USA > Rhode Island > Rhode Island : three centuries of democracy, Vol. I > Part 25
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SIEGE OF LOUISBURG-Meanwhile the siege was being conducted resourcefully. The French undertook to raise the siege by sending reinforcements to the garrison. The French siege of Annapolis was ended, and the troops withdrawn were sent up the Bay of Fundy. The plan was to cross from Chigneto Bay to Bay Verte, taking transports thence through North- umberland Strait for Cape Breton, and attacking Colonel Pepperell's troops from the rear. Had the expedition been able to land on Cape Breton, the siege must have been raised, inas-
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much as Colonel Pepperell's effective forces had been reduced considerably by camp diseases. The French forces were sufficient probably to defeat the colonials. To Rhode Island belongs the credit for defeating the French reinforcements and insuring success for the Colonial troops when disaster threatened. At the critical moment in which victory or defeat depended upon decisive action, Captain Fones, on the "Tartar," was dispatched on June 5, as fleet captain with two other armed sloops to seek out the enemy, estimated at 1,200 French and Indians. The forces under Captain Fones could not have exceeded 500 men, and probably were nearer 400. The French squadron comprised two schooners, two sloops, a shallop and probably fifty canoes. Captain Fones fell in with the French squadron at Famme Goose Bay, in the Gut of Canso, attacked vigorously and dispersed the enemy. He won so complete and signal a victory that the relief expedition was abandoned forthwith. Two days after the Rhode Island victory at Famme Goose Bay, Louisburg surrendered on June 17, 1745, after a siege lasting seven weeks.
Rhode Island's significant part in the capture of Louisburg, including the decisive action at Famme Goose Bay, was ignored or misrepresented in reports to the English government. The victory at Famme Goose Bay was not mentioned in the official dispatches. Rhode Island- ers did not participate in the honors showered on Pepperell, Warren and Shirley. On the other hand attention was directed to Rhode Island's apparently small share in furnishing men, ignoring the 500 serving with the troops of Massachusetts and Connecticut. Rhode Island was accused of harboring deserters and of being a haven for sailors who fled from Boston to escape impressment. Governor Shirley's attitude was as ungrateful as had been that of any of the Massachusetts magistrates in the early days of the colony in their treatment of Roger Williams and others. To offset the misinformation reported in London, special instructions were sent to the colony agent in London, including details of service. The English government repaid Rhode Island £6,000 as reimbursement in part for expenses incurred in the expedition against Louisburg. Governor Roger Walcott of Connecticut was vastly more appreciative and generous than Shirley. Under date of November 15, 1745, Governor Walcott certified : "That the colony of Rhode Island fitted out for the expedition against Cape Breton their guardship, the 'Tartar,' under the command of Captain Daniel Fones, mounting fourteen carriage and twelve swivel guns; furnished with needful warlike stores, with ninety men on board"; . . .. that by agreement between the Governor of Rhode Island and the Governor of Connecticut, and at the request of the latter, Rhode Island and Connecticut joined forces in sending for- ward troops, and employed the war sloops of the two colonies as convoys ; "that our
fleet, consisting of the two guard ships and seven transports, having received on board 500 men . . . . went on our voyage, and off the Cape Sable shore we espied a ship making toward us; and not knowing what she might be, the 'Tartar' went out to speak with her; and upon exchange of some shot, she was found to be a French ship of war, of about thirty-four guns. Captain Fones, perceiving her to be a vessel of great superiority, led her off from the fleet. She proved to be a very nimble ship, but the 'Tartar' being a prime sailor and hauling close to the wind, kept her in chase of her all day, and got clear of her at night; our fleet, with- out any damage from said French ship, arrived safe at Canso. If this ship had engaged our fleet, it is probable that both the guardships would not have been able to withstand her; and if we had had no convoy but Captain Prentice, it is likely that we should have been ruined by her. . .. That during the siege Captain Fones, Captain Beckett and Captain Donahue were sent to the Gut of Canso, to prevent the enemy that we expected were coming from the siege of Annapolis to the relief of Louisburg; accordingly they met them, and repelled a great number of them; and this, we judged, was the reason that we did not meet them on the Island of Cape Breton."
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England was not prepared in 1745 to take over Louisburg and to provide a garrison for the fortress. The colonial troops were constrained to stay at Louisburg in large numbers beyond the terms of their enlistment to assure that the French might not regain Louisburg. The three Rhode Island companies remained at Louisburg, and, although Rhode Island requested release of the "Tartar" as "the only guard vessel we have for protecting the trade and navigation of this colony," Admiral Warren did not choose to run the risk of losing so staunch a fighting ship and so resourceful a commander as Captain Fones. Rhode Island continued to maintain both sloop and troops at Louisburg. For the vessel stores and provisions were forwarded ; for the soldiers provisions, beds and blankets, "one cask of rice, one barrel of sugar, a suitable quantity of hooks and lines for catching fish, and 100 pounds weight of shot for fowling," were forwarded. The allowance of rum was reduced : "instead of the full allowance of rum, stated by law, the said commissary shall provide one half thereof in rum and the other half in molasses." Recruits to fill the ranks of the three companies at Louisburg were enlisted in Sep- tember. In October, because of loss of life, including Captain Champlin, the General Assem- bly, in an act entitled "An act for the regulation of the soldiers that remain alive at Louisburg," authorized a consolidation of three into two companies. More men died during the severe winter. Colds and dysentery, then a common and rarely controlled camp disease, carried off hundreds of the colonials at Louisburg. In September the Rhode Island sloop "Tartar" con- voyed 400 men from Louisburg to Prince Edward Island, which surrendered. In the spring of 1746 England sent eight regiments to Louisburg to take over the fortress, which was to be used as the military base for an attempt to conquer Canada, and wrest it permanently from the possession of France. The colonial garrison, except such as enlisted in the English army, was released, and the "Tartar" returned to Rhode Island waters.
INVASION OF CANADA PLANNED-The campaign for the conquest of Canada, like earlier movements, including those of 1690 and 1711, contemplated an approach by way of the St. Lawrence River from Louisburg as a base, and another invasion by way of Lake Champlain toward Crown Point and Quebec. To the New England colonies was assigned the raising of troops to supplement the English army at Louisburg; New York, New Jersey and Pennsyl- vania were to furnish soldiers for the invasion from the south. Directions were received in a letter from the Duke of Newcastle under date of April 9, 1746. Whereas the expedition against Louisburg had been a New England enterprise, and except for the small naval detach- ment under Commander Warren, conducted without assistance from England or the other colonies, the conquest of Canada was to be an English venture. Troops were to be raised in companies of 100 men, and taken into his majesty's pay from the day of enlistment. The col- onies were to furnish ships of war, sloops and other armed vessels; to arm and uniform troops, subject to reimbursement. Pending receipt of this order, Rhode