A history of old Tioga Point and early Athens, Pennsylvania, Part 13

Author: Murray, Louise Welles, 1854-1931. 4n
Publication date: 1908
Publisher: Athens, Penna. [i.e., Pa.] : [s.n.]
Number of Pages: 726


USA > Pennsylvania > Bradford County > Athens > A history of old Tioga Point and early Athens, Pennsylvania > Part 13


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As if in defiance of the attempted treaty, there was an Indian raid at this time, desolating a large tract of country to within thirty miles of Lancaster ; and four dead bodies, "scalped and butchered," were brought to Lancaster and laid at the very door of the Court House, "a spectacle of reproach," says Governor Denny, "to every one there, as it must give the Indians a sovereign contempt for the Province."


On account of the absence of Teedyuscung this conference was closed without transacting any business of importance, though many tribes of the upper Susquehanna were represented.26 The king sent


26 Croghan reported Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Senecas, Cayugas, Tuscaroras, Nanticokes and Delawares, in all about 200. They reported that they did not wait at Diahoga


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word that he was coming and had been detained only by going so far among the Six Nations. Messengers were dispatched to inform him of the proposed later conference, and promises to redress all grievances, inviting him to come down with his Uncles, the Senecas, when con- venient. The Indians present reported that they heard at Diahoga that a great number of Indians would come with Teedyuscung, "some with a true love of peace with their brethren, the English, and some for want of everything, especially victuals." Conrad Weiser, acting as their interpreter, they said to him: "Is it true that you are become a fallen tree, that you must no more engage in Indian affairs? What is the reason thereof?" On being told that Sir William Johnson had been appointed by the King of England to manage all Indian affairs, and had ordered Pennsylvania to desist from holding treaties, they ex- pressed much regret.


All these negotiations for peace had as yet been of little avail, for the Province was still exposed to the devastations of the French and the western Indians, who roamed over the country in small parties and, especially in the southern counties, kept the inhabitants in con- tinual alarm. It has been truly said that there was a great lack of ability and energy on the part of the authorities of the Province at this time. Well-directed efforts might have driven the savages back, but imbecility distinguished the British ministers, and discord pre- vailed in Pennsylvania.


In the Grand Council at Easton :


"Teedyuscung, with an eloquence unsurpassed by any Indian chieftain, supported the rights of his nation with great dignity and spirit. Unfortunately the Commissioners struck out so much of his address as reflected on transactions of Provincial Government of Pennsylvania."


It is evident, however, that the king was not in good repute with all the Indians, or that they were not in sympathy with the English ; for some of them even went so far when the powder was given them after a treaty as to say "now we have got something to kill our breth- ren with," at the same time declaring they did not mind Teedyuscung. It was even claimed that he was party to some distressing raids and murders which occurred in his vicinity, when he was on his way home from the treaty of November, 1756. After this treaty some Indians claimed that Teedyuscung had not told all the truth; Conrad Weiser having said that he did not understand about the cause of the war; the chief blamed now the English, now the Proprietaries, and now the Indians, etc. Weiser was told that while all that the chief was to say was agreed on beforehand :


"He was so often overcome with Liquor that he spoke confused, though nothing that was wrong; and that he never mentioned what drew the Delawares heart from the English and their Indian allies. That he should have told of the differences between the Delawares and the Mingoes ;27 how the latter cheated the former out of a great deal of land and sold it to the Proprietaries. That the Mingoes abused the Delawares as if they were their dogs and ordered them to settle on the Sasquehannah, which they did, thinking themselves safe. But in


for the king because it was such a hungry country, "They have nothing to eat but walnuts and wild potatoes." Deer had been scarce for two years and the Indians had petitioned the Governor for provisions.


