USA > Pennsylvania > Welsh settlement of Pennsylvania > Part 33
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47
Washington's Orderly Book, under Saturday, 13 Sep. 1777, records the army as "At Schuylkill Falls, Philadelphia," but the General issued his address to his troops, compliment- ing them on their gallant conduct at Brandywine, dated "Head Quarters, at Germantown, Sep. 13th," and his order of march to "Swedes Ford," dated 14 Sep., was from same headquarters.
From Piekering's Journal, we have the further informa- tion that, on Sunday, 14 Sep., "the army marched up a few miles [from the old camp], and re-crossed the Schuylkill at Levering's Ford, the water being up to the waist. We advanced about five or six miles that night." This ford was at Green Lane, two miles above the falls, but according to
[4637
WELSH SETTLEMENT OF PENSYLVANIA
historians, the crossi was made at Matson's Ferd (Con- shohocking), some six miles beyond the falls. In her diary, 14 Sep., 1777, Elizabeth Drinker also wrote: "It is said that G. Washington has left the city and crossed the Schuyl- kill this day."
On Sep. 15th, Monday, Washington wrote a letter dated "at Buck Tavern, 3 P. M.," to the President of Congress, saying, "We are moving up this road [Lancaster road], to get. between the enemy and Swed. Ford," Norristown. This tavern, now a private house, in Haverford tp., just across the Merion line, was eight and a half miles from Second Street. That day, Sep. 15th, the army went thirteen miles further up the Lancaster road, to its junction with the Swedes Ford road, and that night, Washington lodged at the hours of Joseph Malin, near the White Horse Tavern.
A few (' : after this, or on 19 Sep., 1777, the American Congress : ame frightened and packed up its documents, loaded thein on wagons, amid great excitement and confu- sion, and considerable trepidation, and before daylight the gentlemen of Congress, with their luggage, fled from Phila- delphia, out High Street, over the middle ferry, as best they could (for, by request of Washington, the Supreme Executive Council of Pensylvania, 14 Sep., had ordered the bridge of boats at this ferry "be effectually and imme- diately removed, and bring it away into the Delaware, and boats be hauled up on land"), thence out the historic road to Lancaster, when it became evident that the British were sure to capture and enter the capital city, and hardly rested in their flight till Lancaster was reached. A fair idea of the extent of the scare may be had from the minutes of the Supreme Executive Council, which, on 11 Sep., was so alarmed that it commanded all shops and factories to be closed, and all men to assemble under arms, and as many as possible to "rendezvous at the Falls of Schuylkill," "as the enemy is near at hand, and this minute engaging our army under the command of his Excell'y Gen'l Washing- ton." It was ordered to "press waggons in Radnor." Its
[464]
MERION, HAVERFORD, RADNOR
de cuments, some fourteen boxes and two trunks of deeds, mortgages, bonds, etc., were sent to Easton, but the Council did not flec to Lancaster till 23 Sep., where it and the Council of Safety next met on 1 October.
Taking Lieut. McMichael for good authority, the site of the encampment of the army, on the night of Sep. 11th, was in Price's field, beyond the meeting house, where the Lancaster and Gulf roads meet, this event in the neighbor- hood has been marked by an inscribed granite tablet, four feet high, located at the junction of the roads, on Montgom- ery Avenue, stating :- "On this and adjacent / ground Washington's army / encamped September 14, 1777. / Erected by Merion Chapter / Daughters of the American / Revolution, September 14, 1896, / Ground presented by / Samuel R. Mc Dowell."
Further down the Lancaster road, towards the city, about the Black Horse Tavern, near what was then the boundary line of the "liberty lands," or Penn's public lands, since 1784, known as the City Line, and as City Avenue, there was a hot skirmish between the Americans and the British, in Dec., 1777.
A letter from Gen. James Potter, a gallant, though illiter- ate officer, to President Wharton, of Pensylvania, who was then at Lancaster with Congress, dated "Headquarters, C'ester Co. Camp, 15 Dec., 1777," gives an account of this affair,* "Last Thursday [11 Dec.], the enemy marched out of the city with a desine to Furridge, but it was Nessecerey to drive me out of the way; my advanced picquet fired on them at t' : Bridge [the floating bridge over the Schuylkill, at Market St.], another party of one Hundred attacted them at the Black Hors." Lieut. McMichael, in his Journal, says, "the enemy having crossed at the Middle Ferry, attacked a party of militia under Gen. Potter. The losses were incon- siderable on both sides."
*See Pa. Mag. XVII. 423.
