USA > Pennsylvania > Bradford County > Athens > A history of old Tioga Point and early Athens, Pennsylvania > Part 12
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at Philadelphia June 3, 1756 (Col. Rec., Vol. VII, page 137). It states that after tarrying four days they arrived at Wyomink and found no- body there, so they proceeded to Tiaogou where they found a great number of Indians, to whom they made known their errand, request- ing that they would order a meeting of all their people. Messengers were sent out to all the small towns summoning the inhabitants to Tiaogou. They returned the next day with haughty replies to the effect that the Pennsylvania messengers having come so far, might as well come further and come to their towns. This Newcastle refused to do, saying :
"It was customary to transact matters of importance, and of a public na- ture in the most public places and that he insisted the meeting should be at Tiaogou."
The chiefs now yielded and assembled the following day, when they were addressed by Newcastle. He had already advised with some friendly Indians, and in his speech took the liberty of departing somewhat from the Governor's instructions. He exhorted them in the name of the King of England, as well as the Governor of Pennsyl- vania ; told them he knew very well it was for want of understanding, and finally urged them to "dig a hole as deep as the waters below the earth and there bury the hatchet, never to be found again." He was favorably answered by old Paxinosa, in behalf of the Delawares, Shaw- anese, Mohickons and Memksies (Monseys), showing what a large assemblage there was in this region. Teedyuscung also spoke, saying the Delawares, who were under French influence, were going to the Twightwees (in Ohio). Many strings of wampum were exchanged, and the council was dissolved with a friendly feeling. Jagrea, however, thus closes his report to the Governor :
"A happy foundation is laid on which you may erect a good Building, but it behooves you to use Dispatch, and send us back quickly with your answers, least, as Times are dangerous, anything may intervene to frustrate the good Work so fortunately begun.'
A further proclamation was immediately issued by the Governor and Assembly for a suspension of hostilities for thirty days longer. Even the short delay caused by arranging this made the Indian mes- sengers very uneasy, and Conrad Weiser, their interpreter, reported to the Governor that they feared "their long stay would make the Dia- hoga Indians believe either that they were cut off by the English, or that this Government did not mean to conclude a peace with them, that Captain Newcastle was out of humor," etc. Whereupon the Governor informed them he was waiting to hear the result of the council of the Six Nations, which was in session at Onondoga. This was expected to be favorable, as it was largely due to the dictates of the Six Nations that the messengers to Diahoga had been favorably received. It having been decided, however, that it was unwise to detain them, the mes- sengers were intrusted with a long message from "The Governor and the People of Pennsylvania to the Indians gathered at Diahoga." In this he thanked them for the kind treatment accorded his messengers, praised their present disposition, invited them to a council later at the
22 Col. Records, Vol. VII, pp. 137-150. Note this was not called a treaty.
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NEWCASTLE'S COUNCIL AT "DIAHOGA"
house of Conrad Weiser, promised to release prisoners, relieve their distress, and told of the fort to be built at Shamokin to shelter friendly Indians. All these messages were interspersed with presents of wam- pum, after the curious Indian fashion, according to which no council, however small, could be conducted without the presentation of in- numerable strings and belts. Several Jersey Indians were prevailed upon to accompany Newcastle on this second journey. They had been gone but a day or two when the expected messenger, Colonel Clap- ham, arrived (from Colonel Johnson) as a representative of the Iro- quois living on the North Branch of the Susquehanna, requesting, among other things, that a fort be built at a place fourteen miles above Wyoming, called Adjouquay, "at the entrance of a deep creek-an old woman may carry a heavy pack of skins, from thence to the Minisink and return in two nights." Surely a curious way of measuring dis- tance! This fort was not built, however.
On the 17th of June the Governor received a message that New- castle's party had been detained at Bethlehem on account of a scalping party of one hundred from New Jersey who were on the war path. An express was sent at once to Governor Belcher of New Jersey asking that their friendly messengers should not be hindered or delayed. June 28th very careful directions were received from Captain Newcastle, saying that he would come again in about twenty days, and that he would have a certain signal by which he or any advance guard would be surely known and protected, the said signal to be a Green Bush in the hands of the foremost of the party. Previous to this there had ar- rived some friendly Indians from Diahoga, who passed Newcastle on the way.
