USA > Pennsylvania > Welsh settlement of Pennsylvania > Part 28
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When Philip Ford, "late of Alisbury, County of Bucks, near London," applied to his meeting, the Upper Side of Bucks monthly meeting, on 4. 7mo., 1672, for a certificate of good character addressed to the men's meeting, London, having declared his intention of marriage with one Bridget Gosnell (Gosnel, or Gosnold, as her name was variously written), of London, William Penn was one of the signers of it.
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Penn attended their wedding, on 24. Smo., 1672, at the Bull and Mouth meeting, in London, of which Philip and Bridget were members.
Ford stood .high in the estimation of English Friends from this time till his death. In 1676, he was one of the Friends in Hereford, appointed by the yearly meeting, to whom Friends in the county "afflicted with sufferings" should report. And from the minutes of the Upper Side of Bucks monthly meeting, 1679, 11mo. 7, and 1680, 2mo. 7, it appears he was the one selected to take the contributions to James Claypool, in London, and, as late as 1686, 9mo., he was one of the Friends appointed by the yearly meeting, at London, to receive contributions from monthly meetings. According to a circular of the Free Society of Traders in Pensylvania, dated 25 March, 1682, "Philip Ford in Bow Lane, near Cheap Side," London, was their agent to receive subscriptions to the shares of this company, so dear to the heart of William Penn, because it advertised and "boomed" his province land sales. Therefore, Friends of all classes must have had great confidence in Ford, and the "mighty secret" between him and Penn was kept well hidden.
*This company, often referred to, was organized for the purpose of "trade, manufacture and commerce in and with Pensylvania." Its first meeting was held in London, in 3mo. 1682. Future meetings were "to be held on the first Thursday in November, in the Capital city of Pensylvania."
This "society of traders" had extraordinary privileges. Among these, it was invested with "the lordship of the manor of Frank," and was to have three representatives sit in the Pensylvania Assembly, under its original charter, mapped out by Pend himself, for it was one of his pet schemes by which to sell his land, and build up some outside trade for his province, even "with the Emperour of Canada," besides among the Lenni Lenapes, which was ratified in London, 5 May, 1682, by the largest land purchasers, at the same time, with Penn's consent, when they "adopted" the Laws he had proposed for them for the better government of his Province. The capital stock was £5400, and although the shares were put "on the market" in March, 1682, they were all subscribed for by 26 April following. £50 subscribers, or purchasers of two shares, were each to be entitled to a vote on the management. But anyone living in The
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To resume the story, when the note of 10 June, 1685, came due, 21 March, 1686-7, Penn did not pay it, and on 11 April, 1687, gave another note for £6.000 (as the "balance duc," Ford told him, was £5.282.9.8), without re- ceiving the previous note, he said. For security of the pay- ment of this new note, payable one year from date, Penn executed a bond, and a deed by which he gave Ford a "Welsh mortgage," on his entire Province (without destroying the previous mortgages), at the quit-rent of one peppercorn annually. Neither did Penn take up this note. All this time Ford was acting as Penn's "Irish agent," and paying himself out of receipts. Penn must have been dumbfounded, when on 11 October, 1689, Ford rendered an account to hi n of his stewa dship, and Penn learned from it that he owed Ford a grand total of £20.333.19.2! However, Penn marked the account O. K. and ratified the obligation. Then Philip and Bridget let Penn alone till in August, 1690,
Province, who owned there 1,000 acres of "inhabited land," and who subscribed £100 was to be entitled to two votes; £300 subscribers could vote three times. However, when the charter came before the Pensylvania Assembly for confirmation, the grandure of the Society was considerable curtailed when it was made Free, and it was so "free" to do as it, or Penn had hoped and the final facts are, that, though great promises were made towards the development of the commercial side of Penn's domain, the only act positively accomplished was to buy 20,000 acres of country land from Mr. Penn, and 100 acres in his city, laying between the two rivers, helow Walnut street, and selling on long credit some cargoes of goods for which the Society had paid "good money," the bills for which were never paid, because being strict Quakers they were not "sued out," and by May, 1684, the Society had no money in its treasury, and no income so it "went out of busine ," and it was wound up officially by the Pensylvania Assembly, in 1722-3, without ever declar- ing a dividend. Several times before this, certain English shareholders publicly demanded an investigation and accounting of the Society, but there could not be found anyone on whom to "serve the pape: . " The promoters of the Society apparently got rid of their holdings while the "boom was on," for they strongly recommended the shares for permanent investment, and the inventories of their personal estates do not show that they had any of this company's stock.
