USA > Pennsylvania > Dauphin County > History of the counties of Dauphin and Lebanon : in the commonwealth of Pennsylvania ; biographical and genealogical > Part 20
USA > Pennsylvania > Lebanon County > History of the counties of Dauphin and Lebanon : in the commonwealth of Pennsylvania ; biographical and genealogical > Part 20
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But how comes it to pass, that ye Indians, who are confessedly at war with us, should expect any Intelligence from ye Indians at Philadel- phia ? It is said, that before they went to Philady ye Enemy Indians told them that ye white People would kill them upon which they prom- ised to send them an account before an appointed Day if they were still alive, but if they rec1 Do Express they might conclude that they were cut off. But why this agreement between enemy Indians, & those that are said to be in ye Interest of the White People, if they really were in our interests? Are they to be accounted our Friends, who can hold Correspondence with our Enemies? Are they not of ye same Tribe? And is it our bard Fate to be at War with a Tribe, while a part of it is supported at ye public Expence & furmushing their Brethern with con- stant Intelligence about ye state of affairs among us? Have not we given, in our Remonstrance laid before the Governoar, as full Proof. the Nature of the Affair can adtutt of, that ye Indians now at Philad: carried on a secret Correspondence & Trade with our Enemies on the great I-land, & therefore -bould also be treated as Euemiles . Has any Quaker even ntiempte.famonest all ye lutter scorrilons things that are Published aga hist ns to shew that we concluded against these poor In- nurents as they affect to call them from false or weak Frem se+ we have not better Evidence that any particular Tribe or Nation of Italians have been at War with us, than that all ye Indians that lived amongst hs wirralon our Enemies. We have long been convinced from sotherent Evidence that ye Indiana that lived as independent Commonwealths among its or Bear our Borders were our most dangerous Enemies, both
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GENERAL HISTORY.
In the list & present War, altho' they still pretended to be our Friends. " Oath on the holy Evangelist, that in the year 175, when her Father . John Jacob Laroy & divers others were murdered by the Inthians at ye great Makanai, She this Deponent & her Brother with others were made
The Wyalusing Indians, who lived on the Sesquehannah are confessedly at War with us: & we are certain that that part of them who lived at Bethlehem carried on a Correspondence with our Enemies, & furnished . Prisoners, and taken to ye Kittitanman an Indian Settlement, and that them with implements of war & are justly suspected of committing . she remained a Prisoner with the Indians untill ye year 1759, in which year she with three other Prisoners made their Escape. murders in Northampton County ; as one of them is proved upon Dath to be ye Person that murdered Stinton with his family. The Rum-de- That dming her Captivity with the Indians ; the French officers were furnished with the Pennsylvania Garette weekly, or once in two weeks; so that a frequent Correspondener was carried on ; That she saw strange Indian messengers come with Intelligence; and that ye French officers and Interpreters, with whom she was employed, told her this Dejoment, that these Messengers were ye Conestogor Imhans, and that the English had not one Indian in their Interest but otte, and that was Isaac, and farther added that all the Conestague Indians were willing to take up the Hatchet against the English when the French requested them. And this Deponent further doposeth & suth, that since ye Time of her Fe- cape from the Indi ins, Bill Sock's reputed Mother came to her at Lan- caster, & after some Enquiry about ve In lin Family she was Prisoner with, she this Depont enquired, whether she yes! Bill sock's Mother had been out in any of ye back Parts, who replied that she never ha.l. but that her Son Bill had been ont often & would go out again, & that he was good for Nothing, or words to that Purpose. banched & Trader-corrupted Thieves & Vagalndnis that lived on Su-que- hannah & Ohno are indesputably unfaithful & perfidions. Scarcely were ye most public Treaties conchuddel with them, when they murdered the Inhabitants: ny in ye very Time of them, they were forming Schemes how they might destroy us, after they had received Blankets, Ammuni- thvir, & other Presents from ye white People. The five Nations, that have ever retained some Reputation for Honour & Filehty have told us, that they have reproved the Delawares &c. & shook them by the Hair of the Head, do they express it ; & have