The civil, political, professional and ecclesiastical history, and commercial and industrial record of the county of Kings and the city of Brooklyn, N. Y., from 1683 to 1884 Volume I, Part 16

Author: Stiles, Henry Reed, 1832-1909, ed. cn; Brockett, L. P. (Linus Pierpont), 1820-1893; Proctor, L. B. (Lucien Brock), 1830-1900. 1n
Publication date: 1884
Publisher: New York : W. W. Munsell & Co.
Number of Pages: 1114

USA > New York > Kings County > Brooklyn > The civil, political, professional and ecclesiastical history, and commercial and industrial record of the county of Kings and the city of Brooklyn, N. Y., from 1683 to 1884 Volume I > Part 16

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Meanwhile, 9 a. m., De Heister had made no de- termined attaek either on the Flatbush or Bedford roads; his Hessians were comparatively quiet at the foot of the hills, though sometimes exehanging shots with the American pickets.

While Stirling, on the lower road, was, as he supposed, stubbornly holding back the British from the Brooklyn lines; and all was quiet but vigilant at the Flatbush and Bedford passes, the web which the enemy had been silently weaving around them during the night, was almost completed. At nine p. m. of the 26th, the British division under Howe had been set in motion. Sir Henry Clinton led the van of the advance with dra- goons and light infantry. Cornwallis followed with the reserves; and after him eame the First Brigade and 71st Regiment with 14 pieces of field artillery. Lord Percy and Howe himself followed with the 2d, 3d and 5th Bri- gades, the Guards and ten guns; while the 49th Regiment with four twelve pounders, and baggage, etc., brought up the rear. This column, 10,000 strong, with the Flatbush guides, headed "across the country " towards the Jamaica Pass, moving cantiously along the road from Flatlands until it reached Schoonmaker's bridge, over a creek emptying into Jamaica Bay, when the col- umn struck over the field to the Jamaica Road, and halted in the open lots a little southeast of the pass and directly in front of Howard's Halfway House. Here they captured a small unmounted patrol of young American officers, from whom the unguarded state of the pass was aseertained; and the British advance then recommenced its mareh, cautiously, however, reach- ing the Jamaiea Road on the other side of the Pass by a round-about lane known as the Roekaway Path,and led by innkeeper Howard and son, who were forcibly com- pelled to act as guides. At half-past eight a. m., after a slow, cireuitous and difficult night's march of nine miles, from Flatlands, the van reached Bedford and found itself directly in the rear of the left of the American outposts, while its approach was as yet unknown in the camp at Brooklyn. And when the alarm did reach the camp, swift upon its heels came the enemy. Hemmed in be- tween the Hessians in front and the British in rear, all along the hills from the Flatbush Pass to their extreme left, the Americans were, by 10 a. m., in full retreat, toward the Brooklyn lines; hurrying through the wood, down the slopes and across the fields, some singly, some in groups, some keeping together in companies, some in battalions ; fighting light infantry, broken by dragoon charges, intercepted by Hessians, a hand-to-hand fight, but with less loss of life than might have been expected; though General Sullivan was captured about noon, and the day was lost on the left and center.

On the right, Stirling, warned about 10 a. m. by the sound of firing in his rear, that the lines were flanked,

THE BATTLE OF BROOKLYN.

still fought stubbornly, until between 11 and 12 o'clock, he found his retreat on the Gowanus road eut off by Cornwallis with the 71st Regiment, and 2d Grenadiers. But one way of escape, and that a desperate one, was left, viz .: to eross the Gowanus marsh and ereek, where both were at their broadest, toward the near Brooklyn lines. And as his soldiers, under his orders, struggled aeross the difficult morass, he faeed around with half of Gist's Maryland Battalion, and threw himself upon Cornwallis. The British posted themselves in the old Cortelyou house, above the upper mills, near the inter- section of the Post and Gowanus roads, but were nearly dislodged by the brave Marylanders, who, after repeated and heroic efforts, which have covered them with high- est honor in the events of that day, were finally routed, broken into small parties and forced to save themselves as best they might. Nine only eseaped aeross the creek, and Stirling, making vain efforts to eseape, fell in with the Hessian eorps, which had now reached the seene of action, and surrendered himself to De Heister. The rest of the command succeeded in erossing the ereek and marsh, with but trifling loss. By 2 p. m. the battle, which had commeneed at 3 a. m. and had swept over a range of five miles, closed in defeat to American arms. But it was not a disgrace, for " the British and Hes- sians suffered a loss in killed and wounded equal to that inflicted upon the Americans." The British casualties were 377 officers and soldiers; while the Americans lost 800 (including 91 offieers) taken prisoners, not over 6 offieers and 50 privates killed, less than 16 officers and 150 privates wounded. "It was a field where the American soldier, in every firm eneounter, proved him- self worthy of the eause he was fighting for."

