USA > Pennsylvania > Luzerne County > Wilkes-Barre > A history of Wilkes-Barre, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania : from its first beginnings to the present time, including chapters of newly-discovered early Wyoming Valley history, together with many biographical sketches and much genealogical material. Volume II > Part 84
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A march of about two miles brought Major Butler and his com- inand to a point opposite Scovell's Island and the mouth of Lackawanna River. There the Major ordered a halt, and shortly afterwards detached twenty " Rangers " and Indians with orders to cross the Susquehanna and marchi out the " Upper Road " to the Westmoreland settlements (in the Lackaway District) near the Delaware, in order to destroy the same. He then despatched Lieut. (later Capt.) Peter Hare of the "Rangers " to Lieut. Colonel Bolton at Fort Niagara, with an official report relative to the Wyoming incursion, accompanied by the original articles of capitulation of the several forts. Lieutenant Hare set off post-haste on horseback, and then the expedition resumed its march northward. Without any unnecessary halts Tioga Point was reached in due time ; but almost immediately upon his arrival there Major Butler was pros- trated by a violent attack of fever and ague, accompanied by "rheumatism in the head." As soon as he was able to travels he set out for Niagara, leaving Captain Caldwell in command of the " Rangers," with instruc- tions to inarch at once to Oghiwaga (see page 257) and inform the Indians that he had come to assist in the defense of their border villages, and conduct any offensive movement he considered practicable. Accord-
* See Miner's "History of Wyoming," page 238, and Hayden's "The Massacre of Wyoming," page 76. See page 715, ante.
# See pages 346 and 578, Vol. I.
§ July 22d.
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ing to the orders given by Butler to Caldwell* an officer and a few " Rang- ers " were to accompany every party of Indians sent out to reconnoiter and harass the frontier. "I would have you give orders," wrote Butler, " to every party you send out to burn and destroy everything they possibly can. If we can prevent the enemy getting in their grain, their general army-already much distressed-must disperse, and their country fall an easy prey. You are to enlist into the 'Rangers' as many able-bodied men as you can, who are recommended for their loyalty."t
Lieutenant Hare arrived at Fort Niagara on Tuesday, July 14, 1778, and delivered to Lieut. Colonel Bolton Major Butler's report and the accompanying papers. Bolton prepared, or had prepared, immediately, copies of these documents (as mentioned on page 1032), and, retaining the originals, sent the copies, on the same day, to Deputy Adjutant General Le Maistre at Quebec, accompanied by the following letter:
"I have the pleasure of acquainting you with the signal success of the 'Rangers' and Indians with Colonel Butler over the Rebels at Wioming, where they had not less than ten stockaded Forts & were defeated. Inclosed I send you the particulars which I request you will lay before His Excellency. I received them this moment by Lieutenant Hare of the 'Rangers.' The Caldwell being ready to sail, I have only time to assure you that I am [Signed] " MASON BOLTON."
"I request that you will inform Capt. [Walter N. ] Butler of the Colonel's success."
The copies of the capitulations of the Wyoming forts, and of Major Butler's report on the Wyoming campaign, together with Lieut. Colonel Bolton's holograph letter, forwarded to and received at headquarters in Quebec, as narrated above, are now among the " Haldimand Papers " in London. The following is a verbatim copy-made at the instance of the Hon. Whitelaw Reid for this work-of the abovementioned copy § of Major Butler's report to Lieut. Colonel Bolton, dated at "Lacitwa- nack, 8th July, 1778."
"Sir: On the 30th of June I arrived with about 500 Rangers & Indians at Wioming, & encamped on an Eminence which overlooks the greatest part of the Settlement, from whence I sent out parties to discover the Situation, and strength of the Enemy, who brought in Eight Prisoners and Scalps: Two loyalists who came into my camp informed me, that the Rebels could muster about 800 Men who were all assembled in their Forts.
"July Ist I marched to the distance of half a mile of Wintermonts Fort, & sent in Lieut. Turney with a flag to demand immediate possession of it, which was soon agreed to. A flag was next sent to Jenkin's Fort which surrendered on nearly the same Condi-
* See Cruikshank's "The Story of Butler's Rangers," page 51.