lately gone to war against them & have taken 40 of their Wariors prisoners. The Commonwealths of In- dians permitted contrary to ye tuxim of good Policy to live in a time of War in our Boun I have been our most dangerous Euennes ; as they murdered our Inhabitants, lend themu into Captivity, were Gnider to other Indians reported our weak & defenceless state to ye French to- gether with all our motions & Dispositions against them ; & at ye same Time wearing the Cloak of Friendship, they couldl readily obtain Provi- That some Time during this Deponents Captivity aforesaid an Indian nabied Jo Compi-s appeared at ye Kittitaman aforeed having two chil- dren of one Peter Leek's Prisoners, & told her that he had killed bath their Father & Mother ; & this Deponent farther deposeth, that she knew ve -I Peter Leeks & his wife before they were killed, & know their chil- dren aforead before they were made Prisoners; and that ye st Jo. Com- i pass frequentiy weet out to war trom ye sime Kittitamin whilest she was Prisoner there, & was said to be sent out against Swatarrah, Taut- pahakin, Canegogig, & the South Branch ; & that she saw ye sabie Iu- dian Jo. Compass at ye list Indian Treaty held at Lancaster. givne, Ammunition, & Warlike Implements to convey to our Enemies. Their well known claim to Freedom & Inder adeney put it in their Power to harbour Spies & give Intelligence. They have ever asserted & exercised the Rightof making War & Peace as independent Nations, never came under our Laws, nor acknowledged Subjection to our King & Government; but they always governed theniselves by their own Cus- toms, & exercised ye Puwer of Life & Death over their own People. 'Tis true that ve little Common wealth at Conesta goe have in one Point Stipa- lated with us that if an Indian killed a white man, yo Iodial should be tried by our Laws ; which is still consistent with their being A free & in- dependent State. Mournful Experience has convinced us that no Nation Sworn before me at Lancaster afors !! ANNE MARIE LA ROY. could be safe especially in a Time of War, if another State or Part of a this 25th Day of February 1764 Lancaster Bor JAMES BICKHAM. State be allowed to live among the free & independent, claiming & ex- ercising within themselves all ye Power of Government, ye Powers of making War & Peice, harbourio_ & corresponding with ye Enemies of Je state wherein they live, receiving theu spues, giving the or Intelh- gence, & turnishing them with ye means of support & Implements of 1 War. No such Privilege has been granted to any Commonwealth in any civilized Nation in the World. But this has been allowed to Indian- amongst us, we justly complain of it as ye Source of many of our Calami- ties, as they have all proved perfidious.
Knowing that the little Commonwealth of Indians at Conestogue that pretended to be our Friends, had done us much mischief, and were in Reality our most dangerous Enemies in Number of Persons living amongst us, who had seen their Houses in Flames, their Parents and Relatives butchered in ye most inhuman manter, determined to root ont this Nest of perfidious Enearies ; accordingly cut them off. This ac- tion has occasioned much warm Debate ; & sobre have maliciously rep- reputed it as an unparalleled inhnotan Massacre of an innocent and barusless People. But let us consider ye matter impartially, & we hope to give such Evidence, as we think, will make it appear unreasonable, to conclude so severely against his.
We hope that it will not be disputed but that if the Conestogne In- dians were in Confedermy with our open Enemies, gave them constant intelligence of what we were doing, were frequently autor get our Ene- Dites, were trusted and lepended upon by the French as their Friends, had gone to War against us & had actually murdered some of ne, they were it much our Enemies as any other Tribe of Indians ou the Conti- nent. We trust that it will also be readily granted, that their living amongst us put it in their Power to be a more dreadful Enemy than any other Tribe that consisted of no more Persous & that their aggravated Pertidy justly exposed thent to an aggravated Destruction. And we hope that if we are alde to bring as good Evidence of their being Ene- many as ye Nature of ye Thing can adhat, our viver-aries will be satis. find with it. We have been long fully convinced & mme Ve plainest Expirace that they were Enemies; but for ye satisfaction of othery we Have vince collected Diany wath- sworn at different Times, Infore dif- fient Majestrates & by Persons ot nudout ted Probity and Veracity. to Ir week- Point; which we shall lay before we impartial World. And say Pery in that will take the Trouble may collect as many more of the Lali aster Borough. To vitt.
