USA > Pennsylvania > Early history of western Pennsylvania, and of the West, and of western expeditions and campaigns, from MDCCLIV to MDCCCXXXIII > Part 9
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4. Que sitot les articles signez de part et d'autre, ils ameneront le pavillon Anglois.
5. Que demain a' la pointe du jour, un detachment Francois ira pour faire defiler la garrison, et prendre possession du dit fort.
6. Que comme les Anglois n'ont presque plus de chevaux ni boeufs, ils se- ront libres de mettre leurs effects en cache, pour venir les chercher, quand ils auront rejoints des chevaux ils pourrons a' cette fin y lassier des gardiens en tel nombre qu'ils voudront, aux conditions qu'ils doneront parole d'honneur de ne plus travailler a' aucun establissment dans ce lieu ni en de ca la hau- tuer des terres pendant une annee a' compter de ce jour.
7. Que comme les Anglois n'ont en leur pouvoir un officier, deux cadets, et generalement les prisoniers qu'ils nous ont fait dans l' assassinat du Sr de Ju- monville, et qu'ils promettent de les renoyer avec sauve garde jusqu au fort Du Quesne, situe sur La Belle riviere et que pour suretie de cet article, ainsi que de ce traite Mr. Jacob Vanbram, et Robert Stobo tous deux captaines, nous seront remis en otage jusqua l'arrivée de nos Canadiens et Francois cy dessus mentioner, nous obligeons de notre cote a donner escorte pour ramener en surete ces deux officiers ; qui nous promettent nos Francois dans deux mois et demi pour le plustard.
Tait double sur un des postes de notre Blocus ce jour et an que dessus.
COULON VILLIER.
NOTE .- The words in article 2d-a l'exception de l'artillerie, que nous, nous reservons.
Article 6-aux conditions qu'ils donneront parole d'honneur de ne plus trav- ailler a aucun etablissement dans ce lieuci, ni deca de la hauteur des terres, pendant une annee a compter de ce jour.
Article 7-dans l'assassinat du sieur de Jumonville * ainsi que de ce traite-were, says Sparks, misrepresented by the interpreter, or at least the meaning of them so imperfectly and obscurely expressed by him, as to be misunderstood by Colonel Washington and his officers. The words pen- dant une annee a compter de ce jour, i. e. during a year to be accounted from this day, are not found in the copy of the articles printed by the French gov- ernment.
TRANSLATION.
Capitulation granted Mons. De Villier, captain and commander of infantry and troops of his most Christian Majesty, to those English troops actually in the fort of Necessity, which was built on the lands of the Kings' dominions, July the 3d, at eight o'clock at night, 1754.
As our intention has never been to trouble the peace and good harmony which reigns between the two princes in amity, but only to revenge the assas- sination which has been done on one of our officers, bearer of a citation, as appears by his writing, as also to hinder any establishment on the lands of the dominions of the King, my master; upon these considerations, we are willing to grant protection or favor, to all the English that are in the said fort, upon the conditions hereafter mentioned.
1. We grant the English commander to retire with all his garrisons, to re- turn peaceably into his own country, and promise to hinder his receiving any insult from us French, and to restrain as much as shall be in our power the savages that are with us.
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but he never returned to Virginia; and it was the general belief that he practiced an intentional deception in his attempts to interpret the articles of capitulation. But whether this be true or not, the consequence was unfortunate, as the articles ,in their written form, implied an acknowled- ment of the charge of assassinating Jumonville. The French writers, regarding this as an authentic public document, were confirmed by it in their false impressions derived from M. de Contrecœur's letter, con- cerning the fate of Jumonville ; and thus a grave historical error, inflict- ing deep injustice on the character of Washington, has been sanctioned
2. It shall be permitted him to go out, and carry with all that belong to them except the artillery, which we keep.
3. That we will allow them the honors of war, that they march out drums beating, with a swivel gun, being willing to show them that we treat them as our friends.
4. That as soon as the articles are signed by the one part and the other, they may strike the English colours.
5. That to-morrow at break of day, a detachment of French shall go to make the garrison file off, and take possession of the fort.