[465]
WELSH SETTLEMENT OF PENSYLVANIA
From other reports it would appear that this was a recon- noissance in force by Gen. Howe, as he went out as far as Matson's Ford, and returning, passed the night of Dec. 11th, at the Humphreys Mansion House, "a hipped roofed, stone and brick ho se, with lead window frames," &c., which stood on Cobb's Creek, not far from the Haverford meet- ing house. The mansion was then occupied by Charles Ium- phreys (born in 1712), who was a prominent member of the Pa. Assembly in 1763, and a deputy to the First and Soc- ond Congresses. In his diary, Christopher Marshall says, 12 Dec., 1777 :- "News of the day is that Gen. Howe is come out again from Philadelphia, with an army ; crossed Schuyl- kill at middle ferry; marched up Lancaster Road to the Sorrel Horse, thirteen miles from the city, and then returned yesterday." And in the same, 15 Dec., 1777, "Upon the rumor yesterday of Gen. Howe's army being on the Lancaster Road it's said that the papers and records belong- ing to the Executive Council were packed up and sent by wagons to York Town, [Pa., from Lancaster]. Its said that the English army is returning to Phila."
Further down the Lancaster road, within the Liberties, or in Blockley tp., across the present city line, about "Wynne- stay," the old home of Dr. Wynne's son, Jonathan, who dic' here in 1719, there took place several skirmishes he- tween outposts of the contending armies, when the Ameri- cans tried to cut off from the British in the city, their sup- plies of good things out of Merion. The house at that time was occupied by the family of Thomas Wynne, a "fighting Q'aker," a lieutenant in the Pensylvania Flying Camp, who was then in the field with the army.
The extant diary of Robert Morton tells of frequent raids by the American troopers on the "British ferry boat, oper- ated by a pully rope, at the middle ferry." They generally succeeded in tal:ing the guard prisoners, and in cutting the rope, setting the boat on fire and adrift, much to the annoy- ance of the British, and would then retreat out the Lan-
[466]
MERION, HAVERFORD, RADNOR
caster road. But on 3 Nov., 1777, Major Clark wrote to Gen. Washington, that the British were building three bridges of boats, or rafts of logs and boats, at the Middle Ferry, so they could drive wagons over the river and fetch fire-wood. These bridges had draws, in two places, to allow boats to pass on the river.
It was when his army encamped for the night, 14 Sep., 1777, on the Lancaster road, that "Tunis's ordinary," or Streater's, got the reputation of being a sleeping place of Gen. Washington. It's possible he lodged here, of course, for his army was encamped only a half mile away. But it is also claimed that he spent the night, with Lafayette, at the Price house, about which his army lay. It is also claimed that Gen. Howe slept in both of the Price houses, and the inn, at various times and this is also possible. Unfortu- nately for antiquarians' satisfaction, none of these heroes have made mention in their writings of these events, so important to the Prices, and the reputation of the Gen. Wayne Tavern. And it's not surprising that the old Black Horse Tavern has also similar traditions as to prominent men of the Revolutionary times. In June, 1783, this tavern was one of the public houses, on the "great highway," raided by the mob of dissatisfied soldiers, when they walked from Lancaster to Philadelphia, and stormed the State House where Congress was assembled, and so frightened this body that it broke up its sitting, and fled to Trenton. After Braddock's defeat, 1755, the shattered regiments of Dunbar and Ilacket passed down the Lancaster road, and crossed the Schuylkill, and went down "Conestoga Road" to High Street, in the city. The ferry charges for carrying these regiments over the Schuylkill amount to £12, and in 1757, the ferryman, Coultas, was trying to collect this bill from the Philadelphia City Council.
Near the Black Horse Tavern, but about a quarter of a . mile up the road, still stands the dwelling, somewhat en- larged, of the Whig Quaker, Robert Jones, a dealer in lum- ber in Revolutionary days. His house was probably built
[467]
WELSH SETTLEMENT OF PENSYLVANIA
after Scull made his map in 1749-50. Mr. Jones was buried at the Merion Meeting House. His only son, and heir, died unmarried, and eventually the property, called "Lilac Grove," came to Margaret, daughter of a Capt. James Boyle, of Chester Co., who took it as her marriage portion to Edward Harvey, who was for twenty-eight years a J. P. in Merion, when they wedded on 16. 6mo. 1808, at the Merion Meeting, where they were both buried.
