USA > Pennsylvania > Early history of western Pennsylvania, and of the West, and of western expeditions and campaigns, from MDCCLIV to MDCCCXXXIII > Part 8
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I could complain bitterly, sir, of the means taken all last winter to instigate the Indians to accept the hatchet, and to strike us, while we were striving to maintain the peace.
I am well persuaded, sir, of the polite manner you will receive Mon- sieur Le Mercier, as well out of regard to his business as his distinction and personal merit. I expect you will send him back with one of your officers, who will bring me a precise answer. As you have got some Indians with you, sir, I join with Monsieur Le Mercier an interpreter, that he may inform them of my intentions upon that subject.
I am with great regard, sir, your most humble and obedient servant,
CONTRECOEUR.
Done at our Camp, April 16, 1754.
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FROM THE FORT ON OHIO, April 18, 1754. A speech sent from Half. King Scruneyattha, (an Indian chief,) and the Belt of Wampum to the Governors of Virginia and Penn'a.
" Brothers, the English : The bearer is to let you know how we were used by the French. We have been waiting this long time for the French to strike us ; now we see what they design to do with us; we are ready to strike them now, and wait for your assistance. Be strong and come as soon as possible you can, and you shall find us your true brothers, and shall find us ready to strike them as you are. We have sent these two young men to see when you are ready to come, and then they are to come to us, and let us know where you are that we may come and meet you, and would desire if you could, that the men from both provinces would meet at the forks of the road. And now if you do not come to our relief, we are gone entirely, and shall never meet I believe, which grieves my heart. To confirm this to be the truth here is my wampum I have sent." Gave a string of wampum.
The Half-King* made this speech to me, (Washington,) now I depend upon you to go with these two young men to both Governors yourself, for I have no dependance on those that are gone so long and have never returned, or sent any word.
Delivered to me by John Davidson, an interpreter.
This letter was immediately laid before the Assembly by Gov. Ham- ilton. A bill was then pending for a grant of £10,000 for the King's
* Half-King, of whom frequent mention is made by Washington, was a de- cided friend to the English. October Ist, 1754, he arrived sick at John Harris' (now Harrisburg) where he shortly afterwards died, as appears from the fol- lowing letters.
PAXTON, Oct. 2, 1754.
May it please your Honor ; At the earnest request of Monacatootha, one of the chiefs of the Six Nations, I take this opportunity to inform your Honor of the death of Half-King, who departed this life last night. There are about twenty Indians here, who wait to see him buried, and then intend for Augh wick immediately ; he likewise desired that the melancholy news might be forwarded with all possible despatch, to his Honor, the Governor of Virginia. Those Indians that are here, blame the French for his death by bewitching him, as they had a conjurer to inquire into the cause a few days before he died ; and it is his opinion, together with his relations, that the French had been the cause of this great man's death, by reason of his striking them lately for which they seem to threaten immediate revenge, and desired me to let it be, known.
All the Indians that are here are in great trouble, especially his relations. I have sent an account to Conrad Weiser, at Shamokin, this day, who I expect will be down upon notice. I humbly presume that his is a very great loss, especially at this critical time. I am, &c.
JOHN HARRIS.
To Governor HAMILTON.
PAXTON, October 29, 1754.
SIR :- On the first of this instant, Monacatootha, and several others, the
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use ; but it was obstructed in its progress by the opposition of the Gov- ernor to the plan proposed by the Assembly for raising the money, and no relief was obtained from Pennsylvania for the expedition.
chiefs of the Six Nations, came to my house, and brought the Half-King and his family along with them, who were, in general, in a very low condition, particularly himself, who died in a few days ; after which I asked Monaca- tootha and others, where they chose to bury him and in what manner, or if they wanted any thing necessary for his funeral? Their answer was, that they looked upon him to be like one of ourselves, and as he died amongst us, we might bury him as we thought proper ; that if he was buried well, it would be very good-which I did, mnuch to their satisfaction.
Immediately after, Monacatootha and the chiefs set off for Aughwick, leaving the Half-King's family and relations under my care, saying that in some short time there should some horses and Indians come down for them, which they bad not yet done, and I have been at expenses for their provisions and his funeral. My account I shall send down, which I hope you will be pleased to lay before the Assembly. I shall continue to give his family pro- visions till they remove, and should be satisfied how soon that might be. I conclude. Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, JOHN HARRIS.