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when for further security for the debt, which accumulated fast, because Ford compounded the interest every six months, and charged Penn commission on both receipts (which he kept) and expenditures managing the Irish estates, they demanded, and received the release from Penn of all equity of redemption in the mortgage of 10 April, 1687. In the following month, Ford demanded that Penn pay him on account £0.000 cash. However, as Poan could not raise the money, Ford induced him to make to him & conveyance of his entire Province without defeasance! Was it blackmail, hypnotism, or credulity that influenced Penn ?
A: this time, Penn seemed to be letting Ford manage for him. In his advertisement of 1690, headed Some Proposals for a Second Settlement in the Province of Pensylvania, telling "there being above One Thousand Houses finished" in Philadelphia, put out when trying to dispose of the shares in the proposed sister city out on the Susquehannah, which could be reach easily via "boat on ye River Scoalkill," that those desiring shares, should direct their applications "to Robert Ness Scrivener in Lumber-Street in London for Philip Ford." In letters, 6. 4mo., 1687 and 10. 4mo., 1691 to Thomas Lloyd, Penn desired him to send reports directly to Ford.
In 1693, when the Provincial government became a scan- dal, and Penn was under suspicion at Court, and his Pro- vince was taken charge of by the Crown, with Fletcher appointed Governor ('twas then the Welsh Friends sent & letter facetiously addressed, "William Penn Improprietor of Pencilvar ia," &c.), the Fords thought it a trick of Penn's to shake them off, and commanded him to raise £10.000 cash within six months, and on payment thereof they prom- ised they would give him a receipt in full of all accounts (as he had paid them cash on account at divers times, and thus reduced the £20.000 considerably, in spite of the com- pound interest, &c., and at the same time confirmed the
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debt), otherwise they "would expose him,"-whether in the matter of this "debt," or some other particular, it is not known.
Thereupon in this emergency, Penn wrote an old friend in Philadelphia, Robert Turner, and begged him to per- suade one hundred of the Pensylvania Friends to each con- tribute £100 towards a purse of £10.000, and lend it to him, as he was "hard pushed for cash just then," because his "Irish affairs were wretched." After some correspond- ence, nothing came of this request. The "city Friends" in the Province wanted security, which Penn could not give, and the rich Welsh Friends of the "barony" had too many grievances to be adjusted by Penn to listen to his troubles.
However, when Penn told the Fords of his failure to raise the money, they did not "expose him," but instead took new notes, with interest due every six months (which was his choice, possibly), until the total sum was appalling to Penn. This blackmail, or debt went on pil'ng up for four years, Penn feeding cash to the Fords when able, or until Parliament laid the tax on money at interest, in 1697, when Ford told Penn he would either have to pay the tax, or give him as security an indenture of absolute release and con- firmation, and turn over to him the Royal Charter, and the deeds of enfeoffment, making the conveyance of Pensyl- vania absolute, when Ford would lease the Province to him at an annual rent, equalling the compound interest reck- oned each six months on the accrued indebtedness, all well secured, and that this transaction should be kept secret ; Penn still appearing as sole owner, and himself continue the sales of land, but to turn over to him (Ford) the pro- ceeds as received, and in this way Penn could evade the tax. Penn may have protested this duplicity, but he agreed to this arrangement on 1 April, 1697, as he stated in Court.
This was the state of Penn's affairs when he arranged to visit Pensylva ja the second time. When he went to say farewell to Mr. and Mrs. Ford, in August, 1699, they in- sisted that he give them, which he did, a signed statement,
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saying in effect, that he had carefully examined all of Ford's accounts against him, and all transactions between them, and had never found any errors, or misstatements, in them, and that by this document he released Ford from all obliga- tions to him.
