History of Cumberland and Adams counties, Pennsylvania. Containing history of the counties, their townships, towns, villages, schools, churches, industries, etc.; portraits of early settlers and prominent men; biographies; history of Pennsylvania, statistical and miscellaneous matter, etc., etc, Part 122

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Publisher: W. Taylor
Number of Pages: 1280

USA > Pennsylvania > Adams County > History of Cumberland and Adams counties, Pennsylvania. Containing history of the counties, their townships, towns, villages, schools, churches, industries, etc.; portraits of early settlers and prominent men; biographies; history of Pennsylvania, statistical and miscellaneous matter, etc., etc > Part 122
USA > Pennsylvania > Cumberland County > History of Cumberland and Adams counties, Pennsylvania. Containing history of the counties, their townships, towns, villages, schools, churches, industries, etc.; portraits of early settlers and prominent men; biographies; history of Pennsylvania, statistical and miscellaneous matter, etc., etc > Part 122

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1844-William E. Barber read with James Cooper; Samuel Baird, Ed- ward B. Buehler, Robert G. McCreary, William B. McClellan, Cyrus G. French.

1845-Andrew Neil, Henry Reed, Thomas McCreary; David McConaughy read with Moses McClean; James Malcom.

1846-L. G. Brandenburg, John P. Blaine, Thomas C. Cochran, Carson C. Moore, Thomas J. McKaig, Benjamin Herr.

1847-James H. Hauke, James J. E. Naille, Henry Y. Slaymaker, James G. Reed.

1850-Henry L. Fisher.

1851-H. B. Woods, student of Moses McClean; James S. Ross.

1852-William H. Stevenson, Wilson Reilly, John A. Marshall, Thomas

P. Potts.

1853-David Wills read with Thaddeus Stevens. Judge Wills was ap- pointed president judge in 1874, and served to the end of the term in that year. 1854-Jacob S. Stahle; William McClean read in Moses McClean's office. He was appointed president judge in 1874, and is the present incumbent, and has just heen unanimously re-elected.

1855-J. Alexander Simpson.

1856-D. A. Buehler read with E. B. Buehler and James Cooper.

1857-Nesbitt Bangher read with D. McConaughy.

1858 -- J. Charles King read with D. McConaughy; James McElroy.

1859-Andrew D. Hill; J. C. Neely read with D. McConaughy; William A. Duncan, A. J. Clover; two latter read with R. G. McCreary. James Kerr MeIlhenny read with Judge D. Wills.

1860-S. J. Vandersloot read with D. A. Buehler. Arthur N. Green, William Adams, William Hay, J. J. Herron. [Writing of the bench and bar of Bureau County, Ill., a short time ago, I became acquainted with the history of an attorney, J. J. Herron, who died a few years ago in Princeton, Ill. His career there had been remarkable and brilliant, and I learned he was regarded at the time of his death as the ablest attorney in that part of Illinois. He died before reaching the fullness of his great promise. I am strongly inclined to the belief this is the same man .-- ED. ]

1861-William A. Sponsler.

1862-J. Frank Siess, Calvin D. Whitney.

1863-J. Q. A. Pfeiffer, read with R. G. McCreary.

1864 -- J. Harvey White.

1866-J. McDowell Shorpe.

1867-John M. Krauth read with D. McConanghy.

1868 -- John M. Young read with Judge D. Wills; Joseph H. Le Fevre, read with D. McConanghy.

1869 -William R. Eyster.

1870-Rudolph M. Shick read with Judge Wills.

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HISTORY OF ADAMS COUNTY.

1871- John Hay Brown, student of D. A. Buehler; J. A. Kitzmiller, stu- dent with Judge Wills; Hart Gilbert read in office of R. G. McCreary; M. W. Jacobs, also with MeCreary; Robert E. Wright.

1872- Joseph Douglas, Edward S. Reilly, William S. Stenger; Robert Agnew read with Judge Agnew.

1873-W. Hamilton Bailey read with Judge Wills; George J. Bond, M. C. Herman; the latter served as president judge of the Cumberland Distriet.