Before me the Subscriber cloof Borgess of the Borough af uresaid per- P. uatly appeared Ande Mary La Roy of the Borough aforesaund, & made
Before me the Subscriber chief Burgess of the Borough aforest per- sonally came Thoniis Moore, & made Oath on the holy Fvangelist. that during his six years Slavery with the Indians at ye salt Lick & other Places, there were repeat i advices from ve Inhabitants of Pennsyl- vania brought by strange Messenger Indians & that the Indians, with whom he was Prisoner told him this Depunent, thint those Carryers, who brought the News, were the Indinns that lived among ye white People. who pretended to be their Friends, sothetimes stum Bethlehem and di- vers other Places-& that there were frequent Dispatches brought there relating to ye motions of the Army of this Province.
Sworn & subscribed before me at Lancaster, Febry 47-1764 J. BICKHAMI.
the mark of
by THOMAS × MOORE
Lancaster County ss.
Personally appeared before me one of his Majesties Justices of the Peace for sd County, Alexander Stephen, & being qualified as ye Law directs, with that an Indian woman named Canayah sally told the sd Deponent, since ye last war, that the L'ouestogor Indians killed Jegrce an Indian Man, because he would not go tu Wir with ye s1 Conestogve Indians against the English ; and that James Cottis told s! Deponent since the last War, that he was one of ye three, that killed old Jatues tor William. Hamilton on Shearman's Creek, ye Beginning of the last War. And farther this Deponent saith, that after ye late War st Jamies Cottis demanded of s 1 Deponent a Canoe, which he had found, or pay io Lieu thereof, which Canve yo of Murderers had left, as Cottis said, at ye Time sd murder was Committed : and further saith not.
sword & subscribed before THIS. FORSTER.
by ALEXANDER STEPHENS. On Manada 14 miles.
Lancaster County se.
Persona ly appeared before me one of bis Majesties Justices of the Penice for så County Charles Cunningham, and te na qualified as ye Law directs, saith that he gesi Deponent heard an Indian named Joshuy James may since the last War, that he never killed a White Man in his Life, but six Duchtuen that he killed in the huisinks, & further saith Dr.
>worn & subscribed before THOS. FORSTER.
by CHARLES CUNNINGHAMI.
Lancaster County &
Personally appeared before me one of his Majesties Justices of ye Pence for yd County, Robert Armstrong, & being qualified as ye Law di-
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HISTORY OF DAUPHIN COUNTY.
rects saith as follows, viz. an Indian named Sechans with several others liveil near my House in the year 1762; some of them were so impudent as to say, that they had been at War with the white People & would soon be at War again, particularly one I-aac, who called Seahave his Uncle. In the year 1:62 as ye Indians were connug down to the Treaty, they happened to stay at my House in Hahfax ; a Man who se Namie as Dear as I can remember was Wilham Flaps & his wife. being both priz- oners, tidd Die they would be qualified, that ye Indians held two Coun- cils, & agreed that they would go to Philadelphia & get what they could, & so return & cot off the back settlements. On their Return ye s1 In- dians stayed four Days about my Place & proved very ins lent, took about aix acres of corn, killed several H gg-, & took je Frit of about 150 bearing Trees, and further saith not.
