USA > Pennsylvania > Bradford County > Athens > A history of old Tioga Point and early Athens, Pennsylvania > Part 14
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About the same time that Post was sent out (1758 and '59) Moses Titamy and Isaac Hill were sent on a similar peace mission to the Minisinks. They returned the first of August, and their journal is of great interest, especially as they traveled by the Susquehanna. On arriving at Diahoga they report :
"All the houses in this town are in ruins, no Indians live there, the road bad. From there we went to the house of Ehlanemet, son-in-law of French Margaret."
They were told that all the way the Susquehanna, quite to the head, was thickly settled, chiefly with Delawares. All the Indians whom they visited agreed to attend the great treaty. On their return they met a war party at Diahoga, but were not molested. It was evident that the French influenced the Indians by telling the most preposterous lies. The war party at Diahoga was reported by Teedy- uscung as made up of Mohawks with a French captain; all but ten were persuaded by the Indians near Diahoga to turn back.
During Post's absence Governor Denny had various preliminary councils with Indian delegates. Post returned in September. After various vicissitudes he had held a council near Fort Duquesne, where the French used every effort to persuade the Indians to decoy him into the fort. Post very soon found that the western Indians had no use for Teedyuscung, declined to hear his agreements read, repudiated the late treaty because it was his, and wished to hear only from the Gov- ernor. "I must confess the difficulties I met with this day made me sweat," he says. His companion also was a great trial, proving a veritable turn-coat, and thwarting Post in everything. Even the In- dians discovered he was a very false fellow. However, he succeeded under the very cannon of the fort in thwarting the plans of the French and persuading the Indians to attend at Easton. On his safe return he wrote :
"Praise and Glory be to the Lamb that was slain, that brought me through the Country of Dreadfull Jealousy and Mistrust."-
By the last of September, 1758, the Indians began once more to assemble at Easton. Croghan reported great drunkenness, adding that he believed Teedyuscung was kept drunk to serve some purpose, and
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complaining of the commissary being permitted to give out so much liquor.
October 7th the great treaty began with about 500 Indians, as three old land disputes were to be settled, i. e., the Iroquois sale of 1754, the "Walking Purchase," and the claims of the Minisinks in New Jer- sey. And there were also many magistrates, freeholders and citizens of the Province and from Philadelphia, with Conrad Weiser as inter- preter. During the council the Mohock chief, Niclias, attacked Teedy- uscung, saying, "Who made Teedyuscung the chief of the nations?" This sentiment was repeated by a representative of each of the Six Nations, all disowning his authority over them, and wishing to know whence he derived it. Weiser refused to interpret these attacks except in private conference. The Governor attempted to smooth over these insults by saying that he really only knew Teedyuscung to be chief of the Delawares, and that the chief had always called the Six Nations his Uncles, and so the storm was averted.
Eghohowin (the chief of the Monseys settled at old Sheshequin) was present and was blamed because he was holding English prisoners. Various reasons were given for having turned against the English; Teedyuscung wisely had little to say, and after nineteen days' confer- ence they confirmed their ancient union, and agreed to a firm peace in which they would engage all other nations to join. Quantities of pres- ents were then distributed as usual, the only complaint made being that they were given no ammunition, and that they desired wagons to carry the old and infirm to Wioming. "Some Wine and Punch was then ordered in, and the Conference concluded with great Joy and mutual Satisfaction." Many of the chiefs went home in the regalia of the white men, ruffled shirts, laced hats and regimental coats.
In less than a month the French evacuated Fort Duquesne, which terminated the struggle between the French and English in the Ohio Valley, and in 1759 Ticonderoga, Crown Point, Niagara and Quebec were won for England. Early in this year it was recommended by Stanwix to send Post on another mission to the Indians of Wyoming and the Susquehanna. After the council at Easton he had been dis- patched to Pittsburg to deliver peace belts to the western Indians, an errand which he had successfully accomplished. In 1758-'59 several conferences were held at Pittsburg to conclude matters with the west- ern Indians. Both the Alleghanies and the Delawares had asked that he might be sent to preach to them. Post, expressing the same desire, the Governor issued to him a passport which should allow him to travel back and forth unmolested.
