USA > Pennsylvania > Adams County > History of Cumberland and Adams counties, Pennsylvania. Containing history of the counties, their townships, towns, villages, schools, churches, industries, etc.; portraits of early settlers and prominent men; biographies; history of Pennsylvania, statistical and miscellaneous matter, etc., etc > Part 128
USA > Pennsylvania > Cumberland County > History of Cumberland and Adams counties, Pennsylvania. Containing history of the counties, their townships, towns, villages, schools, churches, industries, etc.; portraits of early settlers and prominent men; biographies; history of Pennsylvania, statistical and miscellaneous matter, etc., etc > Part 128
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Saturday, June 20, Maj. Haller, of the United States Infantry, was sent here, reaching Gettysburg on the day above named. The people assembled at the court house where he addressed them. And at this meeting Capt. R. Bell's company of scouts commenced to form. But the most of the men could not understand Maj. Haller when he wanted them to enroll themselves and go to Harrisburg. They well knew that here was the first exposed point, and then their families and property peremptorily demanded their personal attention.
On the 24th a regiment of Pennsylvania Volunteer Militia, numbering 735 men, of which Company A was nearly entirely students from Pennsylvania College, had been started from Harrisburg and Carlisle to Gettysburg. The cars on which they were coming were thrown from the track at about six miles from town, and there they were delayed. On the 25th 100 picked men were ordered up from the temporary encampment to act as scouts. Col. Jennings and his command had reached this place on Thursday, and Randall and abont 100 men from Philadelphia had also reached here. Maj. Haller, mentioned above, assumed command. Jennings and his command were sent out on the Chambersburg Turnpike on the morning of the 26th. When they met the rebels, in the afternoon, the enemy captured nearly all of Jenning's advance guard-about forty men ; and it was only by prompt and skillful maneu- vering that he saved his command from entire capture, and retreated toward Harrisburg.
Hence, it was, as we have said, that the advance guard of the rebels, 200 strong, galloped into Gettysburg about 3 o'clock on the afternoon of the 26th,
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nnobstructed. This advance cavalry was soon followed by Early's division of Ewell's corps of 5, 000 infantry. But Gettysburg was not the objective point, and it was but little more than a resting pause the rebels made here. By ten o'clock the next day the rear of their army had moved out and were pursuing their way toward the east. As the last rebel filed out of town, a great load was lifted from off our people, and they for a moment hoped that their troubles were all over.
On Sunday, the 28th, Gen. Copeland, with 2,000 cavalry, arrived in Gettysburg in the direction from Emmittsburg. They arrived at noon of that day; and then the people rejoiced and felt they were safe under any emergency, and they uncovered their hidden stores; then with a good will went to cooking and feeding their welcome friends. They encamped east of town, and the next morning started toward Littlestown, meeting some of the enemy's scouts at Fairfield, and had a slight skirmish. The few shots here exchanged may be designated as the first guns fired in the great Gettys- burg battle.
On the 29th it became evident the Army of Virginia was concentrating itself on the Gettysburg & Baltimore Turnpike, south of this place, and at this time the Federal Army was rapidly gathering its forces at the town of Gettysburg. In the meantime Ewell's corps and Short's cavalry had pushed on through Hanover and York and gone as far as Wrightsville. At this last point the Union force had retreated across the Susquehanna and burned the bridge behind them to prevent the rebels from gaining the east bank of the river. Thus it will be seen that Lee broke camp on the 3d of June, and started his army north, and this main force concentrated and marshaled in bat- tle array around Gettysburg on the 29th of the same month. He had been to some extent delayed on account of not receiving such information from Stuart and his cavalry as he expected and hoped for. Stuart had encountered the Union cavalry several times and had been worsted, and was thereby compelled to change his route, and this at times prevented his conveying intelligence in apt time to his commander. At one time the entire Federal Army was between Stuart and Lee. June 28 was the critical moment in the history of our Government. The contending powers had put forth their supreme effort, had gathered up their strength, and standing face to face began to strip and per- fect every detail for the mighty and decisive struggle. Did ever men before move and act under such supreme responsibilities? The long struggle, the terrible conflict was here concentrated and must be decided by this great effort. Officers and men on each side understood all this, and mind and muscle were wrought to the utmost tension. Should history be re written-the best cen- tury of the world's civilization rolled back? And equally to the commanders of these two great armies was it painfully evident that now was the awful mo- ment arrived. The living world was looking on, and the unborn generations of a hundred centuries would turn with breathless interest to the history their success or failure would here make.