" A memorandum among the "Haldimand Papers," relating to the distribution of the "Rangers" and certain officers of the Indian Department early in September, 1778, indicates the vast extent of country covered by their operations at that period. "Captain Caldwell of the 'Rangers,' Captain Powell of the Indian Department, and Mr. Joseph Brant, are at Oghwaga, employed in scouting from there to the Delaware River as low as the Minisinks, and to Schoharie as well to annoy the enemy as to gain intelligence. Mr. Pawling is also detached from Oghwaga with thirty 'Rangers' and a number of Indians to Wyalusing, upon the Susquehanna, with directions to scout as low as Wyoming, to watch the motions of the rebels said to be assembling there. Mr. John Young, detached from Oghwaga with thirty 'Rangers,' is constantly scouting towards the German Flats and Cherry Valley. Captain John- ston, from the Seneca country, keeps continual parties of Indians out from thence to the West Branch
* of the Susquehanna and the Juniata. * The main body of the 'Rangers' is at Oghwaga and neighborhood, ready, when joined by the Indians, for an incursion to the enemy's frontier, or to defend the Indian country." At Unadilla, under the date of September 21, 1778, Captain Caldwell wrote to Major Butler reporting the success of an expedition against German Flats, and his safe return to Unadilla. (See the "Haldimand Papers" -- B. M. 21,765, B. CV : p. 56.)
"During the time Caldwell held command a tragic event occurred, which occasioned profound discontent among the 'Rangers,'" states Cruikshank. "A number of unknown'men had offered them- selves from time to time for enlistment. Some, it was subsequently discovered, were actually spies in the enemy's service. A single traitor might easily accomplish the destruction of the entire corps. During his advance upon Wyoming Butler had, accordingly, issued a standing order that if any man should attempt to desert he must be instantly pursued and shot on the spot. Shortly after their arrival at Oghwaga two men from the Susquehanna asked leave to visit their families. Caldwell peremptorily refused. Taking advantage of an opportunity when on guard at the 'Indian Castle,' they stole quietly away with their arms, after destroying the arms of the rest of the guard. This, of course, was an unpardonable offense. Caldwell sent out a party, which soon overtook the fugitives and shot them at sight. But their friends and relatives stubbornly refused to believe that they had actually intended to desert, and continued to manifest their sympathy for the offenders in various ways."
¿ A copy of this report is printed in Peck's "Wyoming," page 52, but it contains several serious errors. § "B. M., Additional MSS., 21,760-XXXVII."
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tions as Wintermonts, both of which are inclosed. I next summoned Forty Fort, the Commandant of which refused the Condition I sent hin1.
"July 3d parties were sent out to collect Cattle, who informed me that the Rebels were preparing to attack me: This pleased the Indians highly, wlio observed they should be upon an equal footing with them in the Woods; At two O'Clock we discovered the Rebels upon their march in number about four, or five hundred; Between 4 & 5 O'clock they were advanced within a mile of Us; finding them determined, I ordered the Forts to be sett on fire, which deceived the Enemy into an Opinion that we had retreated: We then posted ourselves in a fine, open Wood, & for our greater safety lay flat upon the ground, waiting their approach. When they were within 200 Yards of us, they began firing; We still continued upon the ground without returning their fire till they had fired three Vollies: by this time they had advanced within 100 Yards of Us, and being quite near enough Saengerachton ordered his Indians who were upon the right, to begin the Attack upon our part, which was immediately well seconded by the Rangers on the left. Our fire was so close, and well directed, that the Affair was soon over, not lasting above half an hour, from the Time they gave us the first fire till their flight:
" In this Action were taken 227 Scalps, and only five prisoners : The Indians were so exasperated with their loss last Year near Fort Stanwix, that it was with the greatest difficulty I could save the lives of those few. Col! Denniston, who came in next day with a Minister & four others to treat for the remainder of the Settlement of Westinore- land, assures me that they have lost one Colo, two Majors, seven Captains, Thirteen Lieutts, Eleven Ensigns, and two hundred & Sixty-eight Privates. On our side are killed one Indian, two Rangers, and Eight Indians wounded. In this incursion We have taken and destroyed eight Pallisadoed Forts, & burned about 1,000 Dwelling houses, all their Mills &ca We have also killed & drove off about 1,000 head of horned Cattle, and Sheep and Swine in great numbers: But what gives me the sincerest satisfaction is, that I can with great truth assure You that in the destruction of this Settlement not a single Person has been hurt of the Inhabitants, but such as were in Arms, to those indeed the Indians gave no Quarter.
"I have also the pleasure to inform You, that the Officers and Rangers behaved during this short action highly to my satisfaction, & have always supported themselves through hunger & fatigue with great cheerfulness.
" I have this day sent a party of twenty Men to the Delaware to destroy a small Settlement there, and to bring off Prisoners; In two or three days I shall send out other parties for the same purpose, if I can supply myself with provisions. I shall harrass the adjacent Country, & prevent them from getting in their Harvest. The Settlement of Schohary or the Minisinks will be my next Objects, both of which abound in Corn & Cattle, the destruction of which cannot fail of greatly distressing the Rebels.