Shortly after Penn arrived in Pensylvania, Philip Ford died. By his will be devised to Bridget, his wife, and executrix, and trustees, all of the province of Pensylvania, and its territories, and instructed that the "province" be sold for the benefit of his wife and children, unless Penn paid his executors within six months, £11.194.8.3 (Ford was always particular to include shillings, and even pence, in his claims, to make them business like), and all debts, and arrears of rent of the Province, interest, &c. Should Penn do this, then the Province, &c., would be reconveyed to him. But if William Penn himself was then deceased, his heir should not have this privilege, or any equity of redemption.
Mr. Ford's son and heir, Philip, Jr., now took up the system of blackmailing Penn, under his mother's instruc- tions it is presumed, and frequently, in America and in England, went to Penn and demanded cash, always threatening to "expose him" if it was not given, and it always was. This went on, with variations, until Penn simply could not stand it any longer, and in 1705, had to acknowledge before the London Yearly Meeting that he needed advice on a private matter. A committee was ap- pointed, and to it Penn complained that Bridget Ford was annoying him about a little money he owed her, and was just them un. ble to pay, and asked that the committee should request her to desist from persecuting him, until the matter could be adjusted. "Only this, and nothing more." But the Fords, although Friends in good standing, positively declined to be interfered with by the committee, in the col- lection of money due them, so they were promptly "silenced" until they yielded, or were more "tender."
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This brought out from Penn a partial statement of his secret affairs to the committee, and on their advice, though against "teachings," proceeded against the Fords by a bill in the Court of Chancery. He pleaded "fraud," and extor- tion; admitting he owed them something, but that he did not owe them anything like the amount they claimed, and by the greatest liberality the balance of his debt was then only $4.300, and this he was willing to pay, and no more, and requested the release of all security he had given upon payment.
But the Fords backed up their claim with the paper Penn in fright, had signed in Aug. 1699, acknowledging their accounts were correct in every particular, so the matter of fact Chancellor decided against Penn, and put the costs of the suit on him, and required him to enter bond for pay- ment. Penn appealed, but again lost, as can be imagined for his evidence was meagre. Now, the Fords considered themselves in complete ownership of Pensylvania, and instructed David Lloyd, and others in Philadelphia, to remit rents, &c., only to them, and to sell the "Province" at the best advantage. At home, the Fords entered suit in the Common Pleas Court against Penn for arrears of rent of the Province since April 1697.
It was at this juncture of this remarkable affair that Judge Isaac Norris came over from Philadelphia to learn the true nature of Penn's difficulty with the Fords, for Philip, Jr., had been in Philadelphia, and had told some queer stories about "Father Penn." The Judge does not seem to have learned from Penn the "true inwardness" of the difficulty ; but he told Penn he must give good security guaranteeing the titles to all the land he had sold since 1 April, 1697, else trouble would arise for him when it was discovered he had concealed the gravity of his affairs. (Penn even deceived his most intimate friend, James Logan, for as late as in 1705, he wrote him, "Ford's business is only a Mortgage.") Penn replied to Norris, that there was no occasion for this, as "Ford approved of all his sales."
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While Judge Norris was in London, the Fords won their last suit, and got judgment for about $3.000, for rental duc, on account of "Penn's Province." and as Penn could not pay, or furnish security for this sum, he was committed to the Flcet prison till he could do one or the other. It is said he led an humble life in the Fleet, holding almost daily meet- ings.
The next move of the Fords was to petition the Queen, asking to be confirmed not only in possession of Pensyl- vania, but in the government of the province. On advice of her council, the petition was dismissed, for a technicality, and "political reasons," and this was the beginning of the end of the persecution by the Fords, for shortly afterwards, Judge Norris, after many rebuffs, prevailed on Bridget, and her son, to come to terms, and accept a certain sum in cash, which he raised among eight Friends, in England and Ireland, to whom Penn executed a "blanket mortgage" on Pensylvania for security, and on 5 Oct. 1708, executed a deed of release for Pensylvania, when Penn was liberated not only from jail, but from the clutches of Bridget, and his heart-sickness.