And now Gen. Hooker was relieved and Gen. George C. Meade was placed in command of the Union Army. Nothing more than this can be said to add luster to the name and fame of Gen. Meade, than simply to tell what he did under these extraordinary circumstances. The two armies were facing in par- allel lines, in more or less ignorance of the movements and intentions of each other; and yet, had Gen. Hooker so ably kept his vast responsibilities in hand that he could turn them over in a moment, and so perfect in form and shape that Gen. Meade, with hardly time to stop and think a moment, could, as he did, take the great scheme and combinations and successfully carry them to
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completion and victory. If the history of war presents any parallel to this, we are not aware of it. The simplest and dryest detail of these facts far out- runs the most eloquent words of tongue or pen in emblazoning the immortal name of Gen. Meade.
Having assumed command on the 28th, Gen. Meade at once directed his left wing, under Gen. Reynolds, upon Emmittsburg, and his right wing upon New Windsor, leaving Gen. French with 11,000 men to protect the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, and' convey the public property from Harper's Ferry. Buford's cavalry was already here, and Kilpatrick's was at Hanover, where he had a skimish with Stuart's rear cavalry, that was roving over the country really in the hunt of Lee's army. On the rebel side, Hill had passed Cashtown, closely followed by Longstreet.
June 30, at half past ten o'clock in the morning, Buford passed through Gettysburg upon a reconnoisance in force, passing along the Chambersburg road. He communicated promptly the information he gathered to Gen. Rey- nolds, and that officer at once marched from toward Emmittsburg near to Get- tysburg, and encamped on the right bank of Marsh Creek. The right wing of our army in the meantime was moved to Manchester. Hill's and Longstreet's forces pressed on to the vicinity of Marsh Creek on the Chambersburg road, and Pettigrew pushed on and reconnoitered some distance in advance. By nightfall the two forces stood closely facing each other. The vast details of the coming slaughter were complete, and the hills and valleys about Gettys- burg were lit up by the extended camp-fires of two mighty armies, and night and quiet reigned over all. Many a poor, brave fellow, for the last time as he lay down to quiet sleep, looked upon the twinkling stars and thought and dreamed of his far-away home and the loved ones there, and wondered if he would ever be there and with them again.
Early on the morning of July 1 the battle opened. The advancing rebels encountered Buford's dismounted cavalry, and skirmishing commenced. By 10 o'clock the artillery commenced to play, and about this time Gen. Rey- nolds came dashing through the town, and his men moved along the Emmitts- burg road in front of McMillan's and Dr. Schmucker's, protected by Semi- nary Hill. He at once attacked, at the same time ordering up Gen. Howard's Eleventh Corps. Gen. Reynolds had hardly succeeded in placing his men in position, when he was shot dead. Gen. Doubleday then assumed command of the First Corps. Gen. Howard arrived at 11:30 A. M. with Shurz's and Barlow's division of the Eleventh Corps. The attacks of the rebels were vig- orously repulsed now, and Wadsworth's division captured a number of prison- ers, including Gen. Archer. But the rebels were soon reinforced by Rhodes and Early coming up on the Heidelberg road, and they turned the fortunes of the day. Our army was repulsed, and Gen. Howard withdrew to what is now the National Cemetery Hill, a large portion of his men passing through Get- tysburg to reach this point. The Eleventh Corps in passing through the town encountered the rebels, and our men attempted to force their way through Baltimore and Washington Streets. They did force their way through, but with a heavy loss. At this time Gen. Hancock arrived to take command until Gen. Meade could reach the grounds. When Hancock attempted to post troops on our right, he at once was engaged repelling an attack. Night now came and put an end to the day's fighting. Soon after dark Gen. Slocum, with the Twelfth Corps, and Gen. Sickles, with a part of the Third, arrived. Our troops were driven, and the apparent general results were largely against the Union forces. But it should be kept in mind that the very fact of their re- pulse forced them to the splendid and advantageous position of Cemetery Hill,
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and, considering what was to come, this was a great if not a permanent ad- vantage.