1874 H. C. Dean, John A. Kuhn, Joseph R. Kuhn, H. E. Sheaffer, Johs Cornman.

1875 Stewart MI. Leidich.

1876-S. MeSwope read with Judge Wills; W. C. Stover read with D. MeConaughy; John L. Kendlehart, student of Judge Wills; John L. Hill, Jr. read in office of R. J. MeCreary.

1877-Charles M. Wolf, now in Hanover; Edward J. Cox read with R. G. MeCreary: D. MeC. Wilson, with D. MeConanghy.

1878-William MeSherry, Jr., student of E. S. Reilly (deceased) and Will- iam MeSherry, Sr. : Charles E. Fink; David Horner (deceased) read with Da- vid Wills.

1879-Benton Dully, W. A. Seott, with Judge Wills.

1550-Calvin F. O. Eames, with R. G. MeCreary.

1SS1-George J. Benner, with R. G. MeCreary.

1852-A. W. Fleming, Jr. (deceased) road with J. C. Neely.

1SS5- Charles S. Duncan read in Philadelphia; William Arch. MeClean read with his father, Judge William MeClean; E. A. Weaver read with Mc- Creary & Duncan; George W. Walter, student of Judge David Wills.

CHAPTER XVIII.

POLITICAL-THE REVOLUTION -- PARTY SPIRIT-JEFFERSON AND HAMILTON-

FIRST COUNTY CONVENTION-REPUBLICAN-DEMOCRATS AND . FEDERALS- HON. WILLIAM MCSHERRY-POLITICAL FACTIONS-ELECTIONS-FEDERALISTS AND REPUBLICANS (" DEMOCRATS")-A " COCKADE" ROW-FEDERAL-REPUB- LICANS AND DEMOCRATS-THE "CENTINEL"-ELECTIONS TO 1814.

TT was many years after the first settlement before the people had the great - luxury of anything like our present American politics. For a half century or more after the first settlement they simply had none at all. They were all British subjects and the very first question looking toward even political ideas eame as a suggestion from the acting governor of the Province, in which he gave notice that a great many Germans were coming into the country, without any special permission to do so, and, withont reporting to the authorities who they were or where they were from or why they came, were proceeding to the in- terior and had commeneed opening farms and making settlements. This all sounds strangely enough now, but was natural enough then. The country was English territory, and loyalty to the King was the predominant question among the deputy rulers of the country.

In a few years after the first settlement in Adams County, as early, in fact, as 1760, commenced to gather here the storm that eventually broke upon the

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HISTORY OF ADAMS COUNTY.

country and its three millions of scattered people-the Revolution. Then had there been former political dissensions they would have melted away.

There had been local and neighborhood quarrels plenty enough, but they were all questions, or nearly all, of nativity. The Scotch-Irish were of a high- ly nervous organization, not irrascible, by any means, but generally good-na- tured and rolicksome, overflowing with animal spirits. His German neigh- bor was the total opposite of this. Phlegmatic, persistent, slow, untiring, peaceful and industrious. He wanted only peace and to be let alone. They were all Protestants in religion and were on this substantially agreed. At first they could find nothing else to disagree about, and so we find the Germans de- manding of the proprietaries that they sell no more lands to the Irish, and it is a fact that at one time many, who otherwise would have been glad to locate in this county, were forced by circumstances to become permanent and good and worthy citizens of Cumberland County.

But the French-Indian war came in 1755, and this was the first thing, like all common dangers, to banish something of the rancorons feelings of divided people. They forgot all else and rushed together, and this very fact itself would rub off many a sharp point of prejudice. The Indians were ready to kill all that they found defenseless; they were indiscriminate in their ferocity, and the tendency of a common defense and protection of each other tended to a like indiscrimination. The war gone, however, and new people constantly Just then, coming in, the old feelings were again manifesting themselves. however, came the first rumblings of the Revolution. Early in 1760 a meeting of the people was held, and here was the first visible sign of that common and indissoluble bond of brotherhood, one of the most remarkable in the history of mankind, that was required, that so tested men in the long seven years of war that was crowned with our liberties. Indeed that was the planting of the Tree of Liberty that has since spread its protecting shade more or less over the world.