What was William Penn doing with himself all these years, that his time was so occupied he could not consider the complaints of the Welsh Friends in his province, or even had time to investigate Ford's accounts, or block his black- mail, if it was that? In a letter, dated London, 28. 1mo., 1688, Penn wrote to Gov. Lloyd, "I am here serveing god."
There is good evidence that during the remaining four months of Charles' reign, after Penn returned from his first visit to his American possessions, he was a prominent figure in the inner circle of his gay court, for, although not ennobled, Penn was of the elect, being the governor of a province of the Crown. At this time, having the ear of the king, the Friends in difficulties, and there were hundreds of these in England, Wales, and Ireland, being harrassed and imprisoned on slight provocations, naturally made appeals through him, but as Charles was inimical towards all dis-
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senters, Penn, fearing his displeasure, made them only promises of aid. This did not take up much of his time, though it made him feel his importance. During these months, and subsequently, as a "pardon broker" it may be presumed, and there is evidence of its being so, that he only used his influence with the king on condition that the peti- tioners bought land from him, his quid pro quo, for those forgiven for their offenses soon transported themselves and families to his province, following his good advice.
Through these months, Penn followed his queer life,- publicly a courtier, privately a minister among Friends ; or, outwardly a provincial potentate, prominent in the gayest Court of Christendom, otherwise, an accepted preacher at Quaker Meetings, held secretly in obscure placcs; living openly in great style, though vexed by poverty, and all the time in the clutch of Bridget Ford. Penn was then not forty years old, and according to description, still debon- naire, and of youthful, handsome presence, and a thorough aristocrat.
During these months, King Charles' brother James, Duke of York, and one of the greatest American land owners, a strict Romanist, was Penn's intim te at Court, and when he unexpectedly succeeded to the throne in Feb. 1685, Penn's position at Court was assured, so he continued his "high life" and "humble teachings" without interrup- tion, incidentally corresponding with his far-off "holy ex- periment," for he dearly loved letter-writing and dietating to his colonists, and permitting himself to be everlastingly fleeced by the Fords. But, as this is not a biography of the great William Penn, it is unnecessary here to give the details of his life in the Roman Catholic atmosphere of James' Court, and show how he allowed himself to be used by the Brethern of the Society of Jesus to carry out their plans for reinstatement, eraftily, if not legally, in England, through the king with whom they knew he had influence, while it is alleged he supposed he was doing only great service to the Quakers, as their go-between and pardon broker. At least
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this is what he wished the Friends to believe of him, for this was when he was being suspected, possibly justly, of a leaning, it not conversion, to Jesuitim, because of his marked intimacy with the Catholic monarch, and the lead- ing Jesuits. The suspicion was so general that even his "friend," Philip Ford, put out a "broadside" (London, 1683), headed "Vindication of William Penn from late Aspersions spread abroad on purpose to Defame him." Ford denied that Penn had become a Catholic.
To be a courtier and the king's intimate, Penn was obliged to live the life. He resided in a great mansion, the Holland House, which he rented furnished from the Earl of Warwick, and rode in his "coach of four," and gave ex- pensive entertainments at his mansion to fellow courtiers, "top-company" as he used to call these guests. Then, dof- fing his silk and lace, he would simplify his clothes to some- thing similar to recognized "Quaker garb," and slip off to a meeting and lecture on the doctrine of humility. He was in the zenith of his enjoyment when his far-away colonists urged him to come over, live among them, and exercise his gubernative authority in his province. But he had no in- tention of going, unless, as he wrote, he could transplant and continue his surroundings, the colonists to furnish the money to pay for it all, servants, coaches, barges, wines, and company, for this petty king would have a court circle.
Several times when Penn had slipped off to attend secret Quaker meetings in London, he was captured there, along with the others, and taken before a magistrate, and paying the usual fine, returned to his mansion, his fellow courtiers, or the Court, as if he had had no adventure. The Jesuit Fathers, of course, knew of his dual life, but it was no busi- ness of theirs, since in obtaining exemptions and privileges for the Friends, and other non-conformists, was the same as if he worked for the Catholics, for they participated in them directly. These concessions meant more to them than to the Quakers and others, and in time led up to the important Declaration of Indulgence, granted by the King, in 1687.