27 Delaware name for Iroquois.


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about three years a company of New England men came, making draughts and planning settlement, and telling the Delawares the land was not theirs but the Mingos. When the Delawares made complaint, saying they would go over to the French, the Mingos deceived them, concealing the fact of the sale to New Englanders. At last our people were terrible angry, and suspected they would be cut off, and by that alarm our Indians gathered at Diahoga to see what would be the consequence; either they would join the French or maintain their lands." 28


The narrators said the chief was afraid to tell this story when the Mingoes were present, who had always been deceitful and artful. But they begged Weiser, as later did Teedyuscung himself, to en- deavor to persuade the Governor to lay out a larger tract on the "Sas- quehannah" and secure it to them and theirs, and Weiser promised to do it. (Here it is plain that the Connecticut settlers had other foes than Pennamites.) Some of the Indians who came to Croghan's treaty reported that there was another company from about Diahoga who were minded to come down and do mischief to the white people. Also, that they had encountered a band above Wyoming who had the same evil design, and who claimed they were waiting for twelve more who were "coming down on a raft;" that they might go to Minnisink or down the Susquehanna. This naturally created a feeling of uneasiness and extra messengers and supplies of food were sent to meet the king. But it proved that he was too far away to come on time.


January 18, 1757, the messengers returned to Bethlehem and reported tilat the king would arrive in eight days; that he was still one hundred miles above Diahoga, and that he had been diligent in performing the several matters he undertook at Easton. He requested that the Governor should be ready for the treaty and not detain him longer than necessary. Whether this was on account of harvest time or a specimen of his pomposity is not recorded, but the Indians were very uneasy and wished the matter settled.


It is worthy of note that when the messengers were sent to Dia- hoga the Council there, the same night, dispatched messengers of their own to Ohio to inform the Delawares and Shawanese, and that if none of them should choose to come, the messengers were to insist that the Ohio Indians should not come to war against the English until after the treaty. It is interesting also to read in the Colonial Records that these messages being referred to the Senecas in control, they told the other Indians they must not accept the call, because the wampum belts sent were not the proper kind, in which sentiment Teedyuscung later acquiesced. Teedyuscung not only asked the Governor to be prompt, but that he should have good tobacco ready, and that he should send several horseloads of provisions to Wyomink to meet him, as he should have a great number of people with him; also "a little Dram." He furthermore sent word that the French were cognizant of the proposed treaty, and were trying to intercept the travelers, and urged him to trust no Indian unless he gave a certain signal.


It was reported by the messengers that the Indians had at first been afraid to come, but when their friends returned in safety they


28 Here we find a settlement at Tioga Point due to the pressing of the Connecticut claim, just as it was thirty years later; an interesting coincidence. Also further evidence that the move to Teaoga was not by order of the Six Nations.


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were ready. Early in July Teedyuscung arrived at Fort Allen with twenty Indians, reporting that one hundred Senecas would follow in a few days. Soon they invaded Bethlehem, and once more the Mo- ravian Brethren were kept in a state of excitement and trouble. Reichel gives a good, concise account of the treaty,29 which it seems well to use: "The third treaty at Easton, held between Teedyuscung for the Indians, and George Croghan for the English, opened formally on July 27th and closed on August 7th. Governor Denny and his Council, and gentlemen from Philadelphia, were present. Of Indian counselors and warriors there were 159 of Teedyuscung's followers and 119 Senecas. Teedyuscung having demanded a secretary to take down the minutes for his revision, it was reluctantly granted him. He at once named him 'Man of Truth.' This was really an amusing inci- dent, the king evidently, being determined to impress the assembly with his importance. He said his memory was weak, and that to have minutes would prove the truth." Conrad Weiser, however, believed it was not his own idea but suggested to him by meddlesome per- sons. Teedyuscung said he was a king, and as such had a right to have a clerk, would have one, and would be no longer led by the nose, and desired the Governor might be told so,30 also.31


When the real business began the king once more claimed that the fraudulent land purchases had provoked the war, and demanded that the matter should be investigated closely, and that if injury had been done the Indians should have redress. He said, "I will speak with a loud voice, and the nations shall hear me." He stated his pur- pose to return and settle at Wyoming, saying he would have a white man's town, with provision for education and religious instruction. He demanded that the deeds of purchase should be made public, even laid before King George for his determination. This being promised he claimed to confirm a lasting peace in ancient method, closing by the presentation of two belts of wampum tied together. The Gov- ernor responded in a similar strain and presented a large white belt with figures representing King George, the Five Nations and Teedy- uscung. The king had already requested that they should have as- sistance in re-establishing themselves at Wyoming, which had been promised. On one occasion, some exceptions being taken to the king's minutes, he answered :


"Don't you see that I aim by having a clerk of my own to exceed my an- cestors, by having everything for the best?"