From the moment that the passes were lost, Wash- ington realized the danger, and took prompt measures to avert further disaster. During the night of the 27th he brought over from Harlem Heights two well- drilled Pennsylvania and a Massachusetts regiment, with some others ; and when the morning of the 28th dawned, it found him within the Brooklyn line, with all the troops that could be spared from other points- some 9,500-prepared to resist the British should they attempt to earry his position by storm. The 28th and 29th were exceedingly rainy days, and the duty of guarding their lines in this deluge, without tents or baggage, and almost without victuals and drink, fell heavily upon the dispirited but yet heroic Ameriean soldiers. Skirmishing occurred between the forees ; and one affair (on the high ground between Vanderbilt and Clinton Avenues, on the line of De Kalb), in which the British entrenched themselves, probably had great influenee, in connection with the other unfortunate eir- cumstanees of his situation, in determining Washing- ton in favor of a retreat, sinee it fully developed the cnemy's intention to advance by trenelies and parallels. Within 24 hours they would have been within short range, and this would have imposed upon the Ameri-

cans the necessity of driving them ont of their works by storm. In view of the great disparity of numbers and the condition of his troops, this could not be risked ; and, at a council of war held at the old Cor- nell-Pierrepont house (on line of Montague Street, near the little iron foot-bridge which spans the earriage- way) late on the afternoon of the 29th a retreat was deeided upon. Meanwhile, through Washington's foresight, Gen. Heath and Asst. Q. M. Hughes, on New York Island, were already impressing into the , serviee every sloop, boat and water-craft of any deseription between Spuyten Duyvel, on the Hudson, and Hell Gate, on the Sound ; which, manned largely by the Salem and Marblehead (fishermen) troops of Glover and Hutchinson's regiments, were speedily collected on the Brooklyn shore. The final with- drawal of the troops from the Island was effeeted under a General Order, in which the sick and wounded, as being an ineumbranee, were ordered to be sent over to the hospitals in New York ; and the army was informed that, in view of the expected arrival that evening of fresh troops from New Jersey under Gen. Mereer, it was proposed to relieve a portion of the Long Island regiments and make a change in their situation ; and, as it was yet undetermined which regi- ments could be relieved, all, or the greater part of them, were directed "to parade with arms, aeeoutre- ments and knapsaeks, at 7 o'clock, at the head of their eneampments, and there wait for orders." Thus, in a plausible and natural manner, not ealeulated to exeite suspieion or alarm, the army was prepared for the final move. At dark, the retreat began. As one regiment moved towards the ferry-present Fulton Ferry- another extended its line so as to fill the gap. All was done busily, quietly, and without confusion. Between 7 and 8 P. M. the boats manned by Glover and Hutch- inson's men began their trip, taking off first the militia and new levies. About 9 o'clock wind and tide and pouring rain made the navigation of the river very difficult, a north-easter sprang up, sloops and sail-boats beeame unmanageable, and row-boats only eould be used, and the prospeet of getting all across before day- light looked dubious. Fortunately, about 11 p. m., the north-easter was replaced by a southwest breeze, and the passage beeame " dircet, easy and expeditious," the boats loaded almost to the water's edge, which was " smooth as glass." Meanwhile, a serious blunder had occurred at the lines, by which the regiments eovering the retreat had left their post and started for the ferry ; but met by Washington, who was alarmed at the pos- sible consequences of the mistake, they promptly faeed about and reoceupicd their station until dawn of the 30th, when, just as they were about to attempt the hazardous feat of withdrawing in elear daylight, in face of the enemy, a fog settled upon Long Island so dense that it obseured them from the view of British pickets. When the final order, therefore, eame for their retreat

HISTORY OF KINGS COUNTY.

-" after it was fair day," they quietly withdrew from their lines, distinctly hearing the sound of pickaxe and shovel in the British works. By 7 a. m. the entire force was safely in New York, the last man to cross being General Washington himself, whose foresight and skill had thus wrested victory from defeat. With the sub- sequent retreat of the American Army through West- chester, it is not the purpose of this history to deal.