" I have not yet been able to hear anything of the Expresses I sent to the Generals Howe & Clinton, but as I sent them by Ten different Routes, I am in hopes that some of them will be able to make their way to them, & return. In a few days I do myself the honor of writing to You more fully, & send You a Journal of my proceedings since I left Niagara.
"I am, Sir, with respect, Your most Obedient & very humb! Servt, [Signed] "JOHN BUTLER." At Quebec, under the date of August 4, 1778, Sir Frederick Haldi- mand transmitted to Lord George Germain, the British Secretary of State, and to Sir Henry Clinton, commander-in-chief of the British forces in America, duplicate copies of Lieut. Colonel Bolton's letter to Captain Le Maistre; of Major Butler's report to Bolton ; and of the Wyoming capitulations. At New York, under the date of August 12, 1778, Sir Henry Clinton wrote to Lord George Germain *:
"Reports which seem to be credited say that a body of Indians, assembled under the cominand of Colonel Butler, have destroyed a number of settlements upon the fron- tiers of Pennsylvania, and repulsed what troops the rebels had collected to oppose them. When I receive certain intelligence of their proceedings I shall acquaint your Lordship."
Sir Henry had not then received General Haldimand's despatches, but they came to hand some days later, and were forwarded by Sir Henry to Lord George Germain, at London.
At New York, under the date of September 10, 1778, Col. Guy Johnson (see note on page 300, Vol. I) wrote to Lord George Germain in part as follows t:
* See "Stevens' Facsimiles," XI : 1127.
" See "Documentary History of the Colony of New York," VIII : 752.
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* " I am this day to embark for Quebec, whence I propose to write more at large. Your Lordship will have heard, before this can reach you, of the successful incursions of the Indians and Loyalists from the northward. In conformity to the instructions I conveyed to my officers, they assembled their force early in May, and one division, under one of my Deputies ( Mr. Butler), proceeded with great success down the Susquehanna, destroying the posts and settlements at Wioming, augmenting their num- ber with many Loyalists, and alarming all the country; whilst another division (under Mr. Brandt, the Indian chief ) cut off 294 men near Schohare, and destroyed the adjacent settlements, with several magazines from whence the rebels had derived great resources -thereby affording encouragement and opportunity to many friends of Government to join them. * * As I have good reasons to apprehend that difficulties may arise respecting my rank as Colonel of the Six Nations-which seems the more extraordinary, where men never in any service are Colonels and Brigadiers-I could wish this point was obviated." * * *
With the withdrawal of Major Butler's forces from Wyoming Val- ley the Loyalists, or Tories, who, for some years, had dwelt here, and along the Susquehanna as far north as Tunkhannock and Wyalusing, departed with their families for good and all. It is quite probable that when they left it was their intention to return to their abandoned homes and farms when the inen's terms of enlistment in "Butler's Rangers," or other British military organizations, should come to an end ; or, at the latest, when hostilities should be concluded. But, after the severe and successful campaign of General Sullivan against the Tories and Indians in western New York in 1779, and again after the surrender of Lord Cornwallis to Washington in October, 1781 (which really closed the Revolution itself), the Tories-not only those who had formerly lived in Westmoreland, but those of the United States generally-came to the conclusion that it would be neither feasible nor safe for them to essay to return to their foriner homes, or, where they had never left their homes, to attempt to reinain there, should the war result favorably to the Amer- icans. Those who had adhered to the old order of things made their way out of the revolted States in almost incredible numbers, as the issue of the war approached and became certain. Says Dr. Woodrow Wilson in his "History of the American People " (III : 24) :
" Throughout the latter part of 1782 and all of 1783 they [the Loyalists ] had poured out of the country in a veritable flight, knowing themselves proscribed and ruined, and not daring to wait for the actual evacuation of the English. * * Those who were within reach of Canada set out northward through the forests to seek a refuge there, following the rough, uncleared trails and the water-courses, with pack-horse and boat, as in the old days of the first settlement of the continent out of Europe, abandoning home and property to escape contumely and the unspeakable hardship of being outlawed and hated in the communities of their own birth and breeding. Thousands upon thousands crowded to New York to seek the shelter of the British arms. It was the 25th of November, 1783, before Sir Guy Carleton could effect the final evacuation of the city, so great and so troublesome was the pitiful company of refugees for which he felt himself obliged in mere compassion to provide protection and transportation. More than 29,000 refugees (including 3,000 negroes) left the State of New York alone, for Canada, during that con- fused and anxious year 1783.