Weiser also reports that he did not drink as much strong liquor as usual, so it is evident he was endeavoring to do right as far as


29 "Mem. Moravian Church," p. 327. For fuller information see "Colonial Records," Vols. 7 and 8; also Pa. Archives, 1756-60. Egle ignores this treaty in his "History of Penn- sylvania," a curious circumstance. He has an exalted idea of Teedyuscung which can hardly be sustained if the State records are carefully read.


30 "Colonial Records," Vol. VII, p. 658.


31 Sherman Day, in Hist. Coll. Pa., says the Quakers suggested to Teedyuscung the pro- priety of having a secretary "to prevent that convenient forgetfulness which often seized the proprietary secretaries whenever the proprietary interest required it." He says the Quakers not only desired peace, but to see justice done to the Indians; also that the chief, though plied with liquor, was proof against the wiles of the Governor and Colonel Croghan. For it is a disgraceful fact that the white men really attempted to muddle the Indian brain with rum on such occasions.


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possible. However, the Six Nation Indians became very angry with him for dwelling so long on the land affairs; they even interrupted one of his speeches to the Governor, saying, angrily :


"Why did you bring us down? We thought we came to make peace with our Brethren the English, but you continue to quarrel about the land, which is dirt, a dispute we did not hear of till now. We desire you to enter upon the business we came down for, which is for peace."


Here most of the Indians gave sounds of approbation. Of this, Conrad Weiser made careful report. The deeds were shown in open council, an exchange of all prisoners agreed upon, and a grand enter- tainment was given to all the Indians, men, women and children. After this dinner peace was proclaimed, and all were recommended to treat the Indians kindly and preserve their friendship. Both the Province and the Quakers present provided quantities of gifts. With these, however, the Indians seemed not satisfied, Teedyuscung complaining evidently of the lack of firearms, urging a scalp bounty, etc. How- ever, by the 7th of August, he announced that the treaty being over and peace confirmed, he had decided that it would be for the public service if he proceeded immediately to Diahoga to proclaim there the confirmation of peace, which he accordingly set out to do.


It is worthy of note that, following a peculiar custom of some Indian tribes, the Nanticoke Indians present at this treaty asked that the Governor would grant them an escort to Lancaster that they might remove the bones of their friends that died there during a former treaty, to their own town for burial.32


The need of making the most of peace with the Indians was shown within a few days when news was received of the surrender to French forces of Fort William Henry. Great concern was felt for the safety of the colonies.


Teedyuscung was faithful to his promise. He hastened toward Diahoga, but returned to Bethlehem August 25th, bringing with him a peace belt which he had received from four Alleghanys above Wyo- ming, who came from two chiefs of Ohio Indians. They said they had struck their brethren, the English, at the instance of the French, adding :


"We have heard O Teedyuscung of the good work of peace you have made with our brethren the English ; we will not lift up our hatchet to break that good work."


This belt Teedyuscung conveyed to Philadelphia and delivered to the Governor in council August 30, 1757. A few days later, being summoned to meet the Governor, he made inuch complaint because the treaty had not been published ; called Croghan a rogue, and wished to deal directly with Pennsylvania rather than with Sir William John- son. However, he was pacified and friendly messages were sent to Ohio. The king seems now to have changed his mind about hastening


32 The Nanticokes always exhumed their dead after a certain period and reburied their bones, generally in a common pit known as an ossuary. Heckewelder relates they were known to go from Chemung to the eastern shore of Maryland for this purpose, even when they were obliged to take off the flesh and scrape the bones before they could carry them, and that they sometimes passed through Bethlehem with such bones, "which being fresh were highly of- fensive."


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to Diahoga, indeed, it seems he never returned there. On his return from Philadelphia, September 6th, he asked the Moravian Brethren to allow him to pass the winter at Bethlehem. Permission was re- luctantly granted ; he had a lodge built near the Crown Inn and Reichel says :


"Here he held court, and give audience to the wild embassies from the im- placable Monsey (who did not concur in treaty,) from the gates of Diahoga and from the Alleghany or the Ohio country."