Long Island was represented in this affair by two militia regiments and two small companies of horse. The Kings County regiment was commanded by Col. Rutgert Van Brunt. The militia, especially in dis- affected Kings and Queens counties, had been mustered with difficulty ; and the troops raised by a draft, espec- ially ordered by the New York Provincial Congress, in August, were commanded by Col. Jeronimus Remsen, of Queens, with Nich. Cowenhoven, of Kings, as Lieut. Colonel, and Richard Thorne, of Queens, as Major. This regiment, together with that from Suffolk County, Col. Josiah Smith, did not report to General Greene until August 15th, and after, and together mustered scarcely 500 men. By desertions, the Kings County regiment was soon reduced to about 200 men, and, after the battle, was still further reduced by the same cause, to about 150 men. This remnant left the island with the rest of the army, and under command of Major Barent Johnson (father of the late General Jeremiah) marched to Harlem, where they dispersed without leave and returned to their homes, many of them being subse- quently captured by tories and imprisoned in New York. Major Johnson accompanied the army to Jersey, where he was captured by the British, and was paroled by Howe, in January, 1777. The troopers, less than 50, were from Brooklyn, under Captain Adolph Waldron and Lieut. Wm. Boerum; with a few others from the county at large, under Captain Lambert Suydam.

CHAPTER VII.

LIFE AND DEATH IN THE PRISON-SHIPS-TILE BURIAL OF THE VICTIMS.

N O chapter in the history of the American Revolu- tion is more appalling, or revolting to every human feeling, than that which records the suf- ferings of the prisoners who fell into the hands of the British. In all cases of this kind the account which prisoners themselves give of their treatment should be taken with many grains of allowance, for they were very prone to exaggerate ; but if the half of that which was related by American prisoners is true, the inhumanity of their keepers was truly shocking. The capture of New York in September, 1776, and of Fort Washington in November of the same year, threw into the hands of the British a large number of prison- ers, which, added to those already in their hands,

swelled the aggregate to about 5,000 in the city of New York. To the confusion and embarrassment which this sudden accumulation of prisoners necessitated, were added the negligence of the British commander, and the brutality of Provost Marshal Cunningham and his sub- ordinates.

But, if the condition of the prisoners in New York was pitiable, that of the seamen confined in the prison- ships at the Wallabout was horrible. The crowding together of many human beings in the hold of a ship, even with the best means of ventilation and the utmost eare for their cleanliness and comfort, is disastrous to the health of those so situated. If then, as was the case of these prisoners, they are compelled to breathe over and over again the pestilential emanations from their own bodies and from the filth by which they are surrounded, and to subsist on food insufficient in quan- tity and almost poisonous in quality, it is not a matter of wonder that, as was the case with those confined in these ships, few survived their imprisonment.

From the autumn of 1776, when the British came in pos- session of New York, during six years, one or more con- demned hulks were stationed at the Wallabout, in which were eonfined such American seamen as were taken prisoners by the British. The first of these was the " Whitby," which was moored in the Wallabout in October, 1776. In May, 1777, two other large ships were also anchored there, one of which was burned in October of the same year, and the other in February, 1778. In April, 1778, the old "Jersey" was moored there, and the " Hope " and the "Falmouth "-two so- called hospital-ships-were stationed near. Up to the time when these hospital-ships were stationed there, no physicians had been in attendance on the sick in the prison ships.

Rev. THOMAS ANDROS of Berkley, Mass., was a pris- oner on the old "Jersey," and relates his experience and observation as follows :

"This was an old sixty-four gun ship, which through age had become unfit for further actual service. She was stripped of every spar and all her rigging. After a battle with a French fleet her lion figurehead was taken away to repair another ship; no appearance of ornament was left, and nothing remained but an old, unsightly, rotten hulk. Her dark and filthy external appearance perfectly corresponded with the death and despair that reigned within ; and nothing could be more foreign from truth than to paint her with colors flying, or any circumstance or appendage to please the eye. She was moored at the Wallabout Bay, about three- quarters of a mile to the eastward of Brooklyn ferry, near a tide-mill on the Long Island shore. The nearest place to land was about twenty rods ; and doubtless no other ship in the British navy ever proved the means of destruction of so many human beings. It is computed that not less than eleven thousand American seamen perished in her. After it was next to certain death to confine a prisoner here, the inhu- manity and wickedness of doing it was about the same as if he had been taken to the city and deliberately shot in some public square ; but, as if mercy had fled from the earth, here we were doomed to dwell. And never, while I was on board,

THIE "OLD JERSEY " PRISON SHIP.

NEW YORK

ComeArs Hook

Jenny's Hupbice

Low Land

Large Rock

Redonbt

Tulip Tree

Prison Ship Whithy In from Oct. 1745 to Apr.HIT1

J.Bloom

Mud Flat

Good Hope BUYDe MATTh IFEU

Win Remsen

Cedar Tryce

Dock

From Apr. IF77 to Oct. It all Jersey when she was bur ned

Channel

Jt Hospital Ship

Hospunt Ship

Where the

rates

Extensive Mud Flats

Where grass grew in only two places A und D.