To RICHARD PETERS, Secretary.
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CHAPTER IV.
WASHINGTON'S EXPEDITION ON THE MONONGAHELA .-- THE SURPRISE AND CAPTURE OF THE FRENCH DETACHMENT UNDER JUMONVILLE .- HIS DEATH. ERECTION CF FORT NECESSITY -. BATTLE OF THE GREAT MEADOWS, AND SURRENDER OF THE FORT .- VOTE OF THANKS TO WASHINGTON AND THE ARMY, BY THE ASSEMBLY OF VIRGINIA .- THE ERECTION OF FORT CUMBER- LAND .- MEASURES TO RAISE ADDITIONAL TROOPS .- RESIGNATION OF COL. WASHINGTON.
The news of the surrender of the unfinished fort at the confluence of the Allegheny and the Monongahela, to the French, by ensign Ward, having reached the camp of Washington, at Will's creek, a council of war was called, in which it was agreed to be impossible to march to- wards the fort, without reinforcements ; but it was resolved to advance to the mouth of Redstone creek on the Monongahela, and raise a forti- fication. (1) Not yet joined by Col. Fry, and with only one hundred and fifty men under his command, Washington's situation was a critical one. To advance over the mountains where it was uncertain that suc- cor would reach him, to a point only thirty-seven miles from the sur- rendered fort, might seem imprudent. However, on the twenty-fifth day of April, 1754, he sent a detachment of sixty men to open a road. (2) This detachment was joined by the main body on the first day of May. The road had to be cut out as they proceeded, trees felled, and rocks removed, in the route through the mountain passes, which rendered their progress very slow and toilsome. He reached a place called the Little Meadows, about half the distance to the Great Meadows, and about one-third of the distance to the mouth of Redstone creek, on the ninth of May. His intention was to reach the mouth of Redstone, there to wait for the arrival of the artillery and reinforcement under Col. Fry, and then keep down the Monongahela by water to the falls. Hav- ing, at length, effected a passage through the mountains, he reached the Youghiogeny, where he delayed to construct a bridge.
Learning that the French were coming out to meet him, Washington hastened forwards to the Great Meadows, and threw up a hasty en- trenchment.
"Early in the morning of the 27th May, Mr. Gist arrived in camp from his residence, which is about thirteen miles distant, and informed Col. Washington that M. La Force, with fifty men, had been at his plantation the day before, and that on his way he had seen the tracks of
(1) Spark's Washington, Vol. II. p. 7, 15.
(2) Spark's Washington, Vol. II. p. 15.
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the same party, five miles from the encampment at the Great Meadows. Seventy-five men were immediately despatched in pursuit of this party, but they returned without having discovered it. Between eight and nine o'clock the same night, an express arrived from Half King, who was then six miles off, with intelligence that he had seen the tracks of Frenchmen, which had been traced to an obscure retreat, and that he imagined the whole party to be concealed within a short distance. Fear- ing this might be a stratagem of the French for attacking his camp, Col. Washington put his ammunition in a place of safety, and leaving a strong guard to protect it, he set out with forty men, and reached the Indians' camp a little before sunrise, having marched through a rainy and ex- ceedingly dark night.
" On counselling with Half King, and the other Indians of his party, it was agreed, that they should march together and make the attack in concert on the French. They then proceeded in single file through the woods, after the manner of the Indians, till they came upon the tracks of the two Frenchmen, when the Half King sent two Indians forward to retrace these tracks, and discover the position of the main body .-- This was found to be in a very retired place, surrounded by rocks, and half a mile from the road. A disposition for attack was then formed, in which the English occupied the right wing and the Indians the left. In this manner they advanced, till they came so near as to be discovered by the French, who instantly ran to their arms. Washington then ordered his men to fire, and a skirmish ensued. The firing continued on both sides about fifteen minutes, till the French were defeated, with the loss of their whole party ; ten men being killed, including their commander, M. de Jumonville, one wounded, and twenty-one taken prisoners. Colonel Washington's loss was one man killed and two or three wounded. The Indians escaped without injury, as the firing of the French was directed chiefly against the right wing, where Washing- ington and his men were stationed." (1)
The prisoners were marched to the Great Meadows, and from thence, by a detachment, conducted over the mountains to Virginia. Two days after this affair, Col. Fry died at Will's Creek, on his way to join the army, when the chief command devolved on Col. Washington.
