USA > Pennsylvania > Early history of western Pennsylvania, and of the West, and of western expeditions and campaigns, from MDCCLIV to MDCCCXXXIII > Part 11
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" NOTE .- My son, William Franklin, is empowered to enter into like con- tracts, with any person in Cumberland county. B. FRANKLIN."
66 To the inhabitants of the Counties of Lancaster, York and Cumberland :
" FRIENDS AND COUNTRYMEN :- Being occasionally at the Camp at Frede- 7
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General Braddock, at length, amply furnished with every thing neces- sary for the expedition, and confident of success, wrote to his friend Governor Morris, of Pennsylvania, from fort Cumberland, on the twen- ty-fourth of May, that he should soon begin his march for fort Du Quesne. That if he took the fort in the condition in which it then was, he should make what additions to it he deemed necessary, and leave the guns, ammunition and stores belonging to it with a garrison of Virginia and Maryland forces. But in case, as he apprehended, the French should abandon and destroy the fortifications, with the guns, stores and ammunitions of war, he would repair or construct some place of defence
rick, a few days since, I found the General and officers extremely exasperated on account of their not being supplied with horses and carriages, which had been expected from this province, as most able to furnish them ; but through the dissentions between our Governor and the Assembly, money had not been provided, nor any steps taken for that purpose.
" It was proposed to send an armed force immediately into these counties, to seize as many of the best carriages and horses as should be wanted, and compel as many persons into the service as would be necessary to drive and take care of them.
. " I apprehend that the progress of British soldiers through these counties on such an occasion, (especially considering the temper they are in, and their resentment against us) would be attended with many and great inconve- niences to the inhabitants, and therefore more willingly took the trouble of trying first what might be done by fair and equitable means. The people of those back counties have lately complained to the Assembly that a sufficient currency was wanting ; you have an opportunity of receiving and dividing among you a very considerable sum ; for if the service of this expedition should continue (as it is more than probable it will), for one hundred and twenty days, the hire of these wagons and horses will amount to upwards of thirty thousand pounds ; which will be paid you in silver and gold, of the King's money.
" The service will be light and easy, for the army will scarcely march above twelve miles per day, and the wagon and baggage horses, as they carry those things that are absolutely necessary to the welfare of the army, must march with the army, and no faster : and are for the army's sake, always placed where they can be most secure, whether in a march or in a camp.
" If you are really, as I believe you are, good and loyal subjects to his Ma- jesty, you may now do a most acceptable service, and make it easy to your- selves, for three or four of such as cannot separately spare from the business of their plantations, a wagon and four horses and a driver, may do it together ; one furnishing the wagon, another one or two horses, and another the driver, and divide the pay proportionally between you : but if you do not this service to your King and country voluntarily, when such good pay and reasonable terms are offered to you, your loyalty will be strongly suspected : the King's business must be done : so many brave troops, come so far for your defence, must not stand idle through your backwardness to do what may be reasonably expected from you : wagons and horses must be had, or violent measures will probably be used; and you will have to seek for recompense where you can find it, and your case perhaps be little pitied or regarded.
" I have no particular interest in this affair, as (except the satisfaction of endeavoring to do good) I shall have only my labor for my pains. If this me- thod of obtaining the wagons is not likely to succeed, I am obliged to send word to the General in fourteen days; and I suppose Sir John St. Clair, the hussar, with a body of soldiers will immediately enter the province for the purpose, which I shall be sorry to hear, because I am sincerely and truly, your friend and well-wisher, B. FRANKLIN."