Of the twenty-nine persons in that part of Philadelphia county, which is now Montgomery county, mentioned by name in the proclamation of the Supreme Executive Council of Pensylvania, 8 May, 1778, "who have severally adhered to, or willingly aided and assisted the enemies of this State, and the United States of America," and who were ordered to surrender themselves to a justice of the peace of the county, on or before 25 June following, to stand trial for adhering to the British, there was only one in the list who resided in Merion, no nely. "John Roberts, late of the Town- ship of Lower Merion, miller," and his was a peculiar case in itself, so there must have been some mistake about the wholesale sympathy of the Welsh Quakers, those of Merion anyway, with the "red coats." These following from Haver- ford tp., were mentioned in the proclamation of 25 June, 1778, as having joined the British army :- Robert Kissack, weaver; John Brown, wheelwright; James Gorman, and Enoch Gorman, cordwainers, and Michael Crickley, laborer. None of these were Welsh Quakers, nor prominent men.
And there was only one of Welsh extraction from Merion among the Friends suspected of being British sympathizers who were arrested and exiled to Winchester, Va., in 1777. This unfortunate was Owen Jones, Jr. It seems that he was arrested and cau ed to "suffer" in mistake for his father, the provincial treasurer (p. 158), who was a pro- nouneed Tory. But according to subsequent revelation, he was far from loyal to the Americans, as a disloyal letter from young Owen, at Winchester, addressed to John Mus-
[468]
MERION, HAVERFORD, RADNOR
ser, Lancaster, Pa., was intercepted by the patriots .* This letter revealed a scheme concocted by these men to depre- ciate Continental money. On this discovery the Board of War transferred the Quakers from Winchester to Staunton, Va., so they could be further away from the seat of war, and placed young Owen Jones in the jail, and refused him writing materials, nor was he allowed to communicate with any Friends, till all danger was past. Owen Jones, Jr., died in Philadelphia. His will, dated 15 June, 1822, proved 14 May, 1825, gave his Merion land, 350 acres, to his nephews, Owen Jones and John Wister.
This single instance of discovered disloyalty and of being a British sympathizer in 1778, as said above, fell to the lot of Mr. John Roberts, a wealthy miller, and a Friend, aged about GO years, a member in good standing of the Merion Meeting, and one who was of unquestioned integrity among Welsh Quakers. He was always a man of affairs :- in 1773 he was appointed by the General Assembly one of the com- missioners to improve the navigation of the Schuylkill, and in 1775, he was a delegate to the convention in Philadelphia, which considered the prohibition of future importation of Negroes for slaves.
The story of his alleged treason has been told variously, in fiction with much embellishment; in history with many unsupported allegations, because the court record of his trial was destroyed, or hidden so it has not been found, it is said, as were also the personal notes of the chief justice who tried his case. In a general way, his capital crime was, that he remained loyal to his king and country, and was considered to be a too zealous partisan for so prominent a man. There was no suspicion of his being still loyal at heart to the Crown till the British occupied Philadelphia, when he removed into the city from his home in Merion. This would only have caused him to be mistrusted, and if
*See Pa. Archives, Vol. VI. 53; the Journal of Thomas Gilpin, or "Exiles in Virginia," and Christopher Marshall's Journal, 11 Dec. 1777.
[469]
WELSH SETTLEMENT OF PENSYLVANIA
he had been captured he would probably have been only exiled, as other Quakers were. But it is said, when he was seen accompanying the British superintendent of police, Joseph Galloway, in raids for provisions on the Whig fam- ilies of Merion, and apparently leading him to the best stores in Merion, he was considered as bad as a traitor, if he was not one. As to this, he claimed in his trial, it has been said, that Galloway forced him to accompany them, and show the way.
As the report of the trial, and the notes of the judge have not been preserved, we are able to learn a little of it from the extant written notes of the sentence of the Court upon Mr. Roberts pronounced by the chief justice, which upon request he sent to the Supreme Executive Council, Oct. 29, 1778, and which is printed verbatim in the Pen- sylvania Packet newspaper, 7 Nov., 1778. It seems that when some Pensylvania Friends, suspected of being Brit- ish sympathizers, were arrested and were about to be sent in a body, under guard, in exile to Winchester, Virginia, as mentioned above, Mr. Roberts asked the British General Howe, it was alleged, for the loan and command of a troop of horse so that he might try to release the Friends, and that Gen. Howe declined this request, not being willing to risk the loss of his troop, and because these Quakers were of no more use to him than to Gen. Washington. This was made the principal evidence of Mr. Roberts' being guilty as charged, according to Judge Mckean's notes of the sent- ence he passed on him. That Mr. Roberts, who was known to be a Quaker, offered to command the cavalry and try to rescue other Quakers known to be adherents of the enemy, convinced the trial judges that Mr. Roberts was certainly not loyal to the Americans, and possibly also influenced the jury which found him guilty of aiding the enemy, and being a traitor.