" Most of these had taken no active part in the struggle which had rendered them homeless. Almost without exception they had been, in opinion, as thoroughly opposed as their neighbors to the policy of the King and Parliament towards the Colonies. But they had not been willing to go the ugly length of rebellion and of outright separation from England. * * The more partizan had taken up arms for the King. First and last, during the five years of the fighting, there had been no fewer than 25,000 Loyalists enlisted in the British service. At one time (1779) they had actually outnumbered the whole of the Continental muster under the personal command of Washington. Most of those, however, who would not join the patriot party had been quiet non-combatants, and had been opponents of the Revolution only in opinion When the war was over the men who spoke the mind of the majority and who accordingly controlled policy in the new States refused to make any distinction between those who had taken up arms and those who had not. In their eyes they were all alike 'Tories' and traitors; and many an excess of persecution and spoliation, many a wanton insult, many an act of mere ven- geance darkened the years which immediately followed the war. * * The bitterest
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words of the great Washington himself were uttered against the Tories. Even with his splendid moderation and poise of mind, lie could not find it in his heart to forgive the men who had seemed to fill every country-side his army entered with intrigue and threat of treason to the cause he had given his life to."
Cruikshank, in his "Story of Butler's Rangers " (page 112), refer- ring to the Loyalists who were settled at and near Niagara, says :
"The prospective return of peace inspired the exiles with little hope of being restored to their former homes. In May, 1783, [Col. Allan] Maclean [then in command of the garrison at Niagara] wrote: . Colonel Butler says that none of his people will ever think of going to attend courts of law in the Colonies, where they could not expect the shadow of Justice; and that to repurchase their estates is what they are not able to do. That for a much smaller sum the Missassaugas will part with twelve miles more along the lake, and that they would rather go to Japan thian go among the Americans, where they could never live in peace.' As soon as the stipulations in their [the Loyal- ists'] favor, contained in the provisional articles of peace, became generally known, the American newspapers* were filled with declarations of undying animosity to the expatri- ated Loyalists, and there could be no doubt that that part of the treaty at least would be openly set at defiance. Of those who had already rashly ventured to return to their for- mer homes, some were executed without form of law, and many savagely assaulted. The remainder were peremptorily warned to leave the country before the 10th of June [1783], under penalty of being treated 'with the severity due to their crimes and nefarious defection.' "'
In the preceding pages the names of a number of the Westmoreland Tories are printed, together with a few details concerning some of them, drawn from various sources. In the subjoined notet we give some
* In a Philadelphia newspaper the following definition of a Tory was printed: "A Tory is a thing whose head is in England and its body in America, and its neck ought to be stretched."
? The facts contained in this note have been drawn almost entirely from "Stevens' Transcripts -American Loyalists" (Vols. X, XXV, XXXII, etc.), unpublished.
PHILIP BUCK was a native of Germany, who in his infancy came to America with his parents. In 1771 he repaired to Wyoming Valley, and January 13, 1772, was admitted as a settler in Wilkes- Barré "to hold a settling right for Mr. William Stewart." (See page 719.) In 1772 or '73-being then of Wilkes-Barre-he paid Peregreen Gardner of Wilkes-Barre ten Spanish milled dollars for a quarter-right in the Susquehanna Purchase. We next find him settled on land (subsequently claimed by Christopher Avery) at the mouth of Tunkhannock Creek, in Putnam Township-which township was laid out and accepted by the committee of The Susquehanna Company in October, 1775. (See "Proceedings and Collections of The Wyoming Historical and Geological Society," VII : 158.) In August, 1787, Philip Buck was living at Niagara, in the Province of Quebec, and in his claim to the British Commissioners for losses as a Loyalist, made at that time, he set forth that at the beginning of the troubles he was in possession of a good farm (he had fifteen acres of land cleared, and had built a house, barn and barracks), with live stock, &c., valued at £275, New York currency. That he made "his escape to the British army in 1777, from which period till the close of the war he served the King in Colonel Butler's Rangers." That he joined in 1777 at Fort Stanwix, and continued in "Butler's Rangers" till he was taken prisoner. Was exchanged to New York in 1778, and came thence to Niagara, where he joined the "Rangers" again and served till the end of the war. He was at Niagara in 1783. He lost grain and twenty hogs by the rebels when he went away from his home on the Susquehanna in 1777. "The Indians had his other cattle (cows and sheep) in 1778." The Com- missioners of Claims awarded Buck £62 as damages December 7, 1787.