As soon as the news of capture of the party under Jumonville, reached Fort Du Quesne, vigorous preparations were made to send a strong detachment against Washington. The Indians friendly to the English, aware of the movement, became alarmed for their safety. Knowing the
(1) Spark's Washington, Vol. II. p. 451-'2.
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Half-King to have taken an open part against the French, they feared instant hostilities, and immediately retreated to the Great Meadows, for protection, bringing with them their wives and children. Among them were Tanacharison's people, and Queen Alliquippa and her sor.(1.)
Col. Washington immediately commenced enlarging the entrenchment and erecting pallisades, anticipating an attack from the French. He gave the place, thus fortified, the name of Fort Necessity.
Captain Mackay of the royal army, with an independent company of one hundred men from South Carolina, arrived at Fort Necessity, and the army now numbered about four hundred men. Leaving one com- pany, under Captain Mackay, to guard the fort. Col. Washington leaving him in command, pushed over the Laurel Hill, cutting the road with extreme labor, through the wilderness, to Gist's plantation, near where the town of Connelsville now stands. It occupied two weeks, although the distance is only thirteen miles.(2.)
The preparations by Washington, the arrival of the French and the battle at the Great Meadows, are so well related by Sparks, that we copy it entire :
" When the council of war was held at Gist's* plantation, on the in- itelligence received that the French at Fort Du Quesne were reinforced, and would speedily march against the English, it was resolved to send an express to Captain Mackay, then at the Great Meadows, desiring him to join Colonel Washington with his independent company of South Carolinians, and also call in Captain Lewis and Captain Polson, who were out with separate detachments, the next morning, when an- other council of war was convened, and it was unanimously resolved to
retreat. A good deal of labor had been expended at Gist's in throwing up entrenchments, with the intention of waiting the approach of the French at that place, but the news of their increased numbers rendered this an inexpedient measure.
" Preparations for a retreat commenced immediately. The horses were few, and Colonel Washington set a noble example to the officers, by lading his own horse with ammunition and other public stores, leaving his baggage behind, and giving the soldiers four pistoles to carry it forward. The other officers followed this example. There were nine swivels, which were drawn by the soldiers of the Virginia regi-
(1.) History of the Backwoods, p. 71.
(2.) Day's Historical Collections, p. 333.
* Gist's house was thirteen miles from the Great Meadows, not far from Stewart's crossing of the Youghiogeny River ; five or six miles from Dunbar's Camp. The council of war was held the 28th of June.
1
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ment over a very broken road, unassisted by the men belonging to the Independent Company, who refused to perform any service of the kind. Nor would they act as pioneers, nor aid in transporting the public stores. considering this a duty not incumbent on them as King's soldiers. This conduct had a discouraging effect upon the soldiers of the Virginia regi- ment, by damping their ardor, and making them more dissatisfied with their extreme fatigue ; but the whole party reached the Great Meadows on the 1st of July.
" It was not the intention of Colonel Washington at first to halt att at this place, but his men had become so much fatigued from great labor, and a deficiency of provisions, that they could draw the swivels node further, nor carry the baggage on their backs. They had been eight days without bread, and at the Great Meadows they found only a few bags of flour. It was thought advisable to wait here, therefore, and for- tify themselves in the best manner they could, till they should receive supplies and reinforcements. They had heard of the arrival at Alexan- dria of two Independent Companies from New York, twenty days before, and it was presumed they must by this time have reached Will's Creek. An express was sent to hasten them on, with as much despatch as possible.