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for the garrison which he should leave. But that Pennsylvania, Vir- ginia and Maryland must immediately supply the artillery, ammunition, stores and provisions for the use and defence of the garrison left in the fort, as he should take all that he now had with him, and all that he should find in the fort along with him, for the further extension of his plan. (1)
Having completed his arrangements, he sent forward on the twenty- seventh of May, Sir John St. Clair and Major Chapman, with a detach- ment of five hundred men to open the roads, and advance to the Little Meadows, erect a small fort, and collect provisions. On the eighth of June, the first brigade under Sir Peter Halket followed, and on the ninth the main body of the army, with the Commander-in-chief, left fort Cum- berland, and commenced their march towards fort Du Quesne. He crossed the Allegheny mountains at the head of two thousand two hun- dred men, well armed and supplied, with a fine train of artillery. In addition to these, SCAROOYADA, who succeeded Half-King, a sachem of the Delawares, joined him with between forty and fifty friendly Indi- ans : (2) and the heroic CAPTAIN JACK, with GEORGE CROGHAN, the English Indian interpreter, who visited his camp, accompanied by a party, increasing the number of Indian warriors to one hundred and fifty, and proposed to accompany the army as scouts and guides. (3)- These might have been of great use to him, in this capacity, and might have saved the army from ambuscade and defeat. But he slighted and rejected them ; and as the offer of their services was rather despised than appreciated, they left him in disgust, and retired to their fastnesses among the mountains of the Juniata. (4)
On the seventh day after he left fort Cumberland, he reached the Lit- tle Meadows, at the western base of the Allegheny mountains, where the advance detachment under Sir John St. Clair, Quarter Master Gen- eral of the army, had before arrived. Here a council of war was called to determine upon a plan of future operations. Col. Washington who entered the army as volunteer Aid-de-camp, aad who possessed a know- ledge of the country and the service to be performed, had at a previous council urged the substitution of pack-horses for wagons, in the trans- portation of the baggage. This advice was not taken at that time ; but before the army reached the Little Meadows it was found that, besides the difficulty of getting the wagons along at all, they often formed a line
(1) Braddock's letter in the Appendix, p. 68.
(2) Braddock's letter in the Appendix, p. 64.
(3) Franklin's Memoirs, Vol. I. p. 147.
(4) History of the Backwoods, p. 79.
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of three or four miles in length ; and the soldiers guarding them were so dispersed, that if an attack had been made either in front, centre, or rear, the part attacked must have been cut off, or totally routed, before they could be sustained by any other part of the army. (1) Washington now renewed his advice. He earnestly recommended, that the heavy artil- lery and baggage should remain with a portion of the army, and follow by easy marches ; while a chosen body of troops, with a few pieces of light cannon and stores of absolute necessity, should press forward to fort Du Quesne. He enforced this counsel by referring to the informa- tion received of the march of five hundred men to re-inforcee the French, who, though delayed by the low state of the waters, might be accellera- ted by rains, which in ordinary course, might be immediate. (2)
This advice prevailed. Twelve hundred men with twelve pieces of cannon were selected from all the different corps. These were to be commanded by Gen. Braddock, in person, assisted by Sir Peter Halket, acting as Brigadier General ; Lieut. Col. Gage, Lieut. Col. Burton and Major Sparks. It was determined to take their thirty carriages in- cluding those that transported the ammunition, and that the baggage and provisions should be carried upon horses. 'The General left the Little Meadows on the 19th of June, with this select body of troops, leaving Col. Dunbar and Major Chapman, to follow by easy marches, with the residue of the two regiments, some independent companies, the heavy baggage and artillery. (3)
The benefit of these prudent measures was lost by the fastidiousness and presumption of the commander-in-chief. Instead of pushing on with vigor, regardless of a little rough road, he halted to level every mole hill, and to throw bridges over every rivulet, occupying four days in reaching the great crossings of the Youghiogheny, only nineteen miles from the Little Meadows. (4) Mr. Peters, secretary of the Colony of Pennsylvania, and one of the commissioners to open the road from Fort Loudon to the Forks of the Youghiogheny, strongly advised him that rangers should proceed the army for its defence. But this advice was treated with contempt, (5) and when on his march, Sir Peter Halket proposed that the Indians which were in the army, be employed in re- connoitering the woods and passages on the front and flanks, he rejected
(1) Washington's letter in Sparks, Vol. II. p. 81.
(2) Gordon's History of Pennsylvania, p. 302.
(3) Washington's Letters, edited by Sparks, Vol. 11, p. 82.
(4) Gordon's History of Penna. p. 303.
(5) History of the Backwoods, p. 79-80.
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his prudent suggestion with a sneer. (1) When Dr. Franklin, in his interview at Frederick, ventured to say, that the only danger he appre- hended to his march, was from the ambuscades of the Indians-he contemptuously replied : " These savages may indeed be a formidable enemy to your raw American militia ; but upon the King's regular and disciplined troops, sir, it is impossible they should make any impres- sion." (2)
When at the Little Meadows, Col. Washington was taken seriously ill with a fever, and rendered unable to proceed any further. He was therefore, left at the camp of Col. Dunbar.