The Revolution fought out, our liberties obtained, then came the question -really for the first time presented to man-of commencing at the very foun- dations, and constructing. without models, without a guiding precedent, gov- ernment for free men-government where every man had an equal power.

The first great question to the people was to repair the extreme poverty, the suffering poverty, in which they found themselves after the long and heroic sacrifices. This work engaged their every energy for some years. In fact this lasted wholly through the two presidential terms of Washington and the one term of Adams, or down to 1801. Toward the end of the first Adams term, or with the dawn of this century, there began discussions upon govern- ment policies. Looking back over these discussions we can at first and for a few years see only the one main point for any differences, or sides on which it was possible to form parties. The first discoverable streak across the sky was the charge first made, by the Adams party (this merely to designate), that all those (these afterward turned out to be the Jefferson men) who did not think as they did were, by their acts, tending to destroy the Constitution. On the other hand, there were those who seemed to sincerely believe that Adams had been a good man, but, surrounded during his administration by bad advis- ers. Jefferson began to loom up as the next possible candidate. Then every hour and every day the lines began to be formed more distinctly. The Jeffer- son men were soon taunted as Jacobins. Two distinct parties were at once formed, each calling itself by the name Republican, but one occasionally call- ing itself Federal Republican, and, in the course of time, the other was some- times called Democratic Republican.

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HISTORY OF ADAMS COUNTY.

Consulting the early party records among the good people of Adams it is rather amusing to notice how difficult (in many cases where parties aspired to office), apparently, it was for them to make up their minds which party they be- longed to. In a few instances they would be candidates on the ticket of one party one year, and the next year on the ticket of the opposite party. But thiis never, it seems, occurred only in the case of defeated candidates. Where a candidato got in that seemed to fix his future politics unalterably. Just a little bit more than like results invariably do now-a-days.

Early in 1800 the Pennsylvania State Senate held an important and exciting meeting on the subject of appointing presidential electors. The Senate con- cludes it will only vote as a separate body from the House, and very solemnly resolves that to meet in joint convention would be to virtually abandon having two houses of the Legislature. This seems to have presented a serious and ex- citing question at that time.

In November, 1800, there appeared a communication of nearly two columns in the Adams Centinel, signed " An American," and, so far as we can now learn, it was a fair and well written article, attempting to show the status in the county of political affairs, as to who was who. The writer says there has been great misunderstanding in the country on the division of political parties, and that they are not, as is often asserted, divided into " Monarchists and Re- publicans." but says the people who brought about the formation of the present Government are Federal Republicans. "A party exists," he says, " that originated in a dislike to the Constitution and Government, and is com- posed of men who have and may justly be called Anti-Federalists."

This is not a very satisfactory explanation of exactly the state of politics; at least it would not be so considered now. But is it? It is too short for any understanding of our present politics, but it was clearly a complete expose of that day's political doings. "A dislike to the Government and Constitution." in the eyes of our good old Federal fathers, was no small political offense. It was a political crime not to be forgiven in the next world and to be shown no kind of mercy in this. Here was the first page in the story of those two great statesmen, Jefferson and Hamilton. The latter was a great man, one of the largest minded men this country has produced. He was a born leader of men. He believed in a strong, central government, patterned as closely as possible after the English Government, so as to have the greatest security to all. really the greatest freedom and the permanency of our Federal institutions. Following the leadership of Hamilton, there is now no question of the fact, were the majority of the wealthy, the educated and the aristocracy (we only use this word to draw a distinction more clearly).

Jefferson was the opposite of Hamilton in every one of his political ideas. He would place all possible power in the hands of the people. Hence he held the States were supreme. except only where the Constitution, in express words, reserved to the General Government certain powers specified; that the Gen- eral Government could go thus far in its acts and no farther.