" Meantime Colonel Washington set his men to felling trees, and carrying logs to the fort, with a view to raise a breast-work, and enlarge and strengthen the fortification in the best manner that circumstances would permit. The space of the ground, called the Great Meadows, is Th a level bottom, through which passes a small creek, and is surrounded by hills of a moderate and gradual ascent. 'This bottom or glade, is en- tirely level, covered with long grass and small bushes, and varies in width. At the point where the fort stood, it is about two hundred and fifty yards wide, from the base of the one hill to that of the opposite. The position of the fort was well chosen, being about one hundred yards from the upland, or wooded ground, on the one side, and one hundred and fifty on the other, and so situated on the margin of the creek, as to afford easy access to water. At one point, the high ground comes within sixty yards of the fort, and this was the nearest distance to which an enemy could approach under the shelter of trees. The outlines of the fort were still visible, when the spot was visited by the writer in 1830, occupying an irregular square, the dimensions of which were about one hundred feet on each side. One of the angles was prolonged further than the others, for the purpose of reaching the water in the creek. On the west side, next to the nearest wood, were three en-
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rances, protected by short breast-works, or bastions. 'The remains of r ditch, stretching round the south and west sides, were also distinctly teen. The site of this fort, named Fort Necessity, from the circum- stances attending its erection and original use, is three or four hundred zards south of what is called the National Road, four miles from the oot of Laurel Hill, and fifty miles from Cumberland at Will's Creek.
On the 2d of July, early in the morning, an alarm was received from sentinel, who had been wounded by the enemy ; and at nine o'clock, a ntelligence came that the whole body of the enemy, amounting, as was eported, to nine hundred men, was only four miles off. At eleven no 'clock they approached the fort, and began to fire, at the distance of six hundred yards, but without effect. Col. Washington had drawn up ew Or ive is men on the open and level ground outside of the trenches, waiting for the attack, which he presumed would be made as soon as the enemy's orces emerged from the woods; and he ordered his men to reserve heir fire, till they should be near enough to do execution. The distant iring was supposed to be a stratagem to draw Washington's men into l' he woods, and thus to take them at a disadvantage. He suspected the chlesign, and maintained his post till he found the French did not incline o leave the woods, and attack the fort by an assault, as he supposed they no ge ces vould, considering their superiority of numbers. He then drew his nen back within the trenches, and gave them orders to fire according o their discretion, as suitable opportunities might present themselves. The French and Indians remained on the side of the rising ground, which was nearest to the fort, and, sheltered by the trees, kept up a risk fire of musketry, but never appeared in the open plain below. The rain fell heavily through the day, the trenches were filled with vater, and many of the arms of Col. Washington's men were out of order, and used with difficulty.
In this way the battle continued from eleven o'clock in the morning ill eight at night, when the French called and requested a parley .- to Suspecting this to be a feint to procure the admission of an officer into es he fort, that he might discover their condition, Col. Washington at first ich leclined listening to the proposal, but when the call was repeated, with of he additional request that an officer might be sent to them, engaging at inThe same time their parole for his safety, he sent out Capt. Vanbraam, ere ed the he only person under his command, that could speak French, except he Chevalier de Peyrouny, an Ensign in the Virginia regiment, who vas dangerously wounded, and disabled from rendering any service on en his occasion. Vanbraam returned and brought with him from M. de
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Villiers, the French commander, proposed articles of capitulation .-- These he read and pretended to interpret, and, some charges having been made by mutual agreement, both parties signed them about midnight.
By the terms of the capitulation, the whole garrison was to retire, and to return without molestation to the inhabited parts of the country, and the French commander promised, that no embarrassment should be
interposed, either by his own men or the savages. The English were to take away every thing in their possession, except their artillery, and to march out of the fort the next morning with the honors of war, their drums bcating and colors flying. As the French had killed all the horses and cattle, Col. Washington had no means of transporting his heavy baggage and stores ; and it was conceded to him, that his men might conceal their effects, and that a guard might be left to protect them, till horses could be sent up to take them away. Col. Washington agreed to restore the prisoners, who had been taken at the skirmish with Jumonville ; and as a surety for this article two hostages, Capt. Van- braam and Capt. Stobo, were delivered up to the French, and were to be retained till the prisoners should return. It was moreover agreed, that the party capitulating should not attempt to build any more estab- lishments at that place, or beyond the mountains, for the space of a year.