Gen. Hancock had reported the very favorablo position our army occupied to Gen. Meade; he had determined to here give the enemy battle. Long be- fore daylight the next morning he arrived. He had ordered everything to concentrate as quickly as possible at Gettysburg. He had broken up his head- quarters at Taneytown at ten o'clock in the evening and arrived here at one o'clock A. M. All night long the silence was only disturbed by the heavy tramp of armed men, the rattle of the artillery wheels, all hurrying to their appointed places. Batteries were planted and breastworks hastily thrown up. The Second and Fifth Corps and the remainder of the Third reached the grounds a little after sunrise. Sedgwick with the Sixth Corps only arrived after one o'clock in the day. His command had marched thirty-four miles since nine o'clock of the evening before.
The 2d of July dawned, and the two armies were posted, our men on Ceme- tery Hill and extending southward, the enemy occupying the lower and longer ranges of hills in their front, overlapping our forces on either wing. The two lines were a mile to a mile and a half apart. At 3:30 in the afternoon a signal gun from the hostile batteries announced the renewal of the savage work. Every cannon of the rebels along their extended line opened instantly a galling fire, and on our left the enemy's infantry advanced. This advance infantry movement extended to our left center. Gen. Sickles moved forward to gain a commanding position, and this drew upon him a furious fire from the enemy's guns, and an assault from Longstreet's and Hill's advance columns. Sickles was driven back and he fell wounded. The Fifth and Sixth Corps, with portions of the First and Second were promptly thrown to the support of the Third, and here the fighting on both sides was stubborn and often furious. By sundown the enemy was repulsed and was compelled to fall back. At the close of the day Gen. Crawford's Fifth Corps made its advance between Round Top and Little Round Top. He had also two brigades of the Pennsylvania Reserves, of which one company was from Adams County and the immediate vicinity of Gettysburg mostly. At eight o'clock in the evening a desperate attempt was made to storm the position of the Eleventh Corps on Cemetery Hill. Here a terrible hand to hand conflict ensued, but the assailants were finally repulsed.
In the meantime Ewell, on our extreme right, had succeeded in gaining a foothold within our lines near Spangler's Spring. On our left, our lines had been driven back to Little Round Top, and when the day's conflict ended they were occupying this position. This was something like the forced movement of the Union forces of the day before. They had simply been driven into the most advantageous positions, and this again was a compensation that had immense results to follow in the end.
The third and last day of the battle opened early in the morning by Gen. Geary returning to our right to occupy his old position and strengthen the Third Corps. A sharp action took place, and he drove the enemy from the ground they had gained. All morning there was fighting at this point; at eleven o'clock firing ceased and all became still, and so remained until half- past one o'clock. Then every rebel gun simultaneously opened fire; over 150 guns of the rebels alone were worked to their utmost capacity, and the answer- ing guns from the Union line completed the horrid din and roar that has never before or since been equaled. Two-thirds of the rebel guns were aimed upon Cemetery Hill. For two hours this destructive cannonading went on, the enemy in the meantime rallying his forces and preparing the way for a great and decisive charge of his infantry.
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Long lines of rebel infantry were seen to move out from their cover into the plain and quickly form in line of battle. They moved into line, quietly and quickly, at the low command that ran along the line. Fourteen thousand men! Without a cheer, without a word, hardly so much as a whisper, moving with lock-step into the wide gaping jaws of death. Just at this point, what an impressive, what a magnificent sight! It could but excite the momentary ad- miration of their most hated enemy upon whom they are moving. They were nearly all Virginians, picked men from a great army of fire-tried veterans- they were literally the Old Guard of the Confederacy; terrible soldiers to the tips of their toes and fingers, every one feeling that the fate of his cause hung upon the weak and uncertain thread of his life. Every step of their measured tread they well understood is an awful advance to almost certain death. Our lines are still and quiet, stopped apparently to view the magnificent spectacle in front of them in the open plain, where there is nothing to obstruct the view. Steady, with perfect alignment, they moved like a solid piece of iron machinery, proceeding directly, until they pass in front of Wilcox, they suddenly whirl to the left and turn their faces directly at Hancock's command. This movement draws the fire from McGilvey's forces, when the Federal batteries belch forth a cloud-burst of fire and shot into the serried compact ranks. Pickett ordered another wheel to the right oblique, and then the moving mass of men are mowed like grass before the reaper. The Union infantry pours in a galling fire; the rebels stagger a moment, falling in great rows and heaps and literal swaths; they rally and double-quick upon our lines through the awful shower of lead and iron. They throw themselves head-long forward up to the lines of the Sixty-ninth and Seventy-first Regiments. This brings them under the cross- fire of Stanard's brigade, occupying a small wood to the left of Pickett's attack. Hancock quickly forms to take the enemy in flank. They pierce the lines of Hall and Harrow, and then of Webb, and the Federals fall back upon their second earthworks, near their artillery.