These friendly Indians were Jo Peepe and Nicodemus, who re- ported as follows :
"That several hundred Indians of divers Nations in & abt the Allegeny Mountains were gone to hold a Council, & form themselves into a Body, (to whom the ill-dispos'd Indians at Diaogu were gone in order to join them) and then come down from Allegeny, Whither the way was free & open, & murder all the white People. This moved Nicodemus & Jo, with their families, to retire from Diaogu & come down to the English, that they might not be forced by the imbitter'd Indians of Diaogu to assist them in their wicked Purposes against the English. And now these Indians are afraid that the French & the Indians will again commit many Murders & Ravages, particularly this Harvest .- Further they believe that there will be no Peace with the Allegeny Indians & their wicked Consorts so long as the Lands on the Ohio continue in the French Possession ; for that these Indians will be instigated by the French to do Mischief to the English wherever they can."
The Governor immediately sent several of these Indians to over- take and accompany Newcastle with additional messages to the friendly Indians remaining at Diahoga. It is evidently untrue, that the chief accompanying Colonel Clapham, who had been sent with a message to Diahoga from the Six Nations, claimed that at Diahoga he had found "only a few women, some sick with the smallpox, many dead, and a few others planting corn."
On July 6th four more Indians from Diahoga arrived with a letter from Newcastle, asking that they should be given provisions. On being interviewed they reported they were all Shawanese, formerly of
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Wyoming, now of Diahoga. One of them said he knew that the Five Nations were all friends to the English, but when asked about the Delawares answered : "About them I can say nothing." July 20, 1756, Governor Morris reports the return of Newcastle, bringing with him Teedyuscung and forty others, men, women and children, "with whom I hope to establish an Accommodation and break the confederacy," says Morris.
They had stopped at Bethlehem24 until assured that all prepara- tions were made at Easton, where the council was to be held. Al- though, according to the Archives, Vol. II, page 715, the Governor attempted to change and hold the council at Bethlehem, it was not so done. Reichel says because the Indians raised objections. Quite as probable, judging from the correspondence, because the Moravian Brethren were very uneasy; there were no troops stationed there, and they feared an attack from Indians or French. When the Governor's proposition was made to Teedyuscung, who had already gone to Easton, he gave this amusing reply :
"Brother, I am very glad to hear from you. At the distance of 400 miles from hence I received your invitation to come and make peace. I understood you had laid a Junk of Fire here at Easton that I might come and smoke my pipe by it. Brother since you sent that message I am come and will stay here. And cant understand what you mean by sending me about from place to place like a child."
Before the arrival of the Governor it was reported that "the King and his wild company were perpetually drunk very much on the Gas- coon-the King, full of himself, saying, 'Which side soever he took must stand, and the other fall.'"
On Saturday, July 24th, the proceedings were begun by the sending of a string of wampum by Governor Morris to the Delaware King, as Teedyuscung had announced himself to be on his arrival at Bethlehem. On the 26th the Governor entertained the chiefs at dinner ; consid- erable difficulty was experienced in selecting interpreters, but this being adjusted the conference began in earnest on the 28th. (It is a curious circumstance that this council or treaty is ignored by several historians, when it is all contained in the Archives.)
The Governor opened the conference, giving a hearty welcome, offering protection, and asking answers to messages sent by New- castle. Teedyuscung replied in a long and able speech, offering to carry the message of the English to the United Nations, even if dis- agreeable. Teedyuscung had already said outside, in the most boastful manner, that he came from the French, and was now in the middle, between French and English, and would publish aloud whichever side he joined; that he had been made King by ten Nations, who would ratify what he should do. In the council he made use of a curious word, "Whish Shiksy," which he explained by saying he wished the English to help them in every way to be strong, etc. (See Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. VII, page 209.)
The Governor replied at length, two days being taken up by him and the interpreters. He promised protection, provisions and presents, 24 For a most interesting and detailed account of their entertainment at Bethlehem, see Reichel's "Memorials of the Moravian Church," pp. 229-250.