" On the 8th of July, the General arrived with his division, all in excellent health and spirits, at the junction of the Youghiogheny and Monongahela rivers. At this place Col. Washington joined the ad- vanced division, being but partially recovered from a severe attack of fever, which had been the cause of his remaining behind.(3) The offi- cers and soldiers were now in the highest spirits, and firm in the con- viction, that they should within a few hours victoriously enter the walls of Fort Duquesne.
The steep and rugged grounds on the north side of the Monongahela, prevented the army from marching in that direction, and it was necessa- ry in approaching the fort, now about fifteen miles distant, to ford the river twice, and march part of the way on the south side. Early on the morning of the 9th, all things were in readiness, and the whole train passed over the river a little below the mouth of the Youghiogheny, and proceeded in perfect order along the southern margin of the Monon- gahela. Washington was often heard to say during his life time, that the most beautiful spectacle he had ever beheld, was the display of the British troops on this eventful morning. Every man was neatly dressed in full uniform, the soldiers were arranged in columns and marched in exact order, the sun gleamed from their burnished arms, the river flowed tranquilly on their right and the deep forest overshadowed them with solemn grandeur on their left. Officers and men were equally inspirited with cheering hopes and confident anticipations.
In this manner they marched forward, till about noon, when they ar- rived at the second crossing place, ten miles from Fort Duqusne. They
(1) Gordon's History of Pennsylvania, p. 303.
(2) Franklin's Memoirs, Vol. I, p. 149.
(3) Washington in a letter, says : " On the 8th of July, I rejoined in a cov- ered wagon the advanced division of the army, under the immediate command of the General. On the 9th, I attended him on horseback, though very low and weak .- Sparks Washington, Vol. II, p. 85.
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halted but a little time, and then began to ford the river and regain its northern bank. As soon as they had crossed, they came upon a level plain, elevated but a few feet above the surface of the river, and extend- ing northward nearly half a mile from its margin. Then commenced a gradual ascent at an angle of about three degrees, which terminated in hills of a considerable height at no great distance beyond. The road from the fording place to Fort Duquesne, led across the plain and up this ascent, and thence proceeded through an uneven country, at that time covered with wood.
By the order of march, a body of three hundred men, under Colonel Gage, made the advance party, which was immediately followed by another of two hundred. Next came the General with the columns of artillery, the main body of the army, and the baggage. At one o'clock the whole had crossed the river, and almost at this moment a sharp firing was heard upon the advance parties, who were now ascending the hill, and had got forward about a hundred yards from the termination of the plain. A heavy discharge of musketry was poured in upon their front, which was the first intelligence they had of the proximity of an enemy, and this was suddenly followed by another on their right flank. They were filled with the greatest consternation, as no enemy was in sight, and the firing seemed to proceed from an invisible foe. 'They fired in their turn, however, but quite at random, and obviously without effect, as the enemy kept up a discharge in quick and continued succession.
The General advanced speedily to the relief of these detachments ; but before he could reach the spot which they occupied, they gave way and fell back upon the artillery and the other columns of the army, causing extreme confusion, and striking the whole mass with such a panic, that no order could afterwards be restored. The General, and the officers behaved with the utmost courage, and used every effort to rally the men, and bring them to order, but all in vain. In this state they continued nearly three hours, huddling together in confused bodies, firing irregularly, shooting down their own officers and men, and doing no perceptible harm to the enemy. The Virginia provincials were the only troops who seeemed to retain their senses, and they behaved with a bra- very and resolution worthy of a better fate. They adopted the Indian mode of warfare, and fought each man for himself behind a tree. This was prohibited by the General, who endeavored to form his men into pla- toons and columns, as if they had been manœuvreing on the plains of Flanders. Meantime the French and Indians, concealed in the ravines and behind trees, kept up a deadly and unceasing discharge of musketry,
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singling out their objects, taking beliberate aim, and producing a carnage almost unparalleled in the annals of modern warfare. More than half of the whole army, which had crossed the river in so proud an array, only three hours before, were killed or wounded; the General himself had received a mortal wound, and many of his best officers had fallen by his side. (1)
The rear was thrown into confusion, but the main body, forming three deep, instantly advanced. The commanding officer of the enemy having fallen, (2) it was supposed from the suspension of the attack, that the assailants had dispersed. The delusion was momentary. The fire was renewed with great spirit and unerring aim, and the regular troops be- holding their comrades drop around them, and, unable to see the foe, or tell from whence the fire came, which caused their death, broke and fled in utter dismay. Gen. Braddock, astounded at this sudden and unex- pected attack, lost his self-possession,* and neither gave orders for a
(1) Sparks' Washington, Vol. II. p. 469, 471.