Here was the starting point -the rise-of all the political parties that have existed in this country for the past three-quarters of a century. It matters not what names they may have been known by, nor what issues have arisen out of party struggles for power, what this party has accomplished or that party failed to accomplish, their respective roots were in the brains and thoughts of Hamilton and Jefferson.

It is not to be wondered at that the people at first flush did not fully un- derstand these great political questions, and that intelligent men often were for some years in honest doubt as to where their political standing was. As an

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HISTORY OF ADAMS COUNTY.

evidence of the fact that men just then were more concerned in bread and but- ter than in politics, one need only recite the following anecdote:

John Bender was elected one of the justices of the peace for this county. From this fact it may be inferred he was a man of more than average intelli- gence. Being elected he supposed he had to qualify and serve. He did so; but in the course of time he took counsel, in which he had confidence, and found that he could resign and not serve longer if he so wished. In joy he resigned, and not only resigned, but went to the expense of publishing the fact in the county paper, and in his publication says, "I will no longer act as jus- tice of the peace, since I have been credibly informed I would not be fined for refusing to act."

On September 23, 1800, was held the first county convention in Gettys- burg. The delegates were: Cumberland, David Moore, Henry Hoke, John Murphy; Mountjoy, Charles Wilson; Huntington, John Bonner, William Thompson; Berwick, Frederick Baugher, John Hersh; Strabane, George Hass- ler, John Dickson; Franklin, Moses McClean, Thomas Ewing; Liberty, James Thompson, David Agnew; Germany, Jacob Winrott, William Burher; Mount- pleasant, Moses Lockhart, James Horner; Reading, Henry Hull, William Hodge; Tyrone, John King; Hamiltonban, Samuel Knox, Jacob Mcclellan; Conowago, Joseph Lilly; Menallen, Thomas Cochran, Benjamin Wright. The following ticket was nominated: For Senate, William Miller. For Assembly, Henry Slagel, Thomas Thornburg. Commissioner, Walter Smith. This was the ticket of the Federal party.

The Republicans had a meeting and nominated a ticket as follows: For Senate. William Reed. For Assembly, Walter Smith and John O'Brien. Commissioner, Emanuel Zeigler. The delegates to this convention were J. Agnew, chairman; J. Duncan, secretary; and Jacob Hostetter, Fredrick Eich- elberger, Henry Miller, Valentine Emig, Leonard Eichelberger, Casper Hake, William Gilliland, John Miley, Samuel Smith, Jacob Wirtz, Lewis Wempler, John Ruby, Martin Gartner, John Stewart, Peter Hake, Jacob Kline, William Crawford, William Maxwell, Tobias Kepner, Peter Wolford.

The Republican party then was soon known as the Democratic party, and the Federalists became the Whigs. It will be noticed Walter Smith's name is on each ticket, but for different offices. At the election, Reed was elected sen- ator. He was 456 votes behind in Adams County, but York gave him nearly 700 majority. On the ticket in Adams County the vote stood: Thornburg, 829; Slagle, 796; MeIlwain, 401; O'Blenis, 355. For Commissioner, Smith, 762; Zeigler, 411.

- Adams County, when parties were once crystalized into form, became Fed- eral in politics and so remained for years. This party for eighteen years had the only newspaper in the county. The Republican-Democrats were the poor men, compared to the founders and leaders of the Federals. In the Federal ranks were the bank officers, the owners and presidents, and we believe the officers of all the turnpikes then being organized. It is not very singular, when we learn something of the personal strength of the Federal leaders or members in its ranks, that they could not be easily dislodged. The county would invariably go Federal; but the district, senatorial and congressional, would almost as certainly be carried by the opposing party.

We can now recall but one instance when the senatorial district went Fed- eral, and that was in the year 1813, when Hon. William McSherry was elected by seventeen votes. He was the most popular man, politically, ever in the county. He was kept continuously in the Legislature for many years. And what is quite remarkable the year he wrested the senatorial district from the

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HISTORY OF ADAMS COUNTY.

opposite party, was the year of almost annihilation to that party in the balance of the State. The Federals lost about everything else, but they gained Me- Sherry, and this was their all-sufficient consolation.