ISAAC VAN ALSTYNE, a native of America, had resided on the Susquehanna five years when the Revolutionary War broke out. (See note on page 867, ante.) He joined the British forces in 1778, and served through the war in the second battalion of "The King's Royal Regiment of New York," commanded by Sir John Johnson. (See page 983.) In 1783 he resided at Coteau de Lac, and in December, 1787, resided in "the third township above Cataraqui." He claimed £232 for the loss of a 200-acre farm. One of his witnesses was Isaac Larraway, formerly of Westmoreland. The Com- inissioners awarded Van Alstyne £31.
ABRAHAM WORTMAN was a native of Germany. He took up lands under the Province of Penn- sylvania, in disputed territory on the Susquehanna, some seven or eight years before the Revolution- ary War began. His family consisted of himself, his wife Catharine, and sons Adam, John, Peter, and two others. Abraham and his eldest son [Adam] joined Butler's corps in 1777. The son was "killed in service in 1778 (?)." (See note on page 948, ante.) Abraham served three years in the army; was then discharged on account of age, and went to Canada and was employed as an artificer in the King's works. He afterwards settled at Cataraqui, where he dicd in 1787. His widow Cath- arine, and sons John, Peter, and two others were living in August, 1787, and their claim was for £180, 1s. 10d.
CONRAD SILLS was a native of Germany. He lived on the Susquehanna, and joined the British in 1777. He was at Fort Stanwix. He served three years, and then came into Canada. He claimed £211, 3s. Three of his sons joined Sir John Jolinson's regiment. One of his sons was named Lawrence.
WILLIAM VANDERLIP, SR., was a native of Holland, who immigrated to America about 1757. Set- tled on the Susquehanna, in Northumberland County, under a Pennsylvania title. His family accom- panied him. His eldest son was named John, and his second son was William, Jr. At the beginning of the war William Vanderlip's farm, buildings, etc., were worth £411 in New York currency. In 1777 William Vanderlip, Sr., made his escape to the British army, joined "Butler's Rangers" and served three years. William Vanderlip, Jr., served in the "Rangers" one and a-half years, and John also served in the "Rangers," but after peace was declared returned to the United States. After the war William Vanderlip, Sr., settled at Niagara, where he died in 1785. In December, 1787, William Vanderlip, Jr., was living near Niagara. His claim was for £231, 3s. 9d., but he was allowed only £60.
GEORGE KENTNER (mentioned on page 960, ante) was a native of Germany, who had come to America in 1765. Resided on the Susquehanna, where, in 1776, he bought lands of Jesse Lukens. He had 300 acres of land, household goods, live-stock, etc., valued at £628, 17s. He joined Colonel Butler in 1777, and was at Fort Stanwix. "Was taken prisoner on the retreat from Fort Stanwix;
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additional names and biographical data, together with a few interesting facts relative to some of those Tories previously mentioned.
From the journals of Congress we learn that on the very day Butler and his forces retired from Wyoming Valley the following was adopted by Congress : "Resolved, That the Board of War be directed to send for the Seneca chiefs that have lately quitted Philadelphia, and inquire whether the Seneca nation, as siich, have committed hostilities against us." It seems that when preparations were being made by the Loyalists
was released, and afterwards served in the second battalion of Sir John Johnson's regiment." In December, 1787, Kentner lived at New Johnstown, Canada. His claim was for £352, 4s. 7d., but he was allowed only £75.
CASPER HOVER was a native of Holland. Had a wife and three sons-Jacoh, Henry, and another. They were living on the Susquehanna in 1777, when the father and three sons joined the British. After the war the family settled at La Chine, where the father died in July, 1786, being survived by his wife and sons Jacob and Henry.
JAMES SECORD, a native of America, settled with his family on 300 acres of land in the disputed territory on the Susquehanna, ahout three years before the hreaking out of the Revolutionary War. In 1775 he was commissioned Captain of the 9th Company, 24th Regiment, Connecticut Militia. (See page 857.) His eldest son was named Solomon. James Secord "left his home in March, 1777, because he would not side with the rebels." His son Solomon and two other sons accompanied him, and all joined the British army. (See page 944, ante.) The rest of the family removed soon within the Brit- ish lines. James Secord served first in the "Rangers," and afterwards as a Lieutenant in the Indian Department until 1782. In 1783 he was living at Niagara, and in June of that year John Butler wrote to General Haldimand that Peter and James Secord were preparing to build a saw- and grist-mill near the Rangers' barracks. James Secord died at Niagara in the Summer of 1784. His widow, son Sol- omon, and the rest of the family were all living at or near Niagara in December, 1787. Solomon filed with the Commissioners a claim for ££127, 13s. 9d., but was allowed only £84. John Secord-evi- dently either a hrother or the father of James-testified in support of this claim. (See page 869.)
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