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Penn's companions were as varied as his life, at this period. He was intimate with the Catholic King (on 17. 7mo., 1687, he wrote to the Commissioners, Philadelphia, "I am just come off a Progress with ye King through ye west & northwest part of ye kingdom") ; with the prominent Jesuits; with the notorious Earl of Sunderland; with the scheming, crafty Father Petre, and was used to do the plotting for James, the Romanist, at the Court of William, the Protestant, and at the same time, he was chummy with Henry Sydney, who plotted to oust James and seat William of Orange, and with Algernon Sydney, the executed anarchist. But Penn's adherence to his old friend, the Catholic king, is notorious, for there is his pamphlet entitled "Good Advice to Roman Catholics and Protestant Dissenters," as evidence. That he aided and abetted Catholic ascendency in England in getting relief for Friends was unfortunate, as it placed him in a peculiar position, for the American Friends openly accused him of being under Jesuitical influence, and asked him if it was, as rumored, "have you become a Roman Catholic?" (In after years, when the disputes began and prevailed between two branches of the Friends, the believers and followers of the teachings of Elias Hicks, and those who did not believe in the matters of faith and doctrine which he preached, it was advanced by the former section, as an arguement that Hicks was in the right, and his teachings was the belief of the original Friends, those of the apostles George Fox, John ap John, &c., which he hoped to re-establish, else why were the Friends of Penn's day so worked up when they thought he leaned towards the teaching of the Church of Rome, and was so intimate with the Jesuit priests?)
During these days of political intriguing, pretending to work in Friends' interests he was laboring for those of the Catholics, or visa versa, whichever way you choose to look at the employment, what did Penn care that the Welsh Friends on the Schuylkill were disappointed in him. He ignored
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their complaints. What did he, living in kingly company, with his head in royal clouds, care whether or not, the Welsh had to go miles to have flour made, were deprived of their ferry, had their lands confiscated by his agents, were juggled out of bonus, or liberty lands, and city lots, or, whether or not, the Welsh Tract was cut to pieces, and divided between two counties. All items of almost vital interest to the Welsh Friends in his province, and which, through his indifference lost them the autonomy which they had good reason to think should have been assured to them. But all he thought of then was "William Penn," first, last, and all the time, in these days of his pomp and pride, how to keep up appearances, how to find the money to meet the expenses of Court life, and how to support the machinery of his pro- vince in proper style, so that his "holy experiment" should appear successful to his fellow courtiers, and not give them opportunity to ridicule him. The wonder is, whence came the money to meet all of these expenses, the necessities along with the luxuries? Ford, as his steward, he subsequently testified in Court, stole all the revenue from the estates of his inheritance, and also for years during this period, appro- priated as his own, the bulk of the receipts from Pensyl- vania land sales, for it has been figured out that previous to 1712, Penn personally received in cash from land sales only £10.645. But two conditions can be imagined, either that Penn was fairly wallowing in debts through the reigns of Charles and James, or what he said of Ford was false, unless we wish to imag de a third, namely, as the secret agent at Court of the Pope he had an assured income to pay for all these luxuries.
When James was deposed in the Revolution, and William and Mary seated, Penn, the "Jacobite Quaker," spoke freely of the liberty and peace the Friends had enjoyed under James through his efforts, and ridiculed the charge that he was tricked, and used to negotiate Catholic interests in England, when he got relief for the Quakers. He wrote a celebrated letter to the Committee on Trade and Planta-
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tions, in reply to one from its secretary, accusing him of being a Jesuit. It was a manly explanation of his position at the Court of St. James, but his position among Friends was weakened because he had put himself in a situation that required explanation, and it took years of altered living to regain their esteem.
Penn's first experience under the Protestant king was unpleasant. He was arrested and taken before the Privy Council to answer the charge of treason, and of "being a Jesuit and a Papist." He was placed under bond to stand trial, but for some reason possibly the lack of witnesses, the case was not reached before the Toleration Act ended all persecution on account of religion. However, though this charge was dropped, Penn was no longer a persona grata at Court, because of his continued intimacy with the deposed James, in France, and the Jesuits in England.
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