The triumphant election of Mr. Jefferson in political parties fairly " let slip the dogs of war." The ruling element in this county, in fact, all our people, wore of different races of men and severe in their judgments. In the local paper began to appear savage and denunciatory political articles. In the Centi- nel of September, 1802, appears an article five columns in length signed, "An American." It is No. 4 of a series by the same writer. The people, all sub- seribers to the paper, read these long articles, and probably filed them away for future reference. The Federalists described the election of Jefferson as a revolution backward; an overturning and destroying of all the work of Wash- ington and his fellow patriots. On both sides were the most dogmatic asser- tions and wholesale denunciations of all who were not of their opinion. The hustings were fashioned after the pulpit. It was intense, earnest and positive, and knew no charity for error of judgment. The people sat in their churches shivering and freezing with cold, listening eagerly to the long and dull sermons about dogmas, and they were physically and mentally trained to read the in- terminable screeds on politics and work themselves into a frenzy of hate and fear of any party that was not their particular party. In their politics, as in their religion, they were austere, uncharitable and honest, and they could not compromise with wrong and error.

Dr. Crawford swore "seven profane oaths," and was convicted and pun- ished because he swore in the presence of several gentlemen. But in the newspaper discussion where there were printed words, written in hot anger, that were not only obscene but slanderons, the public were not shocked nor the law invoked to punish the hotspur.

This was all a necessary tutelage to the public to mold and fashion the com- mon mind to its new civic surroundings. It was severe, and to look at it now, without some understanding of the surroundings of that time, it appears hard and cruel, but it was not.

It is quite evident Dr. Crawford struck back at his political enemies not only in the paper, but in every way he could command. In October, 1802, he published a notice to Alexander Russell, brigade inspector, to appear, under penalty, at the house of Martin Markley, Gettysburg, and render to William Crawford, " appointed agent to investigate and ascertain the accuracy of your returns and accounts." In the same paper are notices to Messrs. Brown, Wat- son, Hornor, Montgomery, Lecky, Scott, MeIlhenny, Schmyzer and Olzer, cap- tains of the Third Regiment for the years 1794. 1795. 1796, 1797 and 1798; and also to Finley, Wilson, Meredith, McKee, Cross, Shannon, Charles Wil- son. Kerr and Rowan, captains of the Fourth Regiment, "to attend and bring all accounts and papers and returns made," etc.

August 4, 1802, Mr. Harper had a political article, slashing the Jefferson Republicans for celebrating their victory in a meeting, but he signs the article "Editor."

In the election, October, 1802, for Congress, John Edie had 946 votes; John Stewart, 641 votes. For Assembly, William Miller, 972 votes; Henry Slagle, 928 votes; A. MeIlvain, 633 votes, and P. Wiekart, 522 votes. For commissioners-Henry Hull, 951 votes; S. Fahnestock, 649 votes. Edie ran ahead of Stewart in this county, but the remainder of the district elected Stewart.

In 1803 there were two well-defined parties, and they were growing simply furious in their party discussions-the Federalists and the Republicans. The latter now began to be called "Democrats"-never spelled at that time with

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HISTORY OF ADAMS COUNTY.

a capital by the Federalists. It seems to have been at first used as a term of reproach, and was substituted for the epithet of "Jacobin."

In the election, October, 1803. in Adams County, the vote was as follows: For senator -- Godfrey Lenhart, 775; Rudolph Spangler, 775; Fredrick Eich- elberger, 400. York gave a majority for Spangler, and he was elected. For Assembly-Shriver, 1,927; Miller, 1,170; McIlwaine, 792. Sheriff Kuhn, 784; Gilliland. 299; Gettys, 1.131; Horner, 1,111. Arnt was elected coroner, defeating Welsh, Marshall and Smyser. Slagle was elected commissioner over Blythe by 342 majority.

These show about the division by the people politically in the county between Federalists and Republicans (Democrats, as they now began to be sometimes called).