Rock

Joseph Keese

Woster and Forcraft

George Debevoice im

Mar in Schaak

WALLABOUT BAY From 1776 to 1783

Jeremiah Vanderbilt

Salt Meadow

Spring

Where the Jersey Watered

Jacob nyersen

Foot Path

THE "OLD JERSEY" PRISON-SHIP. (From DAWSON'S edition of DRING's "Old Jersey Captive.")

EXTERIOR VIEW OF THE "OLD JERSEY."

The Flag staff, which was seldom used, and only for signals.

2. A canvas awning or tent, used by the guards in warm weather.

3. The Quarter-deck, with its barricade about ten feet high, with a door and loop- holes on each side.

4. The Ship's Officers' Cabin, under the Quarter-deck.

5. Accommodation-ladder, on the starboard side, for the use of the ship's officers.

6. The Steerage, ocenpied by the sailors belonging to the ship.

7. The Cook-room for the ship's crew and guards.

8. The Sutler's room, where articles were sold to the prisoners, and delivered to them through an opening in the bulkhead.

9. The Upper-deck and Spar-deck, where the prisoners were occasionally allowed to walk.

10. The Gangway ladder, on the larboard side, for the prisoners.

11. The Derrick, on the starboard side, for taking in water, etc., etc.

12. The Galley, or Great Copper, under the forecastle, where the provisions were cooked for tho prisoners.

13. The Gun-room, ocenpied by those prisoners who were officers. 14, 15. Hatchways leading below, where the prisoners were conthed.

17, 18. Between-decks, where the prisoners were confined at night. 19. The Bowsprit.

220. Chain cables, by which the vessel was moored.

2.0

John Ryersen

ith ShipsWaterd bring Abraham Remsen

Dock

B. Johnson

High

Land

High Lang

Win.Carshow

Barn

Partition Line

Hospital Ship :

Guard

wtruered

British

HISTORY OF KINGS COUNTY.

did any Howard or angel of pity appear, to inquire into or alleviate our woes. Once or twice, by the order of a stranger on the quarter deck, a bag of apples was hurled promiscu- ously into the midst of hundreds of prisoners, crowded to- gether as thick as they could stand, and life and limbs were endangered by the scramble. This, instead of compassion, was a cruel sport. When I saw it about to commence I fled to the most distant part of the ship.

"On the commencement of the first evening we were driven down to darkness, between decks secured by iron gratings and an armed soldiery, and a scene of horror which baffles all description presented itself. On every side wretched, desponding shapes of men could be seen. Around the well- room an armed guard were forcing up the prisoners to the winches to clear the ship of water and prevent her sinking ; and little else could be heard but a roar of mutual execra- tions, reproaches, and insults. During this operation there was a small, dim light admitted below, but it served to make darkness more visible, and horror more terrific. In my reflec- tions I said this must be a complete image and anticipation of hell. Milton's description of the dark world rushed upon my mind :-

'Sights of woe, regions of horror doleful. Shades where peace and rest can never dwell.'

"If there was any principle among the prisoners that could not be shaken, it was their love of country. I knew no one to be seduced into the British service. They attempted to force one of our prize-brig's crew into the navy, but he chose rather to die than to perform any duty, and was again restored to the prison-ship.

" When I first became an inmate of this abode of suffering, despair and death, there were about four hundred prisoners on board ; but in a short time they amounted to twelve hun- dred, and in proportion to our numbers the mortality in- creased. All the most deadly diseases were pressed into the service of the king of terrors, but his prime ministers were dysentery, small-pox, and yellow fever. There were two hospital ships near to the old 'Jersey,' but these were soon so crowded with the sick that they could receive no more. The consequence was that the diseased and the healthy were mingled together in the main ship. In a short time we had two hundred or more sick and dying lodged in the fore part of the lower gun deck, where all the prisoners were confined at night. Utter derangement was a common symptom of yellow fever; and, to increase the horror of the darkness that shrouded us (for we were allowed no light betwixt decks), the voice of warning would be heard, 'Take heed to your- selves ! There is a madman stalking through the ship with a knife in his hand !' I sometimes found the man a corpse in the morning by whose side I laid myself down at night. At another time he would become deranged and attempt, in the darkness, to rise, and stumble over the bodies that every- where covered the deck. In this case I had to hold him in his place by main strength. In spite of my efforts he would sometimes rise, and then I had to close in with him, trip up his heels, and lay him again upon the deck. While so many were sick with raging fever there was a loud cry for water ; but none could be had except on the upper deck, and but one allowed to ascend at a time. The suffering then from the rage of thirst during the night was very great. Nor was it at all times safe to attempt to go up. Provoked by the continual cry for leave to ascend, when there was one already on deck, the sentry would push them back with his bayonet. By one of these thrusts, which was more spiteful and violent than common, I had a narrow escape of my life. In the morning the hatchways were thrown open and we were allowed to ascend, all at once, and remain on the upper deck during the day. But the first object that met our view