CLOSE OF COUNCIL AT EASTON 83
and asked their assistance for Pennsylvania, and loyalty to the English. Teedyuscung replied by presenting a belt from the Six Nations, which he claimed indicated that they had once more made men of the Del- awares, and proposed they should all stand together in resisting the French, etc. The conference continued until July 31st, Teedyuscung speaking fair at times, and again being angry, suspicious and trouble- some, due, no doubt, largely to the quantities of rum he was imbibing. The Governor, at the close of the conference, appointed Newcastle and Teedyuscung as agents for the Province, authorizing them to do public business together. A peculiar incident of this council was the appeal of Newcastle for protection, claiming that the Delawares had be- witched him, and he should die soon. Although a very sober man he appeared at this time to be "much in liquor." He claimed that Teedy- uscung had warned him that he had overheard two Delawares say they would put an end to his life. Here Teedyuscung burst into the room in a violent rage and desired that Newcastle should not be be- lieved, but there is little doubt but there was bad blood between them.
The Archives say :
"To the surprise of everybody Captain Newcastle was seized this morning (day following above) with a violent pleurisy, and thought to be in great dan- ger, but on losing some blood and taking proper physick the violence of the dis- temper abated and he recovered."
Very early in this council a letter was received from the Moravian Spangenberg saying it was currently reported at Diahoga that Teedy- uscung was the man that occasioned the late war. That he made an exceedingly great belt of wampum and sent it to all Indians living on the West Branch, saying, "I am in exceeding great danger ; the Eng- lish will kill me; come and help me," etc., consequently that he was the only person who could make all things good again. But that he was poor and must have much wampum given him to send again to all the Indians he had inflamed.
At the close of the council many presents were given, also pro- visions, and Teedyuscung boldly asked for a horse to convey his share on the road. The Quakers of Philadelphia had sent considerable gifts, in addition to those of the State, all of which were now distributed.
The results of this conference were not definitive, although Teedy- uscung gave the assurance that he would exert himself faithfully in the service of the Province, agreeing that he would, without delay, return to Diahoga, lay all that had passed before the Six Nations, who would be pleased, and that he would send belts and strings of wampum to all Indians, far and near, over whom he had any influence; also that in two months he would return with great numbers of Indians of dif- ferent nations and there hold a council, when everything should be finally settled.
It can hardly be said that he kept his word. Newcastle, called "the faithful old chief who had risked his life for the restoration of peace," now set out for his home. Teedyuscung repaired to Fort Allen, and three weeks later was reported as still there and, with all his com- pany, "perpetually drunk," and that they had expressed themselves in terms inconsistent with their professions at Easton.
-
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Conrad Weiser was at once dispatched to represent to the chief and his comrades the great danger that might be to the public from this long delay, and to send them away directly. Captain Newcastle, on hearing of this stay and behavior of Teedyuscung, became so un- easy that he offered to go to the Six Nations to inquire into the char- acter and credentials of the Delaware King. The new Governor, Denny, immediately dispatched him on this errand, sending him by stage boat to New York to hasten matters, for, on inquiry, it was found that Teedyuscung had been doing very mischievous work among the Bethlehem Indians, and telling that in three weeks a body of In- dians would come to destroy all the inhabitants of that region, and that he should continue in the French interest. Late in October New- castle returned, reporting that "The Delaware chief did not speak the truth when he told the Governor he had authority from the Six Na- tions to treat with Onas." However, in September, a report had come from Diahoga that the Six Nations were highly displeased, and that now Teedyuscung (who evidently had returned to Diahoga) had altered his mind and spoke very much to the English interest to the Indians.
And how fared things at Diahoga? Let some of its story be told by another poor prisoner, one John Cox, who, having escaped from his captors, came before the Council at Philadelphia in September, 1756. He told that in March previous he was taken to Diahoga by three Indians. There they found about fifty warriors of the Delaware, Mohican and Minesa tribes, and about twenty German prisoners ; that while he remained at Diahoga small parties of Indians often went out to destroy the inhabitants, and as often returned with their scalps, but no prisoners ; that their whole conversation was of vengeance against the English, and resolutions to kill them ; that all summer the prisoners had nearly starved, and some had died, having only dog flesh, roots and berries for food; that one hundred Indians went to the Ohio for provisions and ammunition ; and that the condition was so distressing that the Indians at Diahoga proposed to make peace with the English rather than starve with the French. That when the Indians started to the council it had been said the object was to know of the Governor whether the English would agree to make peace, but he was told they were only gone to see whether the English were strong and to get provisions from them. When he was first taken prisoner at Kittatiny, in February, a party came from Diahoga with seventeen scalps fixed on a pole, carrying them to Fort Duquesne to obtain their scalp bounty.