Meanwhile there was trouble enough at Diahoga. A body of French and Indians had appeared near there, their mission being to go all along the frontier and spy the strength of the forts. Teedy- uscung at once advised offering rewards for scalps and prisoners, and sending a black belt of wampum. However, but a few days after the arrival of the Diahoga messengers with the above information, the son of the old chief Paxinosa arrived with the intelligence that the French and Indians had been compelled to halt at Diahoga, the Delawares there refusing to permit them to pass. On the return of this messenger the king sent two belts to the Ten Nations "who had taken hold of the peace belt at Easton." By the first he commanded that they discover the perpetrators of the late assaults on settlers, and restore all captives ; by the second he notified them of his residence at Bethlehem, where visiting chiefs could be given by him safe escort to Philadelphia. In October he spent two weeks conferring with the Governor, advising that the black belt be not sent; learning of the appointment of commissioners to build a fort and houses, as requested, at Wyoming, and, as usual, making not too modest requests for wam- pum, money, horses, etc.


In October there was reported "another great company not far from Tiaoga, mixt with French, going to war against the English." In November he accompanied the commissioners to Wyoming. In December he was again at Philadelphia, wishing to postpone building until spring. In December messengers came from the west reporting a proposed expedition of French and Indians in the spring against Shamokin and vicinity. In May, 1758, Teedyuscung and his following removed from Bethlehem to Wyoming, and the Moravians rejoiced, Reichel saying :


"And on the going out of these spirits 'The Crown' was swept and gar- nished, and Ephraim Colver, the publican had rest."


With the year 1758 all the Indians but the Munseys seemed re- solved to keep the peace along the Susquehanna. In January Job Chil- laway came to Fort Augusta to trade with skins. He was "from the Munsey Country at the Heads of the Cayuga Branch above Diahoga." He assured the people at the fort that the only unfriendly Indians were the Munseys, who were then planning to join the French in an attack on an eastern fort.


Early in March three Indian deputies came from Diahoga, whom Teedyuscung escorted to Philadelphia, asking audience of the Gov- ernor. The king was in an insolent mood, and the Governor appealed to the Council, by whom it was decided that it would be wise to receive


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TEEDYUSCUNG AT PHILADELPHIA


him, which was done March 15th. He announced that the deputies came to say that news of the Easton treaty had been widely spread, and he boasted, "I have made all these Nations as one man." Indeed, he made a characteristic and vainglorious speech,33 and urged that the work be continued. He also said they had discovered that the trouble all came from the French, who must die. For himself he made some further demands as to the re-establishment at Wyoming. He suggested that a messenger should be sent to the Cherokee Indians urging them to be English allies rather than French. He made great demands for reimbursement of all his expenses. After consultation in council the Governor replied, acquiescing in many of the demands; proposing that the peace belt should be sent to all the Ohio towns. The chief was also informed that it seemed "necessary to open a great road from Diahoga and the Heads of Susquehannah to Fort Augusta." Teedy- uscung objected to this and was told it was only a proposal for the Indians to consider. With this the Indians were dismissed March 25th. They were, however, to have had another public meeting, but hearing of the advance of some Cherokees they begged Teedyuscung to allow them to return to put the northern Indians on their guard. They de- parted, although the king assured the Governor they would return soon with answers, etc.


A few days later a delegation of twenty Indians from Diahoga arrived at Fort Allen with a belt of white wampum, assuring the English they would keep their young men at home, and would do no more harm to the inhabitants. Doubtless, they came because of the proposed French and Monsey attack on Fort Allen.