And now it was an indiscriminate mass of disorganized men, with all iden- tity of commands gone, and men struggling and fighting. They fought hand to hand, they fought with guns, pistols, cannon, sticks, ramrods and, when they could place their hands on nothing else, with stones or clubs-the death- struggling of a mob. The clump of trees is the Confederate objective point, and a specimen of the way men fought and died, that illustrates well the fight- ing of the two lines, Rebel and Union, as here given: The rebel Armistead on foot, his hat waving on the point of his sword, rushes forward, followed by 150 men who will follow him anywhere, toward this coveted battery in the clump of trees. He passes the earthworks and reaches Cushing's guns. Then Cushing, mortally wounded in both thighs, runs his last gun, that will longer work, down to the fence and shouts back: "Webb, I'll give them one more shot." He fires the gun, calls out "Good by," and falls dead beside his piece. Armistead answers this challenge: "Give them the cold steel, boys!" and lays his hand upon Cushing's gun; but at that moment Armistead falls by the side of Cushing, pierced with balls. Side by side, slowly stiffening in death, lay the brave and intrepid Cushing and the gallant, dashing and invincible Armistead-magnificent types they were of the two contending forces; one could not be driven, the other could not be stopped. Death alone could stop them, nothing could conquer either. Stricken with death, they sank smiling to the earth, shonting a gleesome and jolly "Good-by, boys!" to their com- panions, and as they quietly sank to rest and sleep, the roar of battle, the din of terrible war died away, growing fainter and fainter, a slight tremor, and all is forever still and the rigid lines of death never disturbed the sweet and con-
IsraelGarretson
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tonted smilos upon their faces. They lie buried side by side, sweetly sleeping the eternal, dreamless sleep. Let oue monument mark the spot, and upon brave Cushing's side of the stone, cut in bold relief a sleeping lion, and on Armistead's side a sleeping tiger. This should be the historic monumental stone of all the late war. Here was the heart of the great battle of Gettys- burg, the exact turning point of the war itself. Here was the extreme point reached by the great wave of rebel invasion. Here it stopped, stunned, stag- gered, roeled, aud all bleeding, maimed and torn and multilated, staggered back, bearing its death wound.
And the decisive and great battle of the war is over. There was but a small remnant of Pickett's men when repulsed, returned to their lines, bearing their ragged, torn and tattered remnants of their flag, a fitting emblem of the body of meu over whom it had waved. To his dying day Lee must have ever regarded the movements of Pickett's charge as the crowning mistake and mis- fortune of his whole life.
Lee's army was ruined by Pickett's charge from further offensive war; he was in the enemy's country where he had marched to make offensive war. It was now demonstrated that he could not rout the enemy from his stronghold. These were the thoughts that were surging though his mind when Pickett re- turned defeated. Now, what could he do? He had recklessly risked too much. He knew how he had crippled and hurt the enemy, but he sadly realized how dearly this had cost him. What must he do? Not retreat in wild confusion, and invite the enemy in hot pursuit to destroy in detail his army. This is never done except by armies that are whipped, crushed with overwhelming de- feat. He sullenly turned his face, and, in deliberate military order, commenced to retrace his steps; returned to Virginia, crippled and ruined to the extent that his future tactics could only be to stand upon the defense. And this was the great morale, the great victory of the Union at the bloody battle of Gettys- burg.
All who have written about the battle or told the story of those three bloody days of July, whether Federal or Rebel, will tell you that Lee's losses here in numbers, saying nothing of the character and excellence of the men, were simply frightful, and as they charged across the open field without firing a gun they could inflict but little damage upon the Union forces. This fact being well understood, what does the table of losses, the grand aggregate of the two armies show? There is nothing like it in the history of the world's great and deciding battles. The losses in each of the two armies is almost ox- actly the same. Or, as given from the best attainable official documents, the total Union loss was 23,196 men; the total rebel loss 23,000 to 30,000. In the per cent of men lost, it was twenty-seven per cent of the Federal Army and thirty-six per cent of the Confederate.