Mr. Roberts may have supposed the British would never leave the city, and much less lose the colonies, so he stayed on with them in Philadelphia. But when they began to
[470]
MERION, HAVERFORD, RADNOR
evacuate the city, he realized his mistake, and, since he had considerable property in Merion, he decided that he had boller get the good will of the Americans, and under their protection again. Therefore, so the story goes, he hurried out to Washington, at Valley Forge, on getting the first intimation of the evacuation of the city, and gave him the news, saying he had learned it while he was on a secret visit to the Middle Ferry, or the floating-bridge, over the Schuylkill, at High, or Market Street.
But Washington had previous information about the pro- posed movement of the British, and he had also some as to Roberts, while it might have amused him to see the old Friend turning his coat and skipping from one shelter to another, if he had not had good information that Mr. Roberts had been an aggressive "traitor" while sojourning in the quemy's camp. Before the end of June, 1778, Mr. Roberts was arrested, under the proclamation mentioned, on suspicion of disloyalty to the American cause, and adher- ing to the enemy. On this charge he was shortly brought to trial before Chief Justice Mckean, in the State House, Philadelphia, and after trial before a jury, on the testimony of many witnesses, judging from the notes (printed in "Penna. Archives," Vol. VII, p. 44, etc.), of the trial of Abraham Carlisle, of Philadelphia, a house carpenter, who was also tried and convicted of being a traitor by this court. He was found "guilty of being a traitor to his neighbors, his kith and kin, and the just cause of his native land," was sentenced by Judge Mckean to be "taken back to the jail, and from there to the place of execution, and then to be hanged by the neck until dead." As the Judge did not set a date for the execution, it may have been left to the con- venience of the sheriff. Justice Mckean says in his "Sentence" that Roberts's counsel moved for a new trial, which he disallowed.
Mr. Roberts' lawyers were Ross and Wilson, of the Phila- delphia Bar, but it seems the honors of the legal contest were carried off by the Commonwealth's council, the attor-
[471]
WELSH SETTLEMENT OF PENSYLVANIA
ney-general, and Sergeant and Reed, of the Philadelphia Bar, because at first the case against John Roberts was weak, and was won by methods which would not be toler- ated in times of peace and common sense. That is, Mr. Roberts was arrested, and put on trial for high treason against the Commonwealth, under the Act of the Pensyl- vania Assembly of 1777. The only charge against him, with specifications, or his particular act of treason was that he tried to persuade a man to enlist in the English army, "an enemy at open war with this State," and therefore, was guilty of high treason. But the law defining the Act :- "there must be an actual enlistment of the person persuaded to constitute the offense of treason." And the Court said :-- "the word persuading in the Act means to succeed, and that there must be an actual enlistment of the person persuaded, in order to bring the defendant within the intention of the clause."
The person Roberts persuaded and attempted to prevail upon to enlist in the British army was produced as a wil- ness against him. He said Roberts persuaded him (which Roberts confirmed), but did not convince him, so he did not enlist. This, under the Judge ruling, should have ended the prosecution. Next, it was tried to convict him on his con- fession, but as it was not supported by evidence, the con- fession was insufficient, the Court ruled. But at length it was legally and satisfactorily proved he "aided and assisted" the enemy "by joining them," and therefore, he was guilty of treason.
In Oct. 1778, immediately after the conviction, and sen- tences had been pronounced on Roberts and Carlisle, peti- tions and memorials were showered upon the Supreme Ex- ecutive Council of Pensylvania, signed by hundreds of prom- inent citizens, and army and navy officers, asking "from feelings of Humanity," respite of the sentences till the close of the next session of the Pensylvania General Assembly, desiring that body's opinion of both cases, although the signers were "sensible that the unfortunate John Roberts
[472]
MERION, HAVERFORD, RADNOR
and Abram Carlisle most justly merit the Sentence which the Law has lately pronouneed against them, and of the fairness of the trials." They told of the good characters of the men, and, because the enemy had left the State, and were never likely to return again, these men would never again have opportunity to do as they had done, they asked the respite, not hoping for pardon, of course, but at most for term imprisonment. Prominent Friends individually, and ten members of the Grand Jury came before the Coun- cil and asked for mercy for Roberts and Carlisle. A heart- rending appeal for pardon was sent in signed by Mr. Robert's wife and children, and their nearest relatives, the families of Meteer, Downing, Baldwin, Roberts, Howell, Wister, Jones, Biddle, Lloyd, Whelen, Van Lear, Bond, &c. Other petitions for mercy came from inhabitants generally of the coun ies of Philadelphia and Chester, and from in- habitants of the Welsh Tract townships. One hundred "Beneficiaries of John Roberts" asked his pardon, "because he used his influence with the British, and stopped them from plundering them." Even ten members of the jury that sat in their cases and convicted them, addressed a peti- tion to the judges of the Supreme Court and prayed for respite till the General Assembly should consider the cases, and the judges who sat in the trials, Mckean and Evans, recommended, on 18 Oct. that the jury's request be com- plied with.