In 1805 there was still some confusion in men's minds about how to get at just what they wanted in the way of party nominations and similar matters. At the June term of the court the Grand Jury took the matter in hand and issued a proclamation. In this day such would be a rather startling proceed- ings, but we must remember this was done in a day of experiments. Very properly the jury proceeds to deplore the violence of party spirit abroad in the land, and winds up by recommending voters to support in the coming election Thomas MeKean for governor. The document is signed by William Miller, foreman; Robert Slemmons, Peter Wolford, Samuel Russell, George Kerr, Joshua Russell, Walter Jenkins, Robert MeIlhenny. Philip Bishop, John Winrott, John Young, John McCreary, Barnabas McSherry, John Slagle.

This jury manifesto was published one week, and the interest it excited is noted well in the fact that a counter blast from citizens came the next week. The reply was over three columns long; was signed by Patrick Hayes, David Wilson, Alexander Russell, Michael Neuman, James McGaughey, Walter Smith, Alexander Cobean, James Scott, John Murphy, Robert Hayes, Isaiah Harr, Henry Schmeiser, Stephen Hendricks, John Edie, George Kerr, William McPherson, Samuel McCullough, Samuel Lilly, William McClellan, Thomas Ewing, William Weirman, James White, Caleb Bailes, Roger Wales, William Garvin, James Brown, John Troxell, Jacob Sell, Sr., George Sheakley, John Galloway. They say they "read with equal regret and astonishment the paper of the jury," and then they proceed in no mincing way to answer the address.

In the early part of 1805 Gov. McKean issued an order to the militia to wear red and blue cockades instead of black, as had been worn. This liter- ally raised a furor in Gettysburg. The Federalists regarded it as verging on treason, and Capt. Alexander Cobean brought out his company on the next parade day, and they wore the new cockades while in the line of duty, but hurrahed for the black cockade. As quick as the company was dismissed the captain tore off his blue cockade and trampled it under foot, and the men all put on black cockades, and with cheers thus paraded the streets. Cobean was court-martialed for this, and the trial was one of the exciting events of the early times. He was convicted and degraded from his command, and then he sought the columns of the Centinel and scored those neighbors who had aided the prosecution without mercy. The Captain could use terse and vigorous English, and he evidently had become thoroughly aroused, and his black cockade waved in the face of his foes as he charged their lines whenever they might appear.

The Federal-Republicans, as they styled themselves, published a notice of a "deputy meeting" in Gettysburg, September 16, 1805, to nominate a connty ticket for the approaching election. The delegates to this convention were: Cumberland, Alexander Cobean, James Sweeny, Robert Thompson; Ber-

Jesse W. Griest

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wick. John Hersh. Jacob Baker, Francis Marshall; Huntington, A. Robin- ette, John Bonner: Menallen, Robert Alexander, Christian Bender; Mount pleasant, William Torrence, Moses Lockhart; Strabane, William King, Jacob Cassat: Franklin. Moses McClean, Capt. Samuel Russell; Hamiltonban, John MeGinley, William McMillan: Mountjoy. Samuel Smith; Liberty. John Mor- row, John Agnew: Germany, William Beher, Capt. Jacob Winrott; Tyrone, James McKnight; Conowago, Henry Barnherst; Reading, James Chamberlain. The convention nominated for governor Thomas McKean; William Miller for senator; Andrew Shriver and Walter Smith, Assembly, and Jacob Cassat, county commissioner.

The Democrats held a convention soon after this and nominated for gov- ernor. Simon Snyder; senator, William Reed: Assembly, Walter Smith and William Cooper; commissioner, John Bonner. Then Alexander Cobean, John McGinley. Moses McClean, Robert Harper, James Duncan, Dr. William Craw- ford. Jacob Cassat. and others, "rushed into print," and paper bullets of the brain fairly sung and whistled in the air -- sulphurons political lightning all around the sky.

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Author: Publication date: Publisher: W. Taylor Number of Pages: 1280

Author:
Publication date:
Publisher: W. Taylor
Number of Pages: 1280