6. And as the English have few oxen and horses, they are free to hide their effects, and come and search for them when they have met their horses; and that they may for this end have guardians in what number they please, upon condition that they will give their word of honor, not to work upon any build- ing in this place, or any post this side of the mountain during a year, to be accounted from this day.
7. And as the English have in their power an officer, two cadets, and most of the prisoners made in the assassination of Sr. De Jumonville, and that they promise to send them back with safe guard to the fort Du Quesne, situated on the Fine River, and for surety of this article, as well as this treaty, Mr. Jacob Vanbraam and Robert Stobo,* both captains, shall be put as hostages, till the arrival of the Canadians and French above mentioned.
We oblige ourselves on our side to give an escort, to return in safety these two officers. We promise our French in two months and a half at farthest.
A duplicate being made upon one of the posts of our blockade the day above. COULON VILLIER.
* Captain Stobo, it appears, was born in or near Glasgow, Scotland, and pro- bably emigrated early to Virginia. He was a man of more than ordinary genius, and possessed a cultivated mind. He was sent as a hostage to fort Du Quesne. In the month of September, 1754, he was sent away from fort Du Quesne to Quebec, where, says Burk, he effected his escape; and after "various adventures," he visited Williamsburg, Va., in the month of Novem- bes, 1759, when the Assembly " Resolved, That the sum of £1,000 be paid by the treasurer of this colony to Capt. Robert Stobo, over and above the pay that is due to him from the time of his rendering himself a hostage to this day, as a reward for his zeal to bis country, and a recompense for the great hard- ships he has suffered during his confinement in the enemy's country."
Hume writing Dr. Smollett, mentions a captain Stobo, in a letter dated, Ragley, 21st September, 1768-" 1 did not see your friend, Captain Stobo, till the day before I left Civencester, and only for a little time; but he seemed to be a man of good sense, and has surely had the most extraordinary adventures in the world. " He has promised to call on me when he comes to London, and I shall always see him with pleasure."
Vanbraam, as well as Stobo, after having been retained some time at fort Du Quesne, was sent to Quebec. Late in the fall of 1760, after six years con- finement in Canada, he arrived at Williamsburg, Va. During part of the time he was confined at Canada, "he was allowed a pound of bread and a pound of horse-flesh per day ; but such was the quality of his provisions, that for four months he lived on bread and water only." 6
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by eminent names, and perpetuated in the belief of the reading portion of the French people.
" M. de Villiers, the commander of the French forces, was the bro- ther of Jumonville. His account of the march from Fort Du Quesne, and the transaction at the Great Meadows, was published by the French government, in connexion with what purported to be extracts from Col. Washington's journal, taken at Braddock's defeat. Many years after- wards, some person sent to Washington a translation of these papers, upon which he made a brief comment, which it is proper to introduce in this place, after inserting an extract from that part of M. de Villiers' narra- tion, which relates to the affair of the Great Meadows.
" As we had no knowledge of the place," says M. de Villiers, " we presented our flank to the fort, when they began to fire on us with their cannon. Almost at the same instant that I saw the English on the right coming toward us, the Indians, as well as ourselves, set up a loud cry and we advanced upon them ; but they did not give us time to fire be- fore they retreated behind an entrenchment adjoining the fort. We then prepared ourselves to invest the fort. It was advantageously situated in , a meadow, and within musket-shot of the wood. We approached as near them as possible, and did not uselessly expose his Majesty's sub- jects. The fire was spirited on both sides, and I placed myself in the position where it seemed to me most likely a sortie would be attempted. If the expression may be allowed, we almost extinguished the fire of their cannon by our musketry.
" About six o'clock in the evening .the fire of the enemy increased with renewed vigor, and continued till eight. We returned it briskly. We had taken effectual measures to secure our post, and keep the enemy in the fort all night; and, after having put ourselves in the best position possible, we called out to the English, that if they desired a parley with us, we would cease firing. They accepted the proposal. A captain came out, and I sent M. de Mercier to receive him, and went to the Meadow myself, when we told him, that not being at war, we were willing to save them from the cruelties to which they would expose themselves on the part of the savages, by an obstinate resistance, that we could take from them all the hope of escape during the night, that we consented nevertheless to show them favor, as we had come only to avenge the assassination, which they had inflicted upon my brother, in violation of the most sacred laws, and to oblige them to depart from the territories of the King. We agreed then to accord to them the capitu- lation, a copy of which is hereunto annexed :
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" We considered that nothing could be more advantageous to the na- tion than this capitulation, as it was unnatural in the time of peace to make prisoners. We made the English consent to sign that they had assassinated my brother in his camp. We took hostages for the French, who were in their power; we caused them to abandon the lands belong- ing to the King ; we obliged them to leave their cannon, which consisted of nine pieces ; we had destroyed all their horses and cattle, and made them sign that the favor we granted them was only to prove how much we desired to treat them as friends. That very night the articles were signed, and I received in camp the hostages, whom I had demanded.