When the many memorials, and particularly the petitions of the judges and the jury, who tried the cases of Roberts and Carlisle, were presented in the Supreme Executive Council, it decided to review the cases, and, accordingly, on 21 Oct., wrote the Chief Justice, Mckean, "The Council have now before them the cases of John Roberts and Abra- ham Carlisle, the determination of which is highly interest- ing, not only to the criminals, but also to the public. Coun- eil therefore wish to be favoured as soon as possible with your notes taken on the trial. They are the more desirous of this from the recommendation of the Petitions of divers
[473]
WELSH SETTLEMENT OF PENSYLVANIA
of the Jurymen, signed by you, and the lon'le John Evans, Esq., in the case of John Roberts. They remark that you have not mentioned any equitable circumstances which ought to be allowed weight in their determination in this case."
Judg MeKean, it may be presumed, sent his rough notes on both cases, though, as said above, only those on the trial of Mr. Carlisle have been preserved, and they were con- sulted in the meeting of the Council on 2 Nov., on which day it received petitions, asking for mercy, if not pardon, from Mr. Roberts and his wife, and Mr. Carlisle and his wife. This "Court of Last Resort," the Supreme Executive Council of Pensylvania, adjourned, without reaching a conclusion, considering both cases separately, till the fol- lowing day, 3 Nov., when they resumed the matter, "and after solemn consideration," say the minutes, "and the Question being put :- Shall a Reprieve be granted to John Roberts and Abraham Carlisle, or either of them. The same was Carried in the Negative." Then, this serious matter being concluded, the gentlemen of the Council turned their attention to finding out how many planks were actually needed to repair a bridge in Kensington.
There is nothing in the minutes to show if the decision was unanimous, or how each member voted, but it does tell that Messrs. Arndt and Hambright were not present when the vote was taken, and that those present and probably voting were Messrs, Hart, Mackay, Will, Scott, and Smith, and the vice-president, George Bryan, presided. On the day of execution, 4 Nov. the minute is only "Council met," and it may be presumed adjourned, as there is no record of business. That day, Wednesday, must have been one long remembered in Philadelphia, for all of its prominent citizens thought Roberts and Carlisle should have had a hearing of their cases by the Assembly, but it was "war times," and captured and convicted and sentenced "traitors" must be summarily punished for examples to others.
The Philadelphia tri-weekly newspaper, The Packet, of
[474]
MERION, HAVERFORD, RADNOR
5 Nov. 1778, gives only three lines of space to this sad event, saying, "Yesterday, Abraham Carlisle# and John Roberts were executed on the common of this city, pursuant to their sentence." Other Philadelphia "newspapers" of that week did not mention the affair, although it was the "feature" of the week.
Mr. Roberts was buried with his ancestors and relatives in the graveyard of the Merion Meeting, on 6th. 11mo., his burial being recorded, without comment, under this date, "John Roberts, miller."
The Radnor Monthly Meeting had refused to interfere in behalf of Mr. Roberts, because as a body of Friends it could not sanction many of his actions, especially wishing to lead the British troop into a battle with the guards conducting the Quakers beyond he State. This probably was agree- able to the desire of the superior meeting, as in the minutes of the Radnor Mo. Mtg., 8. 8. 1778, "the case of John Roberts, miller," was under consideration, when it was decided to apply to the "meeting for sufferings," in Phila- delphia, "for advice and assistance in his di-tressing situa- tion," and the following Friends were appointed to attend to this, John Gray, Jacob Jones, Evan Lewis, and Jesse George. Individually, however, the members did their ut- most to save the life and honor of their old neighbor, born and raised among them.
Mr. Roberts' great property was confiscated by the State, on order of the Court, and sold at public sale, in Philadel- phia, 21 June, 1780. The proceeds of the sales were handed over to the University of Pensylvania for educational pur- poses. Of his estate, thus confiscated, there were farms
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.