for the course of the whole government both in what it did and what it failed to do. He had to reckon, more- over, with a certain degree of antagonism in his own party from those old National Republicans who were wedded to conservative ways and not in sympathy with the progressive policies to which he was committed. Added to this, he was besieged by a multitude of office- seekers who looked to him to apply the policy which his predecessor had enunciated though he had not greatly practiced it, "to the victors belong the spoils," and who were sure to turn and rend him if he did not satisfy their ambitions.
He moreover realized that in him personally the
THURLOW WEED
Thurlow Weed, journalist; born at Cairo, Greene county. N. Y., November 15, 1797; served in the war of 1812-14; learned the printer's trade and went about through central New York working in the offices of various country news- papers; was a member of the state legislature in 1825; founded the Albany Evening Journal in 1830 and saw it become one of the foremost party organs of the state of New York; died in New York City, November 22, 1882.
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whole Whig party was on trial. His election was the first important victory of that party, and upon the suc- cess of his administration would depend the future of the Whigs in State and nation and in the next year's Presidential contest. Yet despite these weighty consid- erations and embarrassing conditions he faced the Leg- islature, and through it the people of the State, serenely and, save for that first access of trepidation, without fear. His confidence proceeded from three sources. One was an unfailing belief in the justice of his cause and an assurance that it would commend itself to the people of the State ; his plans were progressive, and he was sure their execution would be so greatly for the State's benefit that they would be cordially approved. The second source of confidence was that self-apprecia- tion which every man of genius or high talent is entitled to cherish without undue egotism; he knew his own capacity. The third was the fact that he had at his right hand, for counsel, one of the shrewdest and wisest ad- visers any Governor ever had.
In fact, so important a factor in his administration was Thurlow Weed that the latter began to be called the Dictator, and it was commonly remarked that the State had discarded the Regency for a Dictatorship. There was a story, ben trovato, sed non e vero, to the effect that the Governor, riding one day with the driver of a stagecoach, became engaged in conversation with him and was asked his identity. The driver was in- credulous, whereupon Seward said that the keeper of the hotel which they were even then approaching knew him and would confirm his statement. When the hotel
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was reached the proprietor greeted Seward cordially, and Seward asked him to assure the driver that he was indeed the Governor. "But you ain't!" protested the hotel-keeper."What do you mean ?" demanded Seward; "don't you know who I am?" "Oh, yes!" replied mine host, "I know you. You are Mr. Seward. But you're not Governor. The Governor of New York is Thur- low Weed !"
Sheer invention though the story was, it was im- mensely enjoyed by Seward himself, who often repeated it; and it was significant of a part, though only a part, of the truth. Weed's influence with Seward was un- doubtedly very great. It was well that it was. With his comprehensive and accurate knowledge of men and affairs throughout the State, Weed was of inestimable value to the Governor for information, and with his exceptional clarity of thought and sanity of judgment he was no less valuable as a counsellor. These things were perfectly well understood by both Seward and Weed, as were also the limitations of them. That Weed ever attempted to dictate to Seward or ever made him feel that he was under his influence, is not for a moment to be supposed. Seward was the last man who would have tolerated such a relationship. He was Governor, and none other. He welcomed gratefully the informa- tion and the advice Weed offered, but in the last analysis he always made the decision himself. Yet so close were the relations between the two men, so great was Weed's influence with the Governor, with the Legislature, and with the party leaders throughout the State, and so completely was Weed identified with the administration
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in the popular mind, that the imputation of a dictator- ship was by no means inappropriate-perhaps no less so than that of the sway of a regency to Marcy's associates.
Seward was prompt in disclosing to the State his pro- gressive policies. He did so on the very first day of his administration. It was on January 1, 1839, that the Sixty-second Legislature met and received his first mes- sage. As the Senate retained a Democratic majority its organization was unchanged, save, of course, that Luther Bradish became its presiding officer. In the Assembly, since the former Speaker had become Lieu- tenant-Governor, a new Speaker was found, in George W. Patterson, of Livingston county. Seward's mes- sage was long and elaborate, but notably lucid and direct in expression, and written in a literary style of real eloquence. Its arrangement of subjects was also admirable, the routine reports of State business coming first and the more extended discussions and recom- mendations of policy being reserved for the latter part.
Canals and other public works naturally received a large share of the Governor's attention. Already the Whig majority in the former Legislature had broken away from the old Democratic principle of confining expenditures for such purposes to the surplus revenue of the State, and had established the plan of pledging the credit of the State to the expediting of public works, always provided that this should not exceed the capacity of the surplus revenue to pay the interest on the indebt- edness and to accumulate a sinking fund. To this pro- gressive policy Seward was fully committed, and in his
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first message he earnestly commended it, pointing out that the development of new resources through the cre- ation of canals and roads would enormously increase the ability of the State to carry and to amortize a debt contracted for such purposes. In order to prosecute these enterprises with efficiency and economy he advo- cated the creation of a State Board of Internal Im- provements, or of Public Works, consisting of one mem- ber from each Senate district.