"On the 4th, at the dawn of day, I sent a detachment to take posses- sion of the fort. The garrison defiled, and the number of their dead and wounded excited my pity, in spite of the resentment which I felt for the manner in which they had taken away the life of my brother.
" The savages, who in every thing had adhered to my wishes, claimed the right of plunder, but I prevented them. The English, struck with a panic, took to flight, and left their flag and one of their colors. I de- molished the fort, and M. de Mercier caused the cannon to be broken, as also the one granted by the capitulation, the English not being able to take it away. I hastened my departure, after having burst open the casks of liquor, to prevent the disorders which would otherwise infalli- bly have followed. One of my Indians took ten Englishmen, whom he brought to me, and whom I sent back by another." (1)
" Such is the statement of M. de Villiers. The incident mentioned at the close, of an Indian taking ten Englishmen, is so ludicrous, that it must necessarily cast a shade of doubt over the whole, and cause one to suspect the writer's accuracy of facts, and soundness of judgment, whatever we may think of the fertility of his imagination, and his exuberant self-complacency.
Washington's remarks on this extract were communicated in the fol- lowing letter, to a gentleman who had previously written to him on this subject.
"SIR :- I am really sorry that I have it not in my power to answer your request in a more satisfactory manner. If you had favored me with a journal a few days sooner, I would have examined it carefully, and endeavored to point out such errors as might conduce to your use, my advantage, and the public satisfaction; but now it is out of my power.
"I had no time to make any remarks upon that piece, which is called my journal. The enclosed are observations on the French notes. They
(1) Memoire Contenent le Preics des Faits, &c., p. 147.
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are of no use to me separated, nor will they, I believe, be of any to you ; yet I send them unconnected and incoherent as they were taken : for I have no opportunity to correct them.
"In regard to the journal, I can only observe in general, that I kept no regular one during that expedition ; rough minutes of occurrences I certainly took, and find them as certainly and strangely metamorphosed ; some parts left out, which I remember were entered, and many things added that never were thought of; the names of men and things egregi- ously miscalled ; and the whole of what I saw Englished is very incor- rect and nonsensical ; yet, I will not pretend to say that the little body who brought it to me, has not made a literal translation, and a good one.
" Short as my time is, I cannot help remarking on Villier's account of the battle of, and transaction at, the Meadows, as it is very extraordi- nary, and not less erroneous than inconsistent. He says the French received the first fire. It is well known, that we received it at six hundred paces distance. He also says, our fears obliged us to retreat in a most disorderly manner after the capitulation. How is this consistent with his other account ? He acknowledges that we sustained the attack warmly from ten in the morning until dark, and that he called first to parley, which strongly indicates that we were not totally absorbed in fear. If the gentleman in his account had adhered to the truth, he must have confessed, that we looked upon his offer to parley as an artifice to get into and examine our trenches, and refused on this account, until they desired an officer might be sent to them, and gave their parole for his safe return. He might also, if he had been as great a lover of the truth as he was of vain-glory, have said, that we absolutely refused their first and second proposals, and would consent to capitulate on no other terms than such as we obtained. That we were wilfully, or ignorantly, deceived by our interpreter in regard to the word assassination, I do aver, and will to my dying moment ;- so will every officer that was present. The interpreter was a Dutchman, little acquainted with the English tongue, therefore might not advert to the tone and meaning of the word in English ; but, whatever his motives were for so doing, cer- tain it is, he called it the death, or the loss of the Sieur Jumonville. So we received and so we understood it, until, to our great surprise and mortification, we found it otherwise in a literal translation.