Diahoga, this year (1759), lay deserted still, but late in the year Teedyuscung reported at Philadelphia that he had attended a great meeting of Indians at Assinising, on the Cayuga Branch; that depu- ties from many nations were present, all disposed for peace except the Minisinks, whom he recommended to the Governor. The chief also related that he had traveled much during the summer and told of the treaty of peace to eleven nations. In responding, the Governor spoke of a great council to be held in Ohio and insisted on his attendance,
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POST'S SECOND MISSION
offering to send Frederick Post with him. Soon after this there were some murders once more committed. Teedyuscung was at once sum- moned by the Governor and came bearing many belts and strings from the Indians on the upper Susquehanna.
Arrangements were now made for the mission to Ohio, Post being very carefully instructed, especially as to the return of all English prisoners. Post started from Bethlehem May 8, 1760. It was ar- ranged that the party should go up the Susquehanna first. Having joined Teedyuscung at Wyoming they soon arrived at Quihaloosing (Wyalusing), where Post preached by request. A few days later they arrived at Diahoga ; evidently it was once more inhabited, as Post's companion, John Hays, says that here "Teedyuscung had a conference with the chiefs and sent messages to the chiefs at Assinsan,3# whither they went the following day ; the next day they sent to the Mingoes at Pachsaheunk35 to call to council.
"This day the Indians began to Sacrifice to their God, and spent the day in a very odd manner, howling and dancing, raveling like wolves and painted frightful as Devils."-Hays.
The messages from the Mingoes were not reassuring, being that if the party advanced further they would roast them in the fire. While waiting for more pleasant messages Hays says :
"We were diverted with a strange story of the Indians at Diahogo seeing a vision in the moon, viz, that they saw 2 horses in the moon, one came from the East, the other from the West, and they fought a battle, and the easterly horse prevailed and threw the other Down and fell a top of him, and then men appeared about one foot long from the East and drove all before them; the In- dians were very much grieved at this strange sight and wanted to know our opinion, we thought best to say nothing."
After many days parley by messenger the Mingoes (Senecas) re- fused, for various reasons, to let the white men pass through their country, although they agreed to allow Teedyuscung and his Indians to go.36 It is worthy of note that on this journey the chief steadfastly refused to drink rum.
Mr. Hays speaks of "all the little towns above Diahoga," showing how thickly settled the country was. On their return they staid over night at Diahoga, but give no information as to its inhabitants. Several persons were delivered up to Post, although on this one point the In- dians seem to have been very obstinate in spite of the treaty, the Min- goes telling Post that they desired that none of the nations on the "Sisquhana" should give their prisoners, it was their orders (the Iro- quois) they should keep them. It may be noted here that white pris- oners were generally given to their individual captors, and were not considered the property of the tribe or nation.
34 Beauchamp thinks this was at Big Flats. Ettwein says it was a Monsey town at the confluence of Tioga and Conhocton, now in Steuben County.
35 Supposed to be at Colonel Bill's Creek at this time. Zeisberger says it was the "last on the Tiaogee." Below Teaoga, at earlier date; there may have been two towns.
36 Concerning their refusal they thus expressed themselves later (at the same time man- ifesting a desire for his return): "That is a road which the Minguise never suffer any white man to travel, and if he has any business at ye Allegheny he must go in the Great King's road opened there." Evidently they were willing and even anxious that he should go to the Ohio, if he went by the direct road.
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OLD TIOGA POINT AND EARLY ATHENS
Friendly visits from various Indians of the upper Susquehanna were made to the Governor all through the year 1760; some prisoners were returned, also a number of stolen horses. No party seems to have been direct from Diahoga, although from nearby towns. Several satisfactory councils were held at Pittsburg with the western Indians, and Teedyuscung brought from Ohio, as he expressed it, "a deal of Good News." At the same time he expressed not only dissatisfaction but indignation at the settlement of the Connecticut people at Wyoming, saying, "If the Governor can't the Indians will put a stop to it."37
At a conference some months later the Governor informed the chief that the Connecticut settlers claimed to have deeds from Jersey Indians, which Teedyuscung claimed must be a pretense .. Early in 1761 Governor Hamilton wrote to Sir William Johnson concerning the chief's unwillingness to hold a treaty or council with Johnson.38 He also says, "We are like to have fresh trouble, and I am afraid re- newal of Indian war from a most wicked revival of the Connecticut claims." Teedyuscung insisted that the government of Connecticut should be desired to recall the settlers, and a letter was written to the Governor of Connecticut concerning what Hamilton called "a flagrant piece of injustice offered to the Indians" (disregarding the deed ob- tained by the Susquehanna Company from the Indians). This was, however, soon brought into discussion, and Teedyuscung was advised to urge the settlers peacably to desist from further encroachments until the matter could be settled by lawful authority.