A State Board of Agriculture was also recommended by him. Great and sympathetic attention was given to the subject of education, in both common schools and colleges-a subject which was made conspicuous in all of his messages. He discussed the judiciary system at length, recommending various changes and improve- ments, and thus gave the initial impetus to a movement that led to a thorough revision of the legal system of the State and to the adoption of a Civil Code. He took occasion to pay a glowing tribute to the memory of DeWitt Clinton-a statesman whose example Seward himself followed in some notable respects,-and recom- mended earnestly the erection by the State at Albany of a suitable monument in his memory under which his remains should be interred. There were, however, enough of Clinton's old Bucktail foes still in the Legis- lature to prevent the adoption of that plan.
At the end of January the Whig members of the Legislature went into caucus for the selection of candi- dates for the various State offices and also of a successor to United States Senator Nathaniel P. Tallmadge, whose term was about to expire. Concerning Mr. Tall-
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madge there was some division of sentiment, his course not having been entirely satisfactory to many Whigs. But his efficiency as a Senator was undoubted, and it was recognized that he had contributed much to pro- mote Whig success. In the end, therefore, the Whigs of both houses voted solidly for his renomination. This action proved effective in the Assembly, where the Whigs had a strong majority, but in the Senate the Democratic majority refused to vote for any candidate. As the Senate failed to make a nomination no joint ses- sion could be held and no Senator was chosen. The seat was thus left vacant until a year later, when, the Whigs being in control of both houses, Mr. Tallmadge was reëlected.
The veteran John C. Spencer was elected Secretary of State; Bates Cooke, of Niagara county, formerly a Representative in Congress and a leader of the Anti- Masonic party, was made Comptroller; Willis Hall, of New York City, a man of letters as well as an ac- complished lawyer, was chosen Attorney-General; and for Treasurer was selected Jacob Haight, of Greene county, formerly a Bucktail State Senator, a supporter of John Quincy Adams, and a bitter foe of DeWitt Clinton, who had renounced the Bucktails because of their advocacy of Crawford for the Presidency. The death of the venerable Stephen Van Rensselaer left a vacancy in the Board of Canal Commissioners, which was filled by the election of Samuel B. Ruggles, of New York, the author of the notable report on internal im- provements already mentioned. A valuable law was enacted for protecting the purity of elections, but com-
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paratively few other acts of general interest were passed, and after a session longer than usual but rather less fruitful the Legislature adjourned without day on May 7.
Two issues of much importance were presented to the Governor for action this year. The first was that in- volved in the famous Anti-Rent war. Stephen Van Rensselaer, the "last of the patroons," had for some time left uncollected the rents due from his numerous tenants on his vast estates of Rensselaerswyck manor. After his death his heirs attempted to collect the ar- rears, and the tenants refused to pay them. The anti- rent sentiment spread to other great hereditary estates. Not content with passive refusal, the tenants disguised themselves as Indians, armed themselves, and com- mitted many acts of violence toward the agents of their landlords and even toward the civil officials. In these circumstances appeal was made to the Governor, who promptly ordered out the State militia to keep the peace. Seward's sympathies were undoubtedly with the tenants so long as they kept within the law. He regarded the semi-feudal land tenures of the patroons as inconsistent with the genius of America and the spirit of the Nineteenth century. While he held that the
peace must of course be kept and the laws upheld, he believed the refractory tenants were entitled to more consideration than ordinary lawbreakers and that as soon as possible legislative or other action should be taken for their relief and for the termination of the patroon system. In pursuance of this policy he secured in 1840 the appointment of Commissioners to arbitrate
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the matter and effect a settlement between tenants and landlords. The findings of the Commissioners were not accepted, however, and the whole question was left for settlement in after years under another administration.
The other issue was of still more importance, from its national bearings involving the principles of inter- state extradition. The Governor of Virginia in July, 1839, made requisition upon the Governor of New York for the extradition of three persons who were charged with having feloniously stolen a negro slave in the former State. There were some technical defects in the requisition papers, upon which Seward would have been quite justified in refusing to honor them. But he preferred, in statesmanlike fashion, to waive technicali- ties and to deal with the case on a broad constitutional basis. He argued that in such matters as extradition the States of this Union must be regarded as independent and equal sovereignties, whose relations to each other were identical with those of nations; that the right to demand and the reciprocal obligation to surrender fugi- tives from justice, according to international law, ap- plied only to cases involving what were recognized as crimes by the universal laws of all civilized countries ; that the act complained of in this instance was not thus recognized as a crime by the laws of New York or by the laws of all civilized countries; and therefore that the fugitives should not be surrendered. That was tantamount to saying that "stealing" slaves, meaning helping them to escape from slavery, was not a crime under the laws of New York and New York would not treat as criminals those committing the act-a principle
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which was of course received with great joy and plaud- its by the Abolitionists.
The Governor of Virginia was not satisfied, and a controversy was maintained between him and Seward for several years. The Virginia Governor insisted that the criminality of a person was to be determined by the laws of the State in which he committed the act, and not by those of the State in which he had taken refuge. Seward resolutely stood his ground, however, and re- fused to deliver up the men; and when, in 1842, a Democratic Legislature passed a joint resolution agree- ing with the Virginian's contention, he refused to be the agent of the Legislature in transmitting it to the gov- ernment of Virginia.