Sword before The' Forster & signed by ROBERT ARMSTRONG. N.B .: Scahues & Isla. were Conestoque Indians .-
Lancaster County, ... :
Before me the Subscriber one of thi, Majesty's Justices of s+ Peace in & for the County of Lancaster. personally appeared Jobn Himbright of ye Borough of Lancaster, who being duly sworn on the holy Evangel- ists dotlt depose & say that about August in the Year 1757. be tin- De- ponent being an officer in ye Fort Augusta to Hunters for Provisions for that Garrison; that on his way down he halted under Cover of the Bank of ye River Susquehannah, to rest A refresh his men at Mcker's old Place, having a Centry fixed on ye Bank behind a tree to prevent a surprize ; that the Centry informed after some Time that there were In- dians coming up the Road, upon which this Deponent cranled up the Bank, & discovered two Indians, one of whom be knew to be Bill Sock, one of the Indians lately killed at Lancaster-that he suffered y. Indians come pretty near, & then thecovering himself called to Bill Suck to come to him imaginoy he was going as usual to Furt Angusta, where he had often seen him among the Indians ; that the Indians then immeulately halted, & after considering about a minute ran off with their greatest speed ; which at That much surprized this Deponent, as the s' sick bol always pretended Friendship & no Violence or Threats were then offered to them, and neither this Deponent nor any of his Party had any Inten- tion to injure them : That upon this Deponent procendel down to Hun- ter's, he was informed that an Old Man had been killed in that Neigh- borhood the Day before ; and as no other Mischief was done at that Time, in those parts, nor no account of any other Indians being seen or heard of on that Quarter at that true, 5" s1 Bill Sock & his Companion a strange . Indian were suspected & believed to be the Perpetrators of that Murder That he this Deponeut before this Time had frequentiy seen Jall > k with his Brother ami others of Conestogoe Indians at Fort A igusta & often met them on ye Communication carrying np Keggs of Whiskey & other things to trade with ye other Indians there, but that after this murder yo sª Bill Sock dil not appear at that Garrison for near fair months, and then came there with a Number of other Indians from up the River above the Fort, at which Time he behaved in a different man- ner than usual, not coming into the Fort nor being so familiar as for- merly. Aud farther this Deponent saith not.
Sworn && subscribed the 28th of Feb., 1764, before me ROBERT THOMPSON.
J. HN HAMELIGHT.
Lancaster County, så. :
Personally appeared before me one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for s' county, Matthew foxden, and being qualited aste law li- recta saith that he ye ! deponent at one time remonstrated with . Id Seahaes harboring so many strange Indians who were suspected mint- dering y back inhabitants; when he replyed that he was to stand for them, meaning that he was not responsible, and the settlers minst look out for themselves. & further saith not.
Sworn & subscribed before
MATTHEW COWDEN.
THox FORSTER.
Lancaster County, As.
Personally appeared before me one of his Majesty's Justices of ve Peace for 61 County, Moyes Dickey, & Leing quahned asy Low directs saith as follows, viz. : That while on a scout bist smimer he saw Bill Soc and two others from vr Lindian Town in a march with -trange In- diane to the direction of se Munady, but support they were all friends, that the day following he learned that several houses bal teen burned in that direction and the formthe- murdered, and he fully believe. B.Il Soc and his companions done it: and further saith not.
MOSES DICKEY.