(2) This officer was M. de Beaujeu .- Archives of the War Department al Paris.
* William Shirley, Jr., Secretary of Braddock's Staff, expressed his doubt of the General's ability and the success of his expedition, in the following letter to Gov. Morris, dated at Fort Cumberland, May 23, 1755.
I wrote to you by Dr. Franklin; but can't let Mr. Peters go without a line to you. He arrived at the camp yesterday, and I was extremely glad to see him; not only as an intimate friend of your's, but as a man of worth and sense, and one whom every body else would wish to be upon the same terms with. He has made the part of his success in laying out the road, I think it myself a very great thing. You will receive proposals for an additional road to be made, of no less consequence, at least (if you can prevail upon your people to be of the same opinion) by way of communication with the road now making to Fort Venango, or Presque Isle upon Lake Erie and to Niag- ara. Mr. Peters proposed an escort of soldiers to be sent to protect the people employed in the work, or at least, to preserve them from the appre- hension they will naturally be under. I understood it is not to be allowed, I think it might and ought; though it is an infamous reflection upon your prov- ince that they carry their religious pretences to so stupid a length, as to have no militia. I don't know what description Mr. Peters will give you of our camp, and the principal persons in it; but as this goes into his pocket, I will give you mine, grounded upon the observation of several months. We have a G-1, most judiciously chosen for being disqualified for the service he is employed in, in almost every respect. He may be brave for aught I know, and he is honest in pecuniary matters ; but, as the King said of a neighboring Governor of yours, when proposed for the command of the American forces, about a twelvemonth ago, and recommended as a very honest man, though not remarkably able : " A little more ability and a little less honesty upon the present occasion might serve our Force better." If it is to happen that second- ary officers can make amends for the defects of a first; the main spring must be the mover, others, in many cases, can do no more than follow and correct a little its motions ; as to these I don't think we have much to boast ; some are insolent and ignorant; others capable, but rather aiming at their own abilities than making a proper use of them. I have a very great love for my friend Orme ; and think it uncommonly fortunate for our leader that he is under the influence of so honest and capable a man; but I wish for the sake of the public, he had some more experience of business, particularly in America.
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regular retreat, nor for his cannon to advance, and scour the woods. He remained on the spot where he first halted, directing the troops to form in regular platoons, against a foe dispersed through the forest, behind trees and bushes, whose every shot did fatal execution upon the men under his command. The colonial troops, whom he had contemptu- ously placed in the rear, instead of yielding to the panic which disor- dered the regulars, offered to advance against the enemy, until the British regiments could form, and bring up the artillery. But the regulars could not again be brought to the charge. (1) They would obey no orders, but gathered themselves into a body, ten or twelve deep, and loaded, fired, and shot down the officers and men before them. Two-thirds of the killed and wounded in this fatal action, received their shot from the cowardly and panic stricken regulars. (2) The officers were absolutely sacrificed by their good behavior ; advancing in bodies, sometimes sepa- rately, hoping by such example, to engage the soldiers to follow them, but to no purpose. (3)
The conduct of the Virginia troops was worthy of a better fate .-- They boldly formed and marched up the hill, but only to be fired at by the frightened royal troops. Captain Waggoner of the Virginia forces,
(1) Gordon's History of Pennsylvania, p. 303.
(2) Washington's Letter to Gov. Dinwiddie, in Sparks', Vol. 11. p. 88.
(3) Col. Orme's Letter in Minutes of Pennsylvania Council, July 24, 1755.