The success of the Whigs in the election of 1838 and the prosperous progress of Seward's administration in 1839 gave serious concern to President Van Buren. He intended to be a candidate for reelection in 1840, and he realized that one of the fundamental requisites for success in his campaign was to retain the support of his own State. Accordingly, soon after the adjournment of the New York Legislature in the summer of 1839, he revisited the State for the first time since his inaugura- tion as President and made a tour through all the cities and important towns. Nominally this was a non-politi- cal tour, intended to be a visit to the whole people. But it was quite impossible to divest it of obvious political significance, and indeed when New York City was reached the tenor of his remarks in response to an ad- dress of welcome disclosed his special interest in the Democratic party and in its success in the coming elec-
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tions. The Whigs were quick to take up his words and to characterize the entire tour as an electioneering en- terprise, as indeed it probably was. Its net results were problematic. Some were probably repelled and alien- ated by the idea that the President was electioneering, but others were doubtless attracted to him by his always engaging personality.
The early elections of that year in other States for State officers, as also in the preceding year for Repre- sentatives in Congress, were generally favorable to Van Buren's administration. Enough Democratic Representatives had been elected in 1838 to assure control of the House, so that if the next year's Pres- idential election were thrown into the House Van Buren would be sure of reelection. Indeed, the drift in his favor indicated that he was likely to be elected by the people without reference to the House. All that was needed was for his tour through New York to bear fruit in a substantial Democratic victory in that State in November.
But that was not to be. The New York campaign was bitterly fought and the result was uncertain until the last moment. The outcome was a victory for the Whigs. Their former overwhelming majority in the Assembly was, it is true, considerably reduced. But that was more than made up for by their capture of the Senate. Ten Senators were to be elected, there being two special vacancies, caused by a resignation and a death, in the Third district. Of the ten seats the Demo- crats secured only three, the Whigs seven. Among the Whig Senators chosen was the veteran Erastus Root,
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who was successful in the Third district by a majority of five votes. By thus winning the Senate the Whigs gained complete control of the State government in all its branches. Van Buren was placed under the handicap of failing to command the support of his own State.
A few weeks later the Whigs of New York sent dele- gates to a national convention of that party which met on December 4 at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, for the purpose of making nominations for the Presidential contest of 1840. There had been three leading candi- dates. But Daniel Webster, who probably would have been New York's choice, had withdrawn his name. That left Henry Clay and William Henry Harrison in the field. New York doubtless preferred Clay, at least so far as popular sentiment went. But, as on other occa- sions, the New York delegates were divided among themselves: Some were for Clay, some for Harrison, and some, especially from New York City, started a "boom" for General Winfield Scott, of New Jersey. After the convention began work, however, Scott's name was withdrawn and the delegates who had sup- ported him cast their votes for Harrison and secured his nomination: John Tyler, of Virginia, a supporter of Clay, was named for Vice-President. This latter nomination was another result of the divided counsels of the New York political leaders. Immediately upon the nomination of Harrison the Vice-Presidency was offered to New York if its delegates could agree upon a candidate, but they could not. Again and again the offer was repeated, with urgent pleading, but was as often declined-because, said Thurlow Weed, "We
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had no candidate." That was true in a double sense. New York had no important outstanding candidate to present, and none at all upon whom the delegates would unanimously have agreed. It was because of this de- fault of New York that Tyler was finally named as a "counsel of desperation."
This outcome of the convention had a generally de- pressing effect on the Whigs of New York. They had generally preferred Clay to Harrison, and the fact that Harrison had run and had been defeated in 1836 was regarded by them as a serious handicap. The New York Democrats, on the contrary, were exultant over it, as they believed the nomination of Harrison was certain to give New York to Van Buren. They failed, however, to take account of the "firm of Seward, Weed, and Greeley," and particularly of its youngest member.
CHAPTER XV
"TIPPECANOE, AND TYLER TOO"
N ATIONAL politics dominated New York in 1840. The hard times of 1837 were still keenly remembered. The suffering had been more acute in this State than anywhere else in the Union, and in consequence resentment against those who were believed to have caused it, or who were at any rate regarded as responsible for it, was most bitter. In Amer- ica, as in other lands, the government in power is usu- ally blamed for whatever ills befall the people, and there was no exception to that rule in favor of the Van Buren administration. The mature judgment of pos- terity has given Van Buren credit for wise and prudent statesmanship in the financial crisis of 1837 and has recorded that he did the best that could be done to avert the penalty of the ill-advised and arbitrary conduct of his predecessor and to originate and maintain a wise policy for the future. But his contemporaries were too close to him and to those events to view them with a proper perspective.
The Sub-Treasury system, proposed and adopted by Van Buren, afterward proved of incalculable value to the nation, particularly in the stress of the Civil War. Yet it was especially singled out for denunciation and was made the chief count in the indictment against Van
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