On the tenth of April the king returned to Philadelphia to urge that the western Indians should be left to him to settle, but before leaving he asked the English to join with him. He was informed that raids and murders continued in the Province, and urged to go or send some of his young men to stop this work, and that thereby he would show he was in earnest. He at once departed to comply with this re- quest, and was soon at Fort Allen, promising his young men, and also arranging to send several messengers to the western Indians. He then returned to Philadelphia, whereupon the people at Fort Allen and Bethlehem had much trouble with the proposed messengers, who took a good deal of rum, claimed they had warning dreams, etc. Two mes- sengers arrived from up the river, also, who seemed to give the im- pression that there would be serious trouble again. The king's visit was to urge haste in building the Indian houses at Wyoming for fear he would be blamed. He also said he could not tell what Indians had committed the late depredations, and he was requested by Governor Denny to send out scouts and rangers on his return to Bethlehem.


There seem to have been . troublous times at Te-a-o-ga since Teedyuscung had deserted it. There was a rumor of a conspiracy among the French to destroy the Six Nations, and migrations toward the south were frequent. Early in May a Delaware family went from "Tiahogan" to Fort Augusta, reporting that more would follow them


33 See "Colonial Records," Vol. VIII, pp. 33-42.


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that would not be commanded by Teedyuscung, as his way of acting was disagreeable to the Indians about Tiahogan, although, because of the good work of peace, they would be advised by him. These Del- awares reported the Indians about Tiahogan as all well affected to the English, no danger of breaking with them again. Soon after this, Benjamin, a Mahikan, from near Bethlehem, was sent for by his sister, living in the Nanticoke town, Cennigo (now Binghamton). On returning he reported that near Diahoga he found the old Shawanese chief Paxinosa and his entire family, who told him they were about to move to the Ohio. That all the Indians were in a hurry to move from the Susquehanna, having heard the English had very bad de- signs on them, and that even the Wioming settlement was only a pre- tense. Benjamin tried in vain to pacify Paxinosa, but the old man "was quite deaf to anything in favor of the English," and even urged Benjamin to join them. At Cennigo he found the same feeling; no planting had been done, and all were inclined to move toward the French rather than the English. He was even told he could not return to Fort Allen without being intercepted or murdered. Every day new and bad stories were told of the English, the source of complaint being that they had allowed the Cherokees and other southern Indians to come so far north. On his way home he met Teedyuscung, who was amazed at Benjamin's reports ; said he would be on the lookout, and that he would go again to the Five Nations and search for the evil that possessed them, the Maquas and Mohocks especially seeming to favor the French.


Soon after this a message was sent to Teedyuscung, now settled at Wyoming, asking him to endeavor to control all the Indians in that vicinity ; also to inquire of the Indians at Diahoga what had become of the messenger sent with belts to the Indian country, especially the one sent to the Senecas inviting them to further council. Christian Frederic Post carried these messages, with instructions to go on and confer with the Senecas himself. But this Teedyuscung urged him not to do, as there were parties of Indians, possibly hostile, scattered all through the woods. It was reported to Post that Diahoga and Owege were completely deserted, and he finally concluded to return, Teedyus- cung sending word that another treaty must be held in the summer, and that there were with him some Alleghany Indians who had come intending to visit the Governor, but they were suspicious and afraid because of the many idle reports afloat; also they complained that they had never had a satisfactory account of the last treaty at Easton.


Soon after his return it was decided to send Post on a mission to the western Indians. Teedyuscung predicted that he would never return alive, but that did not deter Post. He carried copies of the Easton treaty, belts of wampum and messages from the Governor. He had, of course, a very perilous journey ; his own account is found in the Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. III, 1756-1760. Just previous to his start Teedyuscung, with fifty Indians, once more came to confer with the Governor, bringing with him the much delayed messengers from the north. The story of the Easton treaty and the previous


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POST'S MISSION TO WESTERN INDIANS


council at Diahoga was told for the benefit of those who had not been present, and arrangements were made for another great council at Easton soon. Even at this late day it appears that the great king was not well known to the Six Nations, Sir William Johnson writing he could learn little about him, and he suspected "he was not the con- sequential person he pretended to be in Indian proceedings, and that he was either a tool or a vain, forward fellow." Johnson even sug- gested he might still be the instigator of the frontier murders. So much doubt prevailed that it was arranged that all Indians friendly. to the English should wear a broad yellow band on the head or arms.


Shortly after Post's departure the king's son returned from the west reporting that all the Delawares agreed to peace, but that the Shawanese and other nations would continue the war, being much prejudiced by the French.




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