" That we left our baggage and horses at the Meadows is certain ; that there was not even a possibility to bring them away is equally cer- tain, as we had every horse belonging to the camp killed or taken away during the action : so that it was impracticable to bring any thing off,
/
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that our shoulders were not able to bear; and to wait there was impos- sible, for we had scarce three days' provisions, and were seventy miles from a supply ; yet, to say we came off precipitately is absolutely false ; notwithstanding they did, contrary to articles, suffer their Indians to pillage our baggage," and commit all kinds of irregularity ; we were with them until ten o'clock the next day ; we destroyed our powder and other stores, nay, even our private baggage, to prevent its falling into their hands, as we could not bring it off. When we had got about a
* James Innes, in a letter to Gov. Hamilton, dated at Winchester, 12th July, 1754, makes mention of the same:
"Having notice of a person going to your province immediately, I thought it proper on this occasion to give a short detail of what hath lately happened. "After having regulated the march and transportation of the North Carolina regiment. I immediately proceeded to Williamsburg, and by my commission from Governor Dinwiddie as commander-in-chief of this expedition, I pro- ceeded to Winchester, where I arrived the thirtieth of June, in order to take the command upon me, and to bring up the New York two independent com- panies, with those of the North Carolina regiment, then upon their march from Alexandria for this town.
"Colonel Washington with the Virginia regiment, and Capt. Mckay with the South Carolina Independent Company, together did consist but of four hundred men, of which a good many were sick and out of order. On the third of July, the French with about nine hundred men and a considerable body of Indians came down upon our encampment, and continued to fire from all quarters, from eleven in the morning till night; when the French called out to our people, they would give them good conditions if they would capitulate. A copy of which I here enclose you.
" After the capitulation the French demolished the works, and in some time after retired to the Ohio, taking two captains as hostages along with them. We all know the French are a people that never pay any regard to treaties longer than they find them consistent with their interest, and this treaty they broke immediately by letting the Indians demolish and destroy every thing our people had, especially the Doctor's Box, that our wounded should meet with no relief. In this action it is said, we had about one hundred killed and wounded-a third whereof is supposed to be killed. It is reported we killed double the number of the French.
" If this does not alarm the neighboring governments nothing can, and I make no doubt but the French will soon claim this fine body of land as their right by conquest, if we do not immediately raise a sufficient force to convince them of the contrary. What I can learn of their forces is, that they had seven hundred in their first division, eight hundred in the next, and five hundred in the last, not as yet joined, which, with their Indians, make a considerable body. " Colonel Washington and Captain Mckay told me there were many of our friendly Indians along with the French, sundry of which came up and spoke to them, told them they were their brothers, and asked them how they did, particularly Susquehannah Jack, and others that distinguished themselves by their names. it is also reported there were sundry of the Delawares there. We bad uot one Indian to assist when the action commenced or ended.
" It is my real opinion that nothing will secure to us the Indians now in our friendship, if we allow ourselves to be baffled by the French ; as it is very natural and common for a more polite people than the Indians to side with the strongest: so there is a necessity either to go into the case in dispute heartily at once, or to give it up entirely. We all may see the unlimited encroach- ments of the French, who in time will very modestly look on every part of America as their right, if they can worm the unhappy and unthinking people out of it by degrees, which at last must happen by the same rule. Witness Hispaniola from the Spaniards, and St. Lucia from us. Many more instances might be given to which you are no stranger."
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mile from the place of action, we missed two or three of the wounded, and sent a party back to bring them up ; this is the party he speaks of. We brought them all safe off, and encamped within three miles of the Meadows. These are circumstances, I think, that make it evidently clear, that we were not very apprehensive of danger. The colors he speaks of as left, were a large flag of immense size and weight; our regimental colors were brought off and are now in my possession. Their gasconades, and boasted clemency, must appear in the most ludicrous light to every considerate person, who has read Villier's Jour- nal; such preparations for an attack, such vigor and intrepidity as he pretends to have conducted his march with, such revenge as by his own account appeared in his attack, considered, it will hardly be thought that compassion was his motive for calling a parley. But to sum up the whole, Mr. Villiers pays himself no great compliment in saying, we were struck with a panic when matters were adjusted. We surely could not be afraid without cause, and if we had cause after capitulation, it was a reflection upon himself.