was an appalling spectacle-a boat loaded with dead bodies conveying them to the Long Island shore, where they were slightly covered with sand. I sometimes used to stand and count the number of times the shovel was filled with sand to cover a dead body ; and certain I am that a few high tides or torrents of rain must have disinterred them, and had they not been removed I should suppose the shore even now would be covered with huge piles of the bones of American seamen."

Captain DRING, who assisted on one occasion of this sort, thus describes the burial, which will afford a cor- rect idea of the general method of interment :

" After landing at a low wharf, which had been built from the shore, we first went to a small hut which stood near the wharf, and was used as a place of deposit for the hand-barrows and shovels provided for these occasions. Having placed the corpses on the hand-barrows, and received our hoes and shovels, we proceeded to a bank near the Wallabout. Here a vacant space having been selected, we were directed to dig a trench in the sand of a proper length to receive the bodies. We continued our labor till our guards considered that a proper space had been excavated. The corpses were then laid into the trench without ceremony, and we threw sand over them. The whole appeared to produce no more impression on our guards than if we were burying the bodies of dead animals instead of men. They scarcely allowed us time to look about us ; for no sooner had we heaped the earth above the trench than the order was given to march. But a single glance was sufficient to show us parts of many bodies which were exposed to view ; although they had probably been placed there, with the same mockery of interment, but a few days before. Having thus performed, as well as we were permitted to do it, the last duty to the dead, and the guards having stationed themselves on each side of us, we began reluctantly to retrace our steps to the boat. We had enjoyed the pleasure of breathing for a few moments the air of our native soil, and the thought of returning to the crowded prison-ship was terrible in the extreme. As we passed by the water's side we implored our guards to allow us to bathe, or even to wash ourselves for a few minutes; but this was refused us. I was the only prisoner of our party who wore a pair of shoes ; and well recollect the circumstance that I took them from my feet for the pleasure of feeling the earth, or rather the sand, as I went along. It was a high gratification to us to bury our feet in the sand and to shove them through it, as we passed on our way. We went by a small patch of turf, some pieces of which we tore up from the earth and obtained permission to carry them on board for our comrades to smell them. * * * Having arrived at the hut we there deposited our implements and walked to the landing-place, where we prevailed on our guards, who were Hessians, to allow us the gratification of remaining nearly half an hour before we re-entered the boat.

"Near us stood a house, occupied by a miller ; and we had been told that a tide-mill, which he attended, was in the imme- diate vicinity; as a landing place for which the wharf where we stood had been erected. It would have afforded me a high degree of pleasure to have been permitted to enter this dwelling, the probable abode of harmony and peace. It was designated by the prisoners by the appellation of the 'Old Dutchman's,' and its very walls were viewed by us with feel- ings of veneration, as we had been told that the amiable daughter of its owner had kept a regular account of the number of bodies which had been brought on shore for inter- ment from the Jersey and the hospital ships. This could easily be done in the house, as its windows commanded a fair

EXPERIENCES ON BOARD THE PRISON SHIPS.

view of the landing place. We were not, however, gratified on this occasion, either by the sight of herself or of any other inmate of the house. Sadly did we approach and re-enter our foul and disgusting place of confinement. The pieces of turf which we carried on board were sought for by our fellow- prisoners with the greatest avidity ; every fragment being passed by them from hand to hand, and its smell inhaled, as if it had been a fragrant rose."

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The civil, political, professional and ecclesiastical history, and commercial and industrial record of the county of Kings and the city of Brooklyn, N. Y., from 1683 to 1884 Volume I, Part 16

Author: Stiles, Henry Reed, 1832-1909, ed. cn; Brockett, L. P. (Linus Pierpont), 1820-1893; Proctor, L. B. (Lucien Brock), 1830-1900. 1n Publication date: 1884 Publisher: New York : W. W. Munsell & Co. Number of Pages: 1114

Author: Stiles, Henry Reed, 1832-1909, ed. cn; Brockett, L. P. (Linus Pierpont), 1820-1893; Proctor, L. B. (Lucien Brock), 1830-1900. 1n
Publication date: 1884
Publisher: New York : W. W. Munsell & Co.
Number of Pages: 1114