At this same council John Shickelamy came from Diahoga and reported to the Governor that he had met Teedyuscung thirty or forty miles above Wyoming on his journey to Diahoga and the Six Nations. That he, Teedyuscung, had attended a treaty lately held at Onontago, at which four of the Six Nations had received the King of England's hatchet and danced the war dance, and will certainly fight the French. But the Cayhukus (Cayuga) claimed they were obliged by treaties to stand neuter, and the Sinickers had sent no deputies. Also, that all the Delawares and Shawanese who had lived on the Susquehanna
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SECOND COUNCIL AT EASTON
River were for peace, and joined with Colonel Johnson. That last winter the Six Nations had sent many belts to the Delawares and Shawanese and desired them to leave off doing mischief. That Teedy- uscung was the only person who set up the Indians against the Eng- lish, and that the Six Nations were much displeased with him. Shikil- limy did not seem to think Teedyuscung had been made king; said he was present at the treaty at Onondaga, and that Colonel Johnson made the Six Nations take up the hatchet against the French.
Two of the men of Teedyuscung's retinue deserted and came to Philadelphia, giving as a reason that they saw nothing but want and hunger before them if they went to Diahoga, and therefore they would stay with the English till the King came again.
In September more prisoners escaped to tell about Diahoga. Daniel McMullen reported that he had been there ten months a captive; that some of the Mohawks were friendly to the English ; that he was first sold by his captors to a Mohawk, and then to French Margaret's daughter, from whom he escaped with a companion who was at Wio- ming in March, 1756, when all the Indians (hearing the English were coming) collected and marched in a body with their families and ef- fects to Diahoga. There, having called a council, and being still afraid of pursuit by the English, they divided themselves, and about one-half, with their families, removed to Alleghany, the other half to Conasetego, on a fork of the Northwest Branch, about forty miles west of Dia- hoga.25 Moffatt also told that he heard the Delaware King say, in a drunken frolic, at his mistress' house above Diahoga, that the Indians could make peace and they could also break peace when made; this was about a week before Teedyuscung went to Easton. He also told that the King sold an English woman prisoner for a horse on which to perform his journey. There is little doubt but that Teedyuscung was a black-hearted rascal.
However, he was now on his way down the river for the second treaty. As an advance guard he sent some of his men with four Eng- lish prisoners, and desired that his own wife and children, who had remained at Bethlehem, should be sent to him. The wife refused to go. This was probably done as a test, as three times on the journey Teedyuscung and his party had received messages (purporting to be from Colonel Johnson) not to go further or the English would kill them. Reassuring messages were sent to the chief, and October 29th Teedyuscung arrived at Fort Allen with about thirty Indians; a large part of those who had come with him from Diahoga tarried behind to see what reception their chief would meet with. Captain Newcastle, who had recently returned from his mission to the Six Nations, was just at this time taken with the smallpox, which proved fatal. Weiser proceeded to Easton to arrange for the treaty, and soon reported the arrival of Teedyuscung, and that the old man seemed very glad to see him. Weiser proposed that the council should be held in Philadelphia, but to this the king objected, not being sure it would have a good effect on those not yet arrived. Weiser wrote to the Governor thus :
25 According to this, the Iroquois did not order removal.
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"I am apt to think Teedyuscung's authority is not so great as he gave out, but I take him to be entirely in our interest," etc.
Some runners from those holding back arrived to see if the king and his companions were alive. On Monday, November 8th, the con- ference was opened, the Governor, some members of the Assembly, and some interested Quakers having come from Philadelphia, Benja- min Franklin being the Chief Commissioner. This council lasted nine days; the causes of the late 1756 war, complaints of the Indians, etc .. were discussed. Teedyuscung claimed to have done his duty faith- fully, though he asserted the ground on which he stood was his in- heritance and taken from him by fraud; explaining that he meant all the ground on the river Susquehanna, from Tohiccon Creek (Chemung River) to Wyoming. When asked what he meant by fraud he men- tioned forged deeds, and said the Delawares had never been satisfied since the "Walking Purchase" in 1737.
On the third day of the conference a runner arrived reporting that forty Indian warriors from Diahoga were on the way, having been told that Teedyuscung and all his company were cut off. They were come to revenge his death, but hearing the chief was safe they were glad and would not advance. It was thought proper to invite them to attend the treaty, but they decided to remain at Fort Allen, where, in case of success, the goods would be brought for distribution. A full account of all these proceedings is given in Col. Records, Vol. VII, in which it is said that this treaty was not concluded because the In- dians did not bring their prisoners as had been requested of them.
At the close the King presented the Governor with fifteen deer- skins to make him some gloves, many goods were distributed to the Indians, and all parted on friendly terms. Conrad Weiser, by the Governor's orders, escorted the Indians to Fort Allen, and had many trials with Teedyuscung because of his fondness and demand for rum. The dividing of the goods was completed and the Indians made ready to return home. Weiser, in his journal, says :
"Deedjoskon quite sober parted with me with tears in his eyes, desired me to stand a friend to the Indians and give good advice till every thing desired is brought about. Though he is a drunkard and a very irregular man, yet he can think well, and I believe him to be sincere in what he said."
While it is supposed Teedyuscung returned to Diahoga little is known of the events of the next two months in that locality. In De- cember Governor Denny wrote to Sir William Johnson apologetically concerning the late treaty, since Sir William had been appointed sole agent of Indian affairs in this part of North America, and had appar- ently been dissatisfied with the various conferences in Pennsylvania, as Lord Loudon had prohibited Governor Denny from holding further treaties or conferences. He appealed to Sir William to endeavor to establish peace on foundations laid ; said that he looked upon Teedy- uscung as the chief of the Susquehanna Delawares, so regarded by the Indians "now settled at Diahoga, who are a collection of Dela- wares, Shawanese, Mohicans, and some of the fugitive Six Nations formerly on the Ohio." He also stated that the chief had proposed another meeting in the spring, and desired Sir William to fix a time
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TEEDYUSCUNG'S TREATY AT LANCASTER
for the council of the Indians "when they can best be spared." In re- sponse to this Sir William appointed George M. Croghan "Deputy Agent for to transact Indian affairs in this Province."
January 12, 1757, Jo Peepy and Lewis Montour were sent to invite the chief at Diahoga and the Susquehanna Indians to meet Mr. Croghan in conference at Harris Ferry later in the season.
This conference, known as "Teedyuscung's Treaty," proved to be "Croghan's," and was held at Lancaster in May. According to the Moravian records, for two or three months previous, Indians, "all from Diahoga," men, women and children, with an occasional captive, were arriving at Bethlehem asking to stay "till the king comes," and that they were sent by him to say they were all for peace. They were lodged near the present Lehigh Valley station in South Bethlehem, and fed at the expense of the Province, the accounts in full being found in the Memorials of the Moravian Church. While the Brethren were often annoyed and troubled by the Indians, whose friendship was so dubious, they were uniformly kind and gentle, even caring tenderly for the sick, giving land for the savages to plant corn and beans, and ministering to their souls' needs also, when possible. The appointed opening of the conference was delayed by the non-appearance of Teedyuscung. Many of the Indians became very uneasy, and some returned home, saying if they met the chief they would accompany him back. Those who remained appealed to Governor Denny, who, out of respect to Johnson and Croghan, did not propose to be present. He thus reports to the Proprietaries :
"When they (Indians) heard nothing from him nor that he was returned from the Seneca country where they were told he was gone, as they passed thro' the Diahoga Town where he lived * The season for planting Indian corn approaching, * they began to repine * * and to be much out of humor. they sent two of their chiefs to tell me they could stay no longer, and to request I would come and take them by the hand, having many things to say to me. It was very disagreeable to leave the seat of Government to attend Indians with whom I had nothing to do; nevertheless with the advice of the council I went to Lancaster. I had the mortification to hear from their own mouths that these very Delawares, who were treated as Women, thrown out of the Council, and ordered to live on the Sasquehannah, by their Uncles the Six Nations-had now put the Six Nations to defiance, and were so strongly supported by the Senecas, that their other uncles could not terminate the difficulties between them and this Government. Sensible of this, and honest, they advised me to write to the Senecas and solicit their favor as the only means to bring about a firm and last- ing peace with Teedyuscung and the Delawares."
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