" I do not doubt, but your good nature, will excuse the badness of my paper, and the incoherence of my writing; think you see me in a pub- lic house in a crowd, surrounded with noise, and you hit my case. You do me particular honor in offering your friendship; I wish I may be so happy as always to merit it, and deserve your correspondence, which I should be glad to cultivate.
In September, somewhat more than two months after the capitula- tion, Capt. Mackay wrote to Washington from Will's creek, stating that he had recently returned to Philadelphia, and adding : "I had several disputes about our capitulation, but I satisfied every person that mentioned the subject, as to the articles in question, they were owing to a bad inter- preter, and contrary to the translation made to us when we signed them."
No more need be said to show the true light, in which the capitu- lation was understood by Washington and his officers. It is not to be inferred, however, that M. de Villiers was knowingly guilty of an im- position, in regard to the clause relating to the death of his brother. On the contrary, it seems more than probable, that he really believed the report of the assassination, for he had received no other intelligence,. or explanation, than the rumor brought to M. de Contrecœur, by the Canadian and the savages. This fact, however, does not lessen the injury done to Washington, in seriously using the articles of capitulation as a historical document to sanction a charge, equally untrue in all its essential particulars, and unjust in its application.
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When the Virginia House of Burgesses met in August, they re- quested the Governor to lay before them a copy of the capitulation, and, upon due consideration of the subject, passed a vote of thanks to Col. Washington and his officers, "for their bravery and gallant defence of their country." The names of all the officers were enumerated, except those of the major of the regiment, and of Capt. Vanbraam, the former of whom was charged with cowardice, and the latter of having acted a treacherous part in his interpretation of the articles. The Burgesses,
also, in an address to the Governor, expressed their approbation of the instructions he had given to the officers and forces sent on the Ohio ex- pedition. In short, all the proceedings of the campaign were not only approved, but applauded, by the representatives of the people, and by the public generally. A pistole was granted to each of the soldiers, who had been in the engagement,
To the vote of thanks, Washington replied as follows :
To the Speaker of the House of Burgesses :
" WILLIAMSBURG, October 23, 1754.
"SIR :- Nothing could give me, and the officers under my command, greater satisfaction, than to receive the thanks of the House of Bur- gesses, in so particular and public a manner, for our behaviour in the late unsuccessful engagement with the French; and we unanimously hope, that our future proceedings in the service of our country will entitle us to a continuance of your approbation. I assure you, sir, I shall always look upon it as my indispensable duty to endeavor to de- serve it.
" I was desired by the officers of the Virginia regiment to make their suitable acknowledgments for the honor they have received in your thanks ; I therefore, hope the enclosed will be agreeable, and answer their, and the intended purpose of,
Sir, your most obedient and humble servant,
GEORGE WASHINGTON."
" To the worshipful, the Speaker, and the gentlemen of their House of Burgesses :
" We, the officers of the Virginia regiment, are highly sensible of the particular mark of distinction, with which you have honored us, in returning your thanks for our behavior in the late action, and cannot help testifying our grateful acknowledgments for your high sense of what we shall always esteem a duty to our country and the best of Kings.
" Favored with your regard, we shall zealously endeavor to deserve your applause, and by our future actions strive to convince the worship-
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ful House of Burgesses, how much we esteem their approbation, and, as it ought to be, regard it as the voice of our country.
Signed for the whole corps.
GEORGE WASHINGTON."
The exact number of men engaged in the action of the Great Meadows cannot be ascertained. The Virginia regiment consisted of three hundred and five, including officers, of whom twelve were killed and forty-three wounded. These numbers are stated in a return made out by Col. Washington himself. Capt. Mackay's independent company was supposed to contain about one hundred, but the number of killed and wounded is not known. The two independent companies from New York, which arrived at Alexandria, never joined the Virginia reg- iment, although former writers, in describing this event, have said they were present. The amount of the French force is also uncertain. It was believed by Col. Washington, from such information as he could get, to consist of nine hundred men. M. de Villiers says, that he left Fort Duquesne with five hundred Frenchimen and eleven Indians. The number of French, is perhaps correct, but the Indians were much more numerous, when they arrived at the scene of action ; and there is good reason for believing, that the French and Indians together made a body of at least nine hundred.
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