It would he endless, & we apprehend unnecessary, to transcribe Oath+ upon this Hrad. We have It in our Power to prove upon the Oath of a Person of unquestionable veracity who was present at & heard a Conversation between George Sock a Conestogoe Indian & another strange Indian who came down to ye Treaty ar Lancaster ; that when yes! Indian reproached st Sock that he was no man & had no Busine-+ at ye Treaty, said Sock replied, that altho' he had taken no Prisoners, yet he had during ye course of war killed six white men ; upon which ye other Indian rose up, took him by the Hand & drank to him as a Brother. It can also be proved that Canay sam called the a Sock A Thief, for that he living among ye white People has stolen six Scalps, & had brought them to ye Indian Town where sd sam was at ye Time and it is a thing notorious that strange Indians were frequently seen anion ye Conestogoe Indians at their manor, would tarry some Time, have a Was Dance, & then de; art. From the evidence that we have laid be- fore the World, it appears that not only the Conestogoe Indians, four also those that lived at Bethlehem, & in other Farts of the l'rovince were all perfidions,-were in the French Interest & in Combination with our opeu eneDije-,-furnished them with our public Papers every week or Fortnight,-gave themi Intelligence of all the metion- & Di-positions of ye Province Army against them-were frequently with the French and Indians at their Forts & towns,-supplied them with Provisions & warlike stores,-entertained strange Indian -pies,-joined with them 10 their War Dances, and in their Parties that made Incursions ou Fr u- tiers,-were ready to take up the Hatchet against the English, when the French requested it,-mindered and sralped our Brethren .- inso. lently boastel of the horrid murders they had committed, when they saw that our Blood was tamely covered at ye last Trenty, & them- selves loaded with Present-,-Confessed they had been at War with us again,-and even went as far as to put one of their old Warriors in Death when he refused to go to War against us. This is It a small Fart of the Evidence upon which we proceeded, when our Neighbors cut off thar perfidivus Remuant of a Tribe at Lancaster & CoLes- togue manor, & when we came to Germantowo to petition the Gov-r- nour for ye Removal of ye Bethlehem Indians now in Philadelphia out of the Province. And what Evidence can we expect to be sufficient, io prove any Indian Comuionwealth our Enemies, if this is not? What theu means all ye malicious Clamour against us, as it we had murdered our innocent Friends ! Are we not as justifiable in gettingoft this Tribe of Enemies as any other! Can their living amongst us justify their Perfidy, or entitle them to commit Ravages upon his Majestie's losai Subjects with Immonnity ?
We know it has been said by their Friends ; If there was sufficient Evi- dence to coovict any of the Conestogue or Bethlehem Indians of being Enemies; why were not ye particular Persons named & actions brought against them, so that they might have the Benefit of a fair Trial; erpe- cially as they have publickly stipulated to he tried in our Courts of Jys- tice, if any of them should be accused of killing any of his Majestie's Subjecta : .
This could never be understood as a Stipulation to take Place when ye Tribe became Enemies to his Majesty, Iuit ouly to provide for the Trial of murderers in a Time of Peace. In this Respect it was alow- lutely necessary, as they were an independent Commonwealth in ye Heart of the Province, but it would be absurd when they were at war with ns. When they gave up this Power to us, they notwithstanding retained their claim to Freedom & Independence, & exercised all je Power of a free state, the Power of making War & Peace, of exercising criminal Jurisdiction &e. And can any Person be 40 little acquainted with the Law of Nature, as to suppose that their giving up this single article to us, would secure to every Individual of them the Benefit of a Trial by our Laws, when they were Enemies or tie up our Hands so thit we could not chastize them, when they broke their Treaties with no, in ye same manner that we chastize our other Enemies. With as much Reason might it he demanded of us, not to nave beyond our own Bord ... after our Enemies, but patiently sutter ourselves to be murdered & scalped untill we could take some of our Murderers alive & bring them to Frid in our Court of Justice. For most of As Ravaged on our Frontiers bare been committed by Triles of Indians, that have toade ye sime neter ment with us in a Time of Peace. But who I - net wer the Absurd ?! of such a Demand in Favour of a Tribe either openly or secretly at W. r with us . And Istly what Nation nuder yo sun ever don't with In i viduals of another Nation at War with them, a not with ye whole Body or Nation ?- -- And here we cannot but algarve to aggrav ite ye matter & to involve us in the unjust charge of Deloyalty to our gra Dus King. " how we have faithtully seivel with -ne through Je late & 1.8-2 18 Indian wars ; we understand that it is said, that the Conest Que India !. were under the Protection of the Government ; and therefore it was ily.
Sworn & subser:bed before THOS. FORSTER.