As to myself, I came out of England expecting that I might be taught the business of a military Secretary ; but I am already convinced of my mistake. I would willingly hope my time may not be quite lost to me .* You will think me out of humour. I own I am so, I am greatly disgusted at seeing an expe- dition (as it is called) so ill concerted originally in England, and so ill ap- pointed, so improperly conducted since in America, and so much fatigue and expense incurred for a purpose, which, if attended with success, might better have been left alone. I speak with regard to our particular case; however, so much experience as I have had of the injudiciousness of public opinion, that I will have so little reputation when we return to England, of being re- ceived with great applause. I was likewise, farther chagrined at seeing the prospect of affairs in America, while we were at Alexandria. I looked upon the very great and preventing causes through delays and disappointments, which might have been prevented till all is grown cloudy, and in danger of ending in little or nothing. I have hopes, however, that the attempt against Niagara will succeed, which is the principal thing-I don't know whether there are any more but yourself to whom I would have written some facts of this letter, or could have, at present, justified myself in doing it; but there is a pleasure in unburthening ones self to a friend. I should be glad you would burn it as soon as you have read it. I shall be very happy to have reason to retract hereafter what I have here said, and submit to be censured as moody and apprehensive. I don't comprehend my Father's reasons for building the vessel which you mention. I hope, my dear Morris, to spend a tolerable win- ter with you. Pray take no notice of any fact of this letter to me in your answer, for fear of accidents. I refer you to Mr. Peter's for business. Yours most sincerely, W. SHIRLEY.
* Shirley was killed July 9th, 1755.
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marched eighty men up to take possession of a hill, on the top of which a large fallen tree was lying, of about five feet in diameter, which he intended to use as a bulwark. He marched up and took possession, with shouldered arms, and with the loss of only three men killed by the enemy. As soon as his men discharged their pieces upon the Indians in the ambuscade, which was exposed to him from their position, and when this movement might have driven the enemy from their coverts, the smoke of the discharge was seen by the British soldiery, and they fired upon the gallant little band, so that they were obliged to leave their position and retreat down the hill, with the loss of fifty killed out of eighty. The provincial troops then insisted upon being allowed to adopt the Indian mode of warfare, and to shelter themselves behind trees ; but General Braddock denied the request, and raged and stormed with great vehemence, calling them cowards and dastards .- He even went so far as to strike them with his drawn sword for attempt- ing to adopt this mode of warfare. (1) He had five horses killed under him, and at last received a mortal wound through the arm and lungs, and was carried from the field of battle .* He survived only four days .-- On the first, he was silent, and at night only said, " Who would have thought it." He was again silent until the fourth day, when he said, " We shall better know how to deal with them another time," and im- mediately expired.
(1) Col. James Burd's letter in Prov. Rec. N. p. 125.
* There has long existed a tradition in the western region, that Braddock was killed by one of his own men, and more recent developements leave little doubt of the fact. A recent writer in the National Intelligencer, whose au- thority is good on such points, says: "When my father was removing with his family to the west, one of the Fausetts kept a public house to the eastward from and near where Uniontown now stands, as the county seat of Fayette, Pa. This man's house we lodged in about the 10th October, 1781, twenty-six years and a few months after Braddock's defeat, and there it was made any thing but a secret that one of the family dealt the death-blow to the British general. Thirteen years afterwards, I met Thomas Fausett in Fayette county, then, as be told me, in his seventieth year. To him I put the plain question, and received the plain reply, "I did shoot him!" He then went on to insist, that, by doing so, he contributed to save what was left of the army. In brief, in my youth I never heard the fact either doubted, or blamed, that Fausett shot Braddock."
Hon. A. Stewart, of Uniontown, says he knew, and often conversed with Tom Fausett, who did not hesitate to avow in the presence of his friends that he shot Braddock. In spite of Braddock's silly orders, that the troops should not protect themselves behind the trees, Joseph Fausett had taken such a po- sition, when Braddock rode up in a passion and struck him down with his sword. Tom Fausett, who was but a short distance from his brother, saw the whole transaction, and immediately drew up his rifle and shot Braddock thro' the lungs, partly in revenge for the outrage upon his brother, and partly, as he always alleged, to get the general out of the way, and thus save the remains of the gallant band who had been sacrificed to his obstinacy and want of ex- perience in frontier warfare .- Day's His. Col. Pa. p. 335.
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