AT MEADE'S HEADQUARTERS.
Lee alone knew the battle was over when Pickett was driven back. Meade did not know what moment the attack would be renewed or what point the enemy would select.
Gen Meade and nearly all of his division commanders were called in the early part of 1864, before the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War, and under oath questioned as to the battle of Gettysburg. So far as the different points were explained, as to the doings and determination of the move- ments of the army at Gen. Meade's headquarters, his testimony throws a flood of light upon all such subjects. In matters of mere opinion, we care nothing for the testimony and it is of very little value to history.
9A
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Gen. Meade testifies that on the 4th of July he knew the enemy was mov- ing, and could not then tell whether it was a retreat or a flank movement for an- other attack upon him. A terrible rain storm prevailed on the 4th. His best in- formation was the enemy had a superior force on the ground, that is, more men than he had, and he could not afford to risk losing all his great gains in the general battle already fought. He utterly crushed Gen. Butterfield's oath about his giving orders after the second day's fight to retreat.
Gen. Pleasonton testifies he urged Meade to follow up Pickett's repulse by taking the offensive and bagging Lee's army; he thought the rebel army wholly demoralized and really routed, and describes the face of the earth south of Gettysburg swarming with Lee's stragglers and demoralized fugitives.
In answer to a direct question Meade said: "Including all arms of the service, my strength was a little under 100,000 men, about 95,000. * As far as I could judge I supposed Lee had a force about 10,000 or 15,000 superior to mine." He says: " The enemy were not a retreating rabble; they moved slow- ly and in military order, and by a flank movement he pursued them, and at Williamsport the enemy took a strong position and offered him battle, and in a council of war his subordinate commanders voted it folly to attack the enemy in the position taken," etc., etc.
Gen. Sickles testified, among many other statements: "I did not attend any council held (at Gettysburg) by Gen. Meade. There were several councils; there was a council Thursday morning, * * another Thursday night, and I un- derstood there were those who voted on Thursday to retreat. * * I understood there was a council Friday night, the night after the battle, and that there was a pretty strong disposition then to retreat, and, as I understood from reliable authority, the reason why the enemy was not followed up was on account of differences of opinion whether or no we should ourselves retreat or follow up the enemy." Question: "After the final battle?" Answer: "Yes, sir. It was by no means clear in the judgment of the corps commanders, or of the general in command, whether we had won or not."
Gen. Doubleday testified in answer to questions: "We entered the fight the first day with 8,200 men in the First Corps, and came out with 2,450." In answering a question propounded to him he said: " There has always been a great deal of favoritism in the Army of the Potomac. No man who is an anti-slavery man or an anti-McClellan man can expect decent treatment in that army as at present constituted." Doubleday was removed from his command, and left the army on July 7. He testified that in his opinion Lee's army should have been attacked at Williamsport and that our army could have there crushed his and captured it before it could have crossed the swollen stream.
Gen. A. P. Howe, among other things, testified: "Our position mainly did the work for us. The enemy worked at great disadvantage. I was under the impression at the time, and have been ever since, that Gen. Lee made a great mistake there, for he evidently thought he could carry the place very much easier than the result proved; and after the fight of the 3d of July, I con - sidered that our army had plenty of fight in it, if I may so express myself. Our army was not badly cut up; we had had quite a number of disabled men, to be stue, but it was an orderly fight. We were in a position where there was no straggling and demoralization; we had some pretty sharp cuts from that cannonading, but it was the most orderly fight I have ever been in, growing out of the position. In a military point of view it was not much of a battle; it was a very ordinary affair as a battle. In its results it was immensely import- ant, for it checked the rebel advance upon vital points; but as a military oper- ation on our side, no particular credit can attach to it. There was no great
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generalship displayed; there was no maneuvering, no combinations." Among other things he said, after Pickett's charge he believed our whole army should havo attacked Lee's army; that they were, in his opinion, about out of ammu- nition, etc., etc. He said he believed our army could have thrown Lee's into utter rout and killed and captured it in detail.
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