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GENERAL HISTORY.
ing in the Face of lawful authority to kill these Indians, especially such of them as were in the Work - House in Lancaster. We are of a very dif- ferent opimon in this Particular, & believe that altho' ve Indians were by the Consent of the Magistrate- of Lancaster in the Work Home there. For there is Power in any Government to protect its Enemies, that is, to ruin itself. 'Tis true that ye Governonr for the Time being is vested in the Ioth Article of ye Royal Charter, with ye Power & ifice of a Cap- tain General, to levy muster & train all sort of men, of what Condition soever, wheresoever born, in the Province, to make War, & pursue all Enemies, Robbers, &c , as well by Sea ns by Land even without ye Limits of the Province, & by God's Assistance to vanquish & take them, & when taken to put to Death by the Law of War, or to save them at Pleasure. But no Justices of ye Peace Have nor can have this P wer. The Legis- Mature, Executive & Federal Powers of Government are distinct in them- "elves & belong to different officers; & n Counmission to exercise one of these Branches of Power can never authorize any Person to exercise another. The Legislative & Executive Powers of making & executing Laws respect only the Subjects of ye Government ; & ya Business of those, thit are vestel with them by proper Commissioner- i- puly to de- termine matters that concern the vienibers of the Community. But the Felerative Powers of Guvernment, which respect foreign independent states, and which include the Power of sending Embas adors, making War & Peace, treating with or punishing Enemies, giving military Con- missions, constituting Courts martial &c belong only to the Governour as Captain gebetal. Every other Inhabitant of ye Province is prohibited in ye 15 sect : of je afures! Charter from maintaining any Correspond- ence with any other King. Prince or stute or with any of their subjects that shall be at War with his Majesty. From whence we conclude that it is alsolutely repugnant to the Law of Nations, to yr British Constitu- tion & to the Royal Charter granted to our Proprietors, for any Person, however vested with ye legislative or Executive Powers of Government, to interfere at Treaties with foreign independent states or Common- wealths uf Enemies, or carry on a correspondence with them in Time of War: bor have they any thing to do with them, but as private Persone in time of Peace, Therefore whether ye civil Majestrates at Lancaster, looked upon that free State of Indians that lived in their Neighborhood, as Friends or Enemies, they neither had por could have a Power by Virtue of their Commissions, to protect these Enemies of his Majesty against the Resentiments of his injured subjects. And it appears to us that they were sensible that their Con:missions did not authorize them to protect these Indians for they never attempted to defend them. In- deed the very attempt would argue either Ignorance of their office or Rebellion against his Majesty, neither of which can be justly laid to their charge, so that we conclude that we insulted no lawfi 1 authority, bor flew in ye Face of Government, but acted as loyal subjects of his Majesty when we cut off these bis enemies.
But let us even suppose that the Magistrates were mistaken about ye extent of their Power for all Men are fallilde , and that they thought they had Power & it was their Duty to protect these Indians. Would it therefore be right to defend his Magesties Enemies, merely because they thought they should do it, or did not know that they were Ene- mies. " By no means," you will say ; " but 'tis wrong to resist ye civil Magistrate when he happens to be mistaken." 'Tis readily granted that we should not resist him when he happens to mistake in the Execution uf lils Otice, or in determining any matter that lies within bis priper .phere: but his Commission as a civil officer cannot warrant him to do anything that lies out of Lis Province, or entitle him toa tame subalts- sion frou ye Persons, that might suffer from such au usurpation. Would it not be right to resist a Coastalde that would piel bis commis-ion as giving him a Right to sit on the Bench with the Magistrates ? Would it not be right to respect a Member of Assembly who would plead that his being a Representative of the free Jen of the Province entitled and authorized hin to usurp ye federative Powers of Government, & inter- fere at public Treaties with Enemies? And would it not be right to resist a justice of the Peace if he would plea.l his conimission as giving hmm & Power of making Laws, striking money, proclaiming War, making Peace, trying Criminals & hanging Malefactors : And can it be wrong to resist a civil Magistrate, if he should prossime upon his L'on- mission to protect his Majesty's most dangerous Enemies? Would out Ve attempt argue Disloyalty to his Majesty & Disaffection to his Govert- ment? And can it be wrong to oppose what drive from so dangerous a Principle ? Can it be wrong to suppose what minst necessarily termi- nate in ya Subversion of all order s government ?
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