" Early next morning, Col. Washington began to march from the fort in good order, but he had proceeded only a short distance, when a body of one hundred Indians, being a reinforcement to the French, came upon him, and could hardly be restrained from attacking his men. They pil- fered the baggage and did other mischief. He marched forward, how- ever, with as much speed as possible, in the weakened and encumbered condition of his army, there being no other mode of conveying. the wounded men and the baggage, than on the soldier's backs. As the provisions were nearly exhausted, no time was to be lost; and, leaving much of the baggage behind, he hastened to Will's creek, where all the necessary supplies were in store. Thence Col. Washington and Capt. Mackay proceeded to Williamsburg, and communicated in person to the Governor of the campaign.
" A good deal of dissatisfaction was expressed with some of the arti- cles of capitulation, when they came to be made public. The truth is, Col. Washington had been grossly deceived by the interpreter, either through ignorance or design. An officer of his regiment, who was pre- sent at the reading and signing of the articles, wrote as follows on this point, five weeks afterwards, in a letter to a friend :
" When Mr. Vanbraam returned with the French proposals, we were
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obliged to take the sense of them from his mouth ; it rained so hard, that he could not give us a written translation of them ; we could scarcely keep the candle lighted to read them by ; and every officer there is ready to declare, that there was no such word as assassination mentioned .-- The terms expressed were the death of Jumonville. If it had been mentioned, we would by all means have had it altered, as the French, during the course of the interview, seemed very condescending, and desirous to bring things to a conclusion ; and, upon our insisting, altered the articles relating to the stores and ammunition, which they wanted to detain ; and that of the canon, which they agreed to have destroyed, instead of reserved for their use.
" Another article, which appears to our disadvantage, is that whereby we oblige ourselves not to attempt an establishment beyond the moun- tains. This was translated to us, not to attempt buildings or improve- ments on the lands of his most Christian Majesty. This we never intended, as we denied he had any there, and therefore thought it need- less to dispute this point.
" The last article, which relates to the hostages, is quite different from the translation of it given to us. It is mentioned for the security of the performance of this treaty, as well as for the return of the prison- ers. There was never such an intention on our side, or mention of it made on theirs, by our interpreter. Thus, by the evil intention or neg- ligence of Vanbraam, our conduct is scrutinized by a busy world, fond of criticizing the proceedings of others, without considering circum- stances, or giving just attention to reasons, which might be offered to obviate their censures."
" Vanbraam Was a Dutchman, and had but an imperfect knowledge of either the French or English language. How far his ignorance should be taken as an apology for his blunders is uncertain. Although he had proved himself a good officer, yet there were other circumstan- ces, which brought his fidelity in question. Governor Dinwiddie, in giving an account of this affair to Lord Albermarle says, "In the cap- itulation* they made use of the word assassination, but Washington,
(*) Capitulation accordee par Monsieur De Villier captaine d'Infanterie commandant des Troupes de sa Majesti tres Chretienne, a celuy des Troupes Angloises actuellement dans le Fort Necessite, qui avoir ete construit sur les Terres du Domain du Roi, ce 3 Juillet, a huit Heures dur soir scavoir, 1754. Comme notre intention na jamais ete de troubler la paix et la bonne harmo- noie qui regnoit entre les deux Princes amis, mais seulement de vanger l'as- sassin qui a ete fait sur un de nos officiers, porteurs d'une somation, et sur son escart, comme aussi d'empecher ancun etablissement sur les terres du do- main Roi mon Maitre, a ces considerations, nous voulons bien accorder grace a tous les Anglois qui sont dans le dit fort aux conditions apres.
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not understanding French, was deceived by the interpreter, who was a paltroon, and though an officer with us, they say he has joined the French." How long Vanbraam was detained as a hostage is not known,
1. Nous accordons au commandant Anglois de se retirer avec toute sa gar- rison, pour sen retourner paisiblement dans son pays ; et lui promettons d'em- pecher qu'il luy soit fait aucune insulte par nos Francois et de maintenis, autant qu'il sera en notre pouvoir, tous les sauvages qui sont avec nos.
2. Il lui sera permis de sortir, et d'emporter tout ce qui leur appartiendra a l'exception de l'artillerie, que nous reservons.
3. Que nous leurs accordons les honneurs de la guerre, qu'ils sortiront tem - bour batant, avec une piece de petit canon, voulant bien par-la leur prouver que nous les traitors en amis.
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