Messengers from various nations were now continually visiting Philadelphia to inquire when the great council fire was again to be lighted, but there seems to be no mention of Diahoga. In August, 1761, the council once more began at Easton, about four hundred In- dians being present. At this council the Indians begged that the Gov- ernor would take pity on them and erect a trading house at Diahoga, that we may be able to buy our goods cheaper, at the same time com- plaining that General Johnson's prices were dear.
Here was an effort to make Diahoga once more prominent, and, as usual with the Delawares, to avoid intercourse with Johnson. To this request the Governor replied that he could not set up another store-house at so great a distance as Diahoga, as it was expensive and difficult to maintain those already built, and that they could supply themselves from the one at Shamokin. Doubtless it was this request which led to the establishment of a private trading post at Sheshequin. See Chapter VIII.
At this council Teedyuscung addressed his Uncles, the Six Na- tions, with some warmth as to his settlement at Wyomink by their commands, which was now to be taken from him. The Governor was asked to make some satisfaction to the Delawares for their lands; in-
37 Reflection on this would lead one to find a cause not often assigned for the later horrible events at Wyoming. Far better to think it was the Indians' claim rather than that of Pennsylvania that was at the bottom of the trouble in 1778.
28 Feb. 12, 1761, a Pennsylvanian writes to Sir William Johnson: "The Connecticut people are making their grand push both in England for a new grant from the King, and in this province for a forceable entry and detainer of Indian lands on no other pretence than that their charter extends to the South Seas, and so like mad men they will cross New York and New Jersey, and come and Kindle an Indian War in the Bowels of this poor Province."
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SECOND TREATY AT LANCASTER
deed, all the Indians present combined to ask that the lands should be deeded to two reliable Indians for the Delawares. It is notable that at this treaty the Indians north of Wyalusing would not agree to peace, that is, the unfriendly Monseys at or near Diahoga, and the Senecas.
As the Ohio Indians did not attend the above council another was held especially for them at Lancaster in August, 1762. This was very largely attended, although much difficulty was experienced for lack of a good interpreter, Conrad Weiser, the faithful, having died sud- denly in the previous summer. While this was a very important treaty there is little concerning Diahoga, except the statements of the Oneida chief, Thomas King, that the sale of lands to the Susquehanna Com- pany was a fraudulent one-"not sold by our consent in publick coun- cil, but it was as it were stolen from us," although he acknowledged that it was very well known that the land was sold by the Six Nations for $2,000. He also spoke of the fire kindled by himself at Diahoga and other places, still kept burning. At this treaty Teedyuscung re- tracted his charge of forgery and fraud made against the Proprietaries at a council six years previous. As usual, bitter feeling was shown between him and the Six Nations, they claiming that it had been cur- rently reported that he would poison all who attended the treaty.
It was but a few months later, in April, 1763, that Teedyuscung's hut, with twenty others, was set on fire at Wyoming, and he, being in a drunken sleep, was burned to death. It seems to be an unsettled ques- tion whether this was done by some of the Six Nations, or, as they suggested, by some Connecticut settlers.
After the general treaty at Lancaster peace seemed about to de- scend on Pennsylvania and, indeed, on all the colonies, the French having been vanquished. But in 1763 there came to a climax that most remarkable scheme called the "Conspiracy of Pontiac." Parkman, the able historian, has so well told this story that it needs here to be said only that Pontiac was an Ottawa chief whose sympathies had always been with the French, and who resented the growing supremacy of the English, as well as the advance of civilization. Therefore, he plan- ned with other western Indians to attack simultaneously all the fron- tier forts. While that special plan failed, the country surrounding Detroit was involved again in a bloody war, in which, however, the Indians of the North Branch of the Susquehanna seem to have taken little part ; although along the western frontier of Pennsylvania "ter- ror reigned supreme ;" and in October, 1763, according to Parkman, occurred a most horrible attack and massacre of the Connecticut peo- ple at Wyoming, said to have been conducted by Captain Bull, a son of Teedyuscung, possibly in revenge for his father's death. This was called the First Wyoming Massacre.
The attacks in Pennsylvania were known to proceed from a de- bauched rabble of Indians living on the West Branch of the Susque- hanna. It was during this year also that occurred the massacre of the Conestoga Indians by the exasperated whites. This small band was supposed by early historians to be the remnant of the formidable An- dastes, but that hardly seems to have been corroborated. At any rate
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they were now completely annihilated. The struggle with the Indians continued two or three years, although the western tribes were some- what intimidated in 1764 by the successful campaign of Colonel Bou- quet. During these troublous times the Moravian Brethren continued their journeys up and down the valley. They had a real mission set- tlement at Wyalusing and at Sheshequin (now Ulster).
When application was made to establish the Wyalusing mission, Togahaju, the Cayuga sachem, who controlled the Indians in this vi- cinity, objected, saying that the valley was stained with blood (pre- sumably alluding to the terriffic battle at Gohontoto). After some time, as he still objected, Zeisberger determined to apply in person. In his journal is this record, May 25, 1766, "Passed Tioga where at present no one resides." The chief proved very friendly, and thus responded to their request :
"Up to this time you have only sojourned at Wihilusing, Now I take you and set you down there finally, And we give you all the land from Wihilusing up to a short distance above Tioga, which is two fully days' journey by land. There you can build, plant, fish and use as you like. It is yours."-"Life of . Zeisberger," p. 315.
He also said it was for the Christian Indians only. This grant be- ing disputed by a jealous Indian, in October of the same year, Zeis- berger resolved to apply to the great council at Onondaga. Here he was well received and the grant of Togahagu was not only confirmed, but he was told that the jealous chief, Newalike, a Delaware, had no authority, while Togahagu was their accredited deputy. On this trip he merely mentions passing Teaoga. In 1767, on another mission, this record is given :
"Oct. 1 came to Schechschiqumunk where we met Achohund the chief of the town39-Passed Diahoga, and in the afternoon reached some huts of the Tuteloes, and in the evening reached Wilawane, quite a new town of Monsey Indians who moved here from Cayuga Lake last spring."
In this same year, in the Wyalusing Diary, edited by Dr. J. W. Jordan, it is recorded that "a string of wampum was sent by the In- dians of Tioga for corn. It was accepted at a valuation of two bush- els." This shows that once more Indians were living at Tioga. Indeed, when the town was last found deserted, it may have been all were off hunting, as Cammerhoff reports "hunting camps" of the Tioga Del- awares down the river ; or they may have all gone up the river, as here- tofore, to plant corn.
Early in January, 1768, the whole valley of the Susquehanna, in- deed, much of the Province, was in an uproar on account of the "bar- barous and unprovoked murder" of several Indians, men, women and children, by a white man. This was turning the tables, indeed. This deed was committed at Middle Creek, on the west bank of the Sus- quehanna, by a Dutchman, Frederick Stump, without provocation, other than that the Indians were drunk and disorderly, and he was afraid they might do mischief. These Indians seem to have been in a temporary hunting camp, being from different localities. A few days later some poor Indians from "Wighaloosing" having arrived in Phil- adelphia to ask for relief ; the Governor wisely seized the opportunity
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INDIANS MURDERED BY STUMP
to send messages, and the usual belts of wampum by one of their num- ber to the relatives and friends, whose residence is told in the following message,39 addressed to the Indians at "Wighaloosen":
"Brethren, We desire that this Belt of Wampum may be sent forward by Zaccheus, or any other Indian that shall chuse, to the Indians living up the Sus- quehanna, and particularly to those who live at the North West Branch, which runs into the Susquehanna at Diahogo or Tohicken, because we are informed that the White Mingo, and some of the others came from some Town on that Branch."
The message was to assure the friends that justice would be done and compensation made. White Mingo was a Seneca Indian who had lived at Diahoga. Stump was arrested and imprisoned, but, as had been previously shown by the murder of the Conestogas, the white man had in that locality more friends than the Indians. In spite of his most atrocious deed, equal to any Indian's, he was rescued from jail by a party of masked men in true lynch law fashion, and escaped unhung.
Many people thought the Governor very remiss in not following up this matter, and, of course, there was increasing discontent among the Indians. The Assembly addressed the Governor in a formal letter of scathing inquiry, which he resented as "unkind and indecent ;" but as the murder of the Conestogas five years earlier had gone unpunished, the Assembly's query seems justifiable. Soon after an act was passed allotting £3,000 "toward removing the present discontent of the In- dians." At least one of the relatives of the Indians, a chief, Shawana Ben, soon sent a very friendly message saying that he blamed none of the English, but Stump. Conferences were held both by Sir William Johnson, at Johnson Hall, March 3, 1768, and by Commissioners at Fort Pitt, at which great efforts were made to mollify all the Indians who had entered into the last treaty. At Johnson Hall the Indians took occasion to complain of many abuses heaped on them by the whites, a most characteristic criticism being that saying :
"The Rum Bottles are hung at every door to steal our land, and instead of protecting us, as we thought they would do, the English employ their superior cunning to wrong us."
Peace was temporarily restored and presents freely distributed at the close of this council.
In August of this year Sir William Johnson called a Congress of the Six Nations at Fort Stanwix, which convened in September. This was attended by Governor Penn and representatives, and here was consummated what is known as the new purchase to the Pro- prietaries, including "all that part not heretofore purchased, beginning at 'Owege,' down the east side of the river to Tawandee Creek," etc.41.
While, as has already been shown, the Indians residing in the bounds of this purchase were deeply incensed, peace prevailed over the Province for a number of years, though an occasional murder of an Indian roused a temporary disturbance ; however the Indians com- plained that the terms of the Fort Stanwix treaty were not observed
39 See "Colonial Records," Vol. IX, p. 437.
40 See "Colonial Records," Vol. IX, p. 499.
41 See "Colonial Records," Vol. IX, p. 554.
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by the English, and they had to be met, consoled and presents given as heretofore to keep the peace,42 the Indians often showing surprising nobility of character on these occasions.
In 1770 the Governor received in conference several Monsey In- dians from this locality, as shown in the address of their chief, Meethan: "Brothers, we have come from Wilawaning, or the Big Horn, where we keep a great fire." They went on at length to explain the need of further conference ; announced themselves as sent by the Six Nations to request a big conference "in the spring, as soon as the bark peels." They also asked to have "a storekeeper and a gunsmith to live among us at our town, the Big Horn." In responding, the Governor referred them to Johnson as to a treaty; but promised to "encourage some of my people to come and build a Store House among you, and to en- deavor to get a Smith to go with him." Great complaint was made by all the Indians of this period as to the cargoes of rum sent among them, realizing its demoralizing power, and that the white men delib- erately tempted them, a pitiful fact! In 1772 the Wyalusing Diary has the following record :
"Feb 8 Joe Peepe43 who went to Shamunk returned with three belts of wampum, one of seven, one of eight, one of thirteen rows, and these messages : I We the Six Nations regret the late war, and we take the hatchet out of your heads. II Henceforth there shall be everlasting peace between us and the Mun- sies and Delawares. III Uncles in Shamunk, Hollebank, Wyalusing and She- shequin, we give you the land at Tioga, to be yours. Live on it, and when tired sell it, it is yours. Send us an answer soon."
Parkman reports Nanticokes, Conoys, Mohicans and some Del- awares as living high up on the Susquehanna previous to the Revolu- tion. Doubtless, some of each composed the shifting population of Teaoga. Of course, there were always some Cayugas, Senecas and Oneidas, Monseys, Tuteloes, and probably others.
The last Indian war in Pennsylvania prior to the Revolution was in the extreme southwest in 1774, consequently did not affect this re- gion. It was often called Cresap's war on account of the murder of all the family of the Indian chief Logan (son of Shikellimy), alleged to have been committed by one Colonel Cresap. Virginia was chiefly concerned in this war, but it was believed it would become general, and messengers were kept flying between the Governors of the States concerned ; also to the chiefs of the Delawares and Shawanese, as well as the Six Nations. However, the danger was averted, the war being declared over in December, 1774. It was reported to England that on account of this war the Indians settled in the Province had generally withdrawn over the western or northern border. However, it may have been with Diahoga proper, Queen Esther's Town was established at this period.
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