A history of Wilkes-Barre, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania : from its first beginnings to the present time, including chapters of newly-discovered early Wyoming Valley history, together with many biographical sketches and much genealogical material. Volume II, Part 64

Author: Harvey, Oscar Jewell, 1851-1922; Smith, Ernest Gray
Publication date: 1909
Publisher: Wilkes-Barre : Raeder Press
Number of Pages: 680

USA > Pennsylvania > Luzerne County > Wilkes-Barre > A history of Wilkes-Barre, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania : from its first beginnings to the present time, including chapters of newly-discovered early Wyoming Valley history, together with many biographical sketches and much genealogical material. Volume II > Part 64

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After the battle of Oriskany, and the withdrawal of St. Leger and his troops to Montreal, John Butler proceeded to Quebec to settle his accounts as Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs. He took with him Sayenqueraghta, the Seneca chief previously mentioned, and two other chiefs of importance, who were presented by him to Governor Carleton. At the same time Butler renewed to the Governor his proposal to raise a battalion of " Rangers," to serve with the Indians. To this Sir Guy readily consented, and under the date of September 15, 1777, wrote to Lieut. Colonel Bolton at Fort Niagara that he had furnished "Colonel Butler with beating orders and instructions for the enlistment of a corps of Rangers to serve with the Indians."

This corps was to comprise eight companies, each composed of one Captain, one Lieutenant, three Sergeants, three Corporals and fifty pri- vates. Two of these companies were to be formed " of people speaking the language of the Indians, and acquainted with their customs and man- ner of making war." The remaining companies were "to be composed of people well acquainted with the woods, in consideration of the fatigues " they would be liable to undergo. The enlisted men were to receive two shillings a day, and all members of the corps were required to clothe and arm themselves entirely at their own expense. Two shillings per day was considered extremely high pay, and it was subsequently estimated by Governor Haldimand that the eight companies of the " Rangers " cost the Government as much as twenty companies of regular infantry.

On the same day that Butler received his " beating orders " he was instructed by Sir Guy Carleton to march with such " Rangers" as he had already enlisted, or could enlist at once, and as large a body of Indians as could be collected without exposing their country to invasion, and form a junction with General Burgoyne's army. On his way to Niagara Butler received much discouraging information. Says Major Cruikshank (in "The Story of Butler's Rangers," page 38): "The Indians had protested warmly against the withdrawal of the British troops from Oswego, saying that they were being abandoned to their enemies contrary to the assurances they had received. Sickness pre- vailed to such an extent at Niagara that the garrison was reduced to seventy-five men fit for duty. Schuyler had promptly seized the oppor- tune moment-when the Indians were still fuming with disappointment -and invited them to meet him at the German Flats, 'to settle what was past, and renew their former chain of friendship'; adding that he did ' not blame them for what had happened, but he had long ago told them that Colonel Butler would lead them to ruin.' He requested that

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'they would deliver him [Butler] np, and not follow his wicked counsels any inore.' He announced his intention of taking possession of Oswego, and declared that if he found that Butler had gone to Niagara, he would follow him thither, and if he had gone to Montreal, he would intercept him on his return.

" A letter from a trader at Niagara informed Butler that some of the Senecas were much displeased with him, and that the loyal chiefs were alarıned and anxious for his speedy return. At the same time Claus and Johnson were steadily endeavoring to undermine his influence by every means within their reach. They criticised his actions with undisguised rancor, and confidently predicted that he would not suc- ceed in enlisting many rangers. Upon arriving at Carleton Island, at the foot of Lake Ontario, Butler learned that the Oneidas, Onondagas and Tuscaroras had actually accepted the hatchet tendered them by Gen- eral Schuyler, and had proved their hostility by making prisoners of some Loyalists passing through their country. He had intended to pro- ceed overland from Oswego to Niagara-passing through all the princi- pal Indian villages on his way and engaging warriors for his proposed expedition. This design he was then forced to abandon as being too dan- gerous, and he went on by water. At Niagara he was overtaken by the astounding intelligence of the surrender of Burgoyne's whole army .* Consequently the movement he had been instructed to make was no longer practicable."

Meanwhile most of the refugee Loyalists who had enlisted under Butler for temporary service as rangers, or scouts, during the campaign of 1777, had marched overland to the Susquehanna under the command of James Secord, with orders to drive cattle from the settlements on the Susquelianna to Niagara for the maintenance of the garrison ; but notli- ing had been heard from or of them. Butler's former agent, John De Pui, "again hurried to the Susquehanna to seek fresh recruits, and hasten the return of the rangers supposed to be there." Loyalists con- tinued to arrive at Niagara, and by the middle of December, 1777, the first company of Butler's corps was completed. Under the date of December 14, 1777, Butler wrote from Niagara to Capt. Francis Le Maistre, " Deputy Adjutant General in Canada," at Quebec, to the effect that, as Governor Carleton had refused to sign commissions in blank, he (Butler) desired to know how he should proceed so as to secure suitable officers for the new corps ; and would like to know, also, if he could employ officers to recruit for the corps. He wrote that he would be pleased to know what was to be his rank. He had flattered himself, he said, that he was "to be given the rank of Major in the army." He forwarded a muster-roll of officers and men so far as recruited for Walter Butler's company, and stated that he had " sent to the frontiers of Penn- sylvania to bring up the rangers absent on leave, so as to complete the corps of Rangers as fast as possible." He also enclosed a list of officers recommended for commissions in two other companies of the corps, and stated that his son Thomas, "previously recommended for a commission," was at that time "a prisoner with the rebels."

On the same date Butler wrote to Governor Carleton, t informing him that his (Butler's) son and others were "still in irons, and crnelly

* On October 17, 1777, to General Gates, at Schuylerville, later Saratoga, New York.

t See the "Haldimand Papers," B. M. 21,765-CV : 4.

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treated "; that most of the Onondagas, Tuscaroras and Oneidas had been in the rebel interests and had "been taking prisoners from Burgoyne's troops," but by the advice of the Senecas and Cayugas he (Butler) had " sent a message to the disaffected Indians to bring in the axe immedi- ately and deliver it up in the presence of Lieut. Colonel Bolton; and that none but real friends should attend the meeting. All the Onon- daga and Tuscarora chiefs, with the greatest part of their young inen, attended and delivered up the axe, and promised to follow only the advice received fromn the British. The whole of the Six Nations, except the Oneidas, are determined to act heartily. Many parties are now out. The operations will be chiefly on the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Vir- ginia."

About the middle of December, 1777, Lieut. Colonel Bolton, com- mandant at Fort Niagara, wrote to Adjutant General Le Maistre con- cerning the bad state of the fort generally. He also referred to the meeting of the "lead-inen " of the Indians which had been held there a short time before, and incidentally eulogized the character of John But- . ler. A few days later Governor Carleton issued commissions to Walter N. Butler (see note on page 930) and William Caldwell (mentioned on page 932) as Captains in Butler's corps, which then and thenceforth was designated and known as "Butler's Rangers"; and about that time it was ordered by Sir Guy Carleton that John Butler's rank as commander of the " Rangers " should be that of Major, and he was commissioned accordingly.

The defeat of the Indians at Fort Schuyler appeared to the Conti- mental Congress to open the way for another formal conciliatory effort with respect to the inimical Indians-particularly of New York. With this view the Committee on Indian Affairs reported to the Congress December 3, 1777, a lengthy and carefully-drawn address from the American people to their "Brothers of the Six Nations." This docu- ment (printed in full in Schoolcraft's " History of the Indian Tribes of the United States"), while couched in terms suited to the comprehen- sion of the Indians, at the same time appealed to their ancient pride and best interests-presenting, in a proper light, the principles by which they should be guided, and reviewing the grounds of controversy be- tween the two powers. Certain paragraphs, addressed particularly to those tribes of the Six Nations who were known to be liostile to the Americans, read as follows :

"CAYUGAS, SENECAS, ONONDAGAS and MOHAWKS-Open your ears and hear our complaints. Why have you listened to the voice of our enemies? Why have you suffered Sir John Johnson and Butler to mislead you? Why have you assisted General St. Leger and his warriors from the other side of the great waters, by giving theni a free passage through your country to annoy us? Why have you suffered so many of your nations to join them in their cruel purpose? * * What has been gained by this unprovoked treachery ? What but shame and disgrace! Sorry are we to find that our ancient chain of union, heretofore so strong and bright, should be broken by such poor and weak instru- ments as Sir John Johnson and Butler, who dare not show their faces among their coun- trymen; and by St. Leger, a stranger, whom you never knew! What has become of the spirit, the wisdom, and the justice of your nations? Is it possible that you should barter away your ancient glory, and break through the most solemn treaties for a few blankets or a little rum or powder?"

To the friendly Oneidas and Tuscaroras the following words were addressed :

"Hearken to what we have to say to you in particular. It rejoices our hearts that we have no reason to reproach you in common with the rest of the Six Nations. We have experienced your love, strong as the oak, and your fidelity, unchangeable as truth. You

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have kept fast hold of the ancient covenant chain, and preserved it free from rust and decay, and bright as silver. Like brave men, for glory you despised danger; you stood forth in the cause of your friends, and ventured your lives in our battles. While the sunl and moon continue to give light to the world, we shall love and respect you. As our trusty friends, we shall protect you, and shall, at all times, consider your welfare as our own."*

The address closed with the following appeal to all the tribes of the Iroquois Confederacy :

"BROTHERS OF THE SIX NATIONS-Open your ears and listen attentively. It is long ago that we explained to you our quarrel with the people on the other side of the great water. Remember that our cause is just; you and your forefathers have long seen us allied to those people in friendship. By our labor and industry they flourished like the trees of the forest, and became exceedingly rich and proud. At length nothing would satisfy them, unless, like slaves, we would give them the power over our whole substance. Because we would not yield to such shameful bondage, they took up the hatchet. You have seen them covering our coasts with their ships, and a part of our country with their warriors; but you have not seen us dismayed. On the contrary, you know that we have stood firm, like rocks, and fought like men who deserved to be free. You know that we have defeated St. Leger and conquered Burgoyne and all their warriors. * Hearken to our counsel! Let us who were born on the same great continent love one another. Our interest is the same, and we ought to be one people-always ready to assist and serve each other. * * Let us then, from this moment, join hand and heart in the defence of our common country. Let us rise as one man, and drive away our cruel oppressors. Henceforward let none be able to separate us."

The repulse of St. Leger, the surrender of Burgoyne, and the glit- tering promises inade to the Indians by the British authorities, still fur- ther increased the hostility of the Indians to the Americans, and so the overtures of the American Congress produced no change in the policy of the various hostile tribes. In public councils, as well as in private, their ears were being filled with reasonings and persuasions of a very different character from those contained in the address of Congress. They contrasted the resources of the British Government with those of the Thirteen States, struggling, as it were, in the grasp of a giant; and from that comparison drew the conclusion that, however courageous and resolute the Americans were in battle, they were few in numbers and lacking in means. It being a cardinal principle with the Indians to adhere to the strongest party, they remained unmoved by arguments which they hardly understood and refused to believe.

The best of the British leaders in America were opposed to employ- ing the savages in or with their armies; but it was a pet project of Gen- eral Tryon, the royal Governor of New York, to make use of the Indians wherever possible, and in the Spring of 1777 King George and his Minis- ters concluded to adopt the policy so strenuously urged by Tryon. The King's memorandum on the plan proposed for Burgoyne's campaign1 contained, in consequence, this sentence : "Indians must be employed, and this measure must be avowedly directed."

News of Burgoyne's surrender reached London December 3, 1777, and the same day Col. Isaac Barre rose in the House of Co111111011s and, with a severe and solemn countenance, demanded of Lord George Ger- main what news he had received from America. Two days later, in tlie House of Lords, a inotion was made for the production of Burgoyne's instructions. The Earl of Chatham was in his place and made a long and powerful speech on the subject. He said, among other things, that enough of the plans laid down for Burgoyne's campaign were known to

* At an Indian treaty conducted by a commissioner of the United States at Oneida, New York, Decen- ber 2, 1794, the following declaration was agreed to: "In the late war between Great Britain and the United States, a body of the Oneida, Tuscarora and Stockbridge Indians adhered faithfully to the United States, and assisted them with their warriors; and in consequence of this adherence and assistance the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, at an unfortunate period of the war, were driven from their homes, and their houses were burnt."

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justify him in affirming that the measures for that campaign were founded in weakness, barbarity and inhumanity. Savages had been employed to carry ruin and devastation among British subjects in America ; the tomahawk and scalping-knife had been put into the hands of the most brutal and ferocious of the human species! Referring to Burgoyne, he paid that General some very high compliments-saying his abilities were confessed, his personal bravery not surpassed, his zeal in the service unquestionable .* Turning again to the matter of the employment of Indians in warfare, he dwelt upon the horror of the scalping-knife and the tomahawk, saying that if he had been serving in the army he believed he would rather have mutinied than consent to act with such barbarians-that such a mode of warfare was a pollution of the national character, which all the waters of the rivers Delaware and Hudson would never wash away ! Continuing, Chatham said :

"I cannot, my Lords, I will not, join in congratulation on misfortune and disgrace. This is a perilous and tremendous moment. *

* It is now necessary to instruct the Throne in the language of truth. * * But yesterday, and England might have stood against the world; now, none so poor as to do her reverence ! * * The desperate state of our army abroad is in part known. No man more highly esteems and honors the English troops than I do; I know their virtues and their valor; I know they can achieve anything but impossibilities; and I know that the conquest of English America is an im- possibility. You cannot, my Lords, you cannot conquer America! * * Who is the inan that, in addition to the disgraces and mischiefs of tlie war, has dared to authorize and associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage? To call into civilized alliance the wild and inhuman inhabitants of the woods? To delegate to the merciless Indian the defense of disputed rights, and to wage the horrors of his barbarous war against our brethren? My Lords, these enormities cry aloud for redress and punishment.

"This barbarous measure has been defended, not only on the principles of policy and necessity, but also on those of morality; 'for it is perfectly allowable', says Lord Suffolk, 'to use all the means which God and Nature have put into our hands.'t I am astonished, I am shocked, to hear such principles confessed; to hear them avowed in this House or in this country. *

* What ideas of God and Nature that noble Lord may entertain, I know not; but I know that such detestable principles are equally abhorrent to religion and humanity. * *

* Spain can no longer boast pre-eminence in barbarity. She armed herself with bloodhounds to extirpate the wretched natives of Mexico; we, more ruthless, loose those brutal warriors against our countrymen in America, endeared to us by every tie that can sanctify humanity. I solemnly call upon your Lordships, and upon every order of men in the State, to stamp upon this infamous procedure the indelible stigma of the public abhorrence."

Chatham next moved for copies of all instructions relative to the employment of Indians in conjunction with the British troops. In opposing the motion Lord Gower asserted that Chatham himself had em- ployed savages in America during the French and English war. The dispute grew hot on both sides, and at length General Amherst, who had commanded the British and Colonial troops in that war (see pages 297 and 298, Vol. I), was so loudly appealed to on all sides that he found himself compelled to acknowledge that he had followed the exain- ple of the French in employing savages, which he would not have done without express orders from the Government at home.t

* In connection with this read Burke's comments on Burgoyne, and the Indians in the service of the British, referred to on page 607, Vol. I.

¡ See letter from Lord George Germain to Sir Guy Carleton, on page 935.

į In the matter of European nations using Indians in war against the whites, the Hon. Albert Gallatin wrote in 1836: "Instead of exerting their influence in assuaging the passions of the Indians and in pro- moting peace among them, the European Governments, intent only on the acquisition of territory and power, encouraged their natural propensities. Both France and England courted a disgraceful alliance with savages; and both, under the usual pleas of self-defense and retaliation, armed them against the defenseless inhabitants of the other party. The sack of Schenectady. the desolation of the island of Montreal, the murdering expeditions on the frontiers of New England, are related by the respective his- torians with indifference, if not with exultation, No scruple was felt in including all the Indian tribes to carry on against America their usual warfare, and to desolate, without discrimination of age or sex, the whole extent of a frontier of 1,200 miles during the seven years of the War for Independence."

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In the Winter of 1777-'78 Fort Niagara became the active head- quarters of the Indian superintendency, and the rendezvous for the marauding and scalping parties of Indians which were organized to make incursions upon the defenseless border settlements of Pennsylva- nia and New York. At Niagara inost of the war-parties were formed, supplied and equipped. Thither they also returned to report their suc- cesses or failures-bringing their prisoners with them to pass through the terrible ordeal of the gantlet ; and there, likewise, they received the rewards for the scalps they had taken. Samuel De Veaux, writing* of the conditions at Fort Niagara in the years 1777-'83, said :

" It was the headquarters of all that was barbarous, unrelenting and cruel. There were congregated the leaders and chiefs of those bands of murderers and miscreants who carried death and destruction into the remote American settlements. There civilized Europe reveled with savage America, and ladies of education and refinement mingled in the society of those whose only distinction was to wield the tomahawk and the bloody scalping-knife. There were the squaws of the forest raised to eminence, and the most unholy alliances between them and officers of the highest rank smiled upon and counte- nanced. There, from this stronghold, like a nest of vultures, securely for seven years, they sallied forth and preyed upon the distant settlements of the Mohawk and Susquehanna valleys. It was the depot of their plunder; there they planned their forays, and there they returned to feast until the time for action should come again."

" When the Winter of 1777.'78 came on ", states Halsey in "The Old New York Frontier," "the main body of Indians and Tories had retired from Oswego to Niagara, but a considerable number of Indians remained to spend that season in Unadilla and Oghwaga." Cruikshank (in " The Story of Butler's Rangers ") declares that " during the Winter [of 1777-'78] the Senecas carefully abstained from molesting the fron- tier of New York until they found an opportunity of removing such of their friends as inight be exposed to retaliation, when, they told Butler, they meant 'to strike in a body.'"

In December, 1778, six full companies of " Rangers" were assem- bled at Fort Niagara to receive their clothing, and then they went into Winter quarters in an isolated range of log buildings which had been constructed under Major Butler's supervision during the Autumn on the west side of the river, in what is now Niagara-on-the-Lake. These buildings (still standing) were thenceforth known as the "Rangers' Barracks".t The uniform selected for the "Rangers" was of dark green cloth, trimmed with scarlet ; with a low, flat cap, having a brass plate in front bearing the letters "G. R.",¿ in monogram, encircled by the words " Butler's Rangers." It was intended that the corps should be armed with rifles, but, as each of the "Rangers" was expected to provide his own gun, there were all sorts of fire-arms in use among them. In the latter part of December, 1778, Governor Haldimand informed Major Butler that all matters relating to the "Rangers" and the Indian Department had been placed in charge of Lieut. Colonel Bolton ; that all the accounts for the maintenance of the "Rangers " must pass through Bolton's hands ; that the corps should be inustered, and the large expenses connected with its maintenance should be explained, and that "bounty" could not be allowed to the inen enlisting in the corps. In April, 1779, Lord George Germain, in an official communication§ to Governor Haldimand, approved of the conduct of Maj. John Butler and his

* In "The Falls of Niagara", published in 1839.

+ At Niagara, March 8, 1779, Maj. John Butler drew on Governor Haldimand for payment of the ex- pense incurred in "building barracks for the 'Rangers' and distressed families."

# GEORGIUS REX ("King George").

§ See the "Haldimand Papers", B. M. 21,710-12:12.

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son Capt. Walter N. Butler in their various incursions and forays against the Americans during the preceding year. Haldimand wrote Butler that he regarded the assistance of the Indians as indispensable as ever. "I am confident," he said, " that no pains or trouble will be spared on your part to keep the different tribes in the humor of acting for the ser- vice of the Crown, and that every argument will be made use of by you to convince them how severely they would feel the contrary behavior."

In September, 1779, Captains Walter N. Butler, William Caldwell, John McDonnel and Peter Hare, "doing duty with the Rangers ", addressed a memorial to Major Butler-which was forwarded by him to Governor Haldimand-asking that a Captain be appointed to each company of the corps. Late in the Summer of 1779 Col. Guy Johnson arrived at Niagara and assumed control of the Indian Department .* Major Butler continued to act as his Deputy. At Quebec, under the date of January 28, 1780, Governor Haldimand wrote to Lord George Germain relative to the unfitness of Colonel Johnson for the office of Indian Superintendent. He stated, in plain terms, that the good effected by the Five Nations was "due to Major Butler, Colonel Cald- well, Joseph Brant" and certain other officers, Johnson having neglected his duty. +

Under the date of February 12, 1780, Governor Haldimand wrote to Major Butler that he had taken upon himself the responsibility of naming him (Butler) " a Provincial Lieutenant Colonel." He stated, also, that he was "sensible of Captain [Walter N.] Butler's zeal and activity," but could not promote him " over the heads of so many offi- cers of merit and long standing as" were connected with the army in his Department. Two days later John Butler was commissioned " Lieu- tenant Colonel of the Rangers." He desired to have a Major and an Adjutant appointed and commissioned for his corps, but Haldimand declined his request, saying : "Rangers are in general separated, and the nature of their service little requires the forms of parade or the manœuvres practised in the field. It is the duty, and I am persuaded will be the pleasure, of every Captain to perfect his company in dispers- ing and forming expeditiously, priming and loading carefully, and levelling well. These, with personal activity and alertness, are all the qualities that are effective or can be wished for in a ranger."

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A history of Wilkes-Barre, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania : from its first beginnings to the present time, including chapters of newly-discovered early Wyoming Valley history, together with many biographical sketches and much genealogical material. Volume II, Part 64

Author: Harvey, Oscar Jewell, 1851-1922; Smith, Ernest Gray Publication date: 1909 Publisher: Wilkes-Barre : Raeder Press Number of Pages: 680

Author: Harvey, Oscar Jewell, 1851-1922; Smith, Ernest Gray
Publication date: 1909
Publisher: Wilkes-Barre : Raeder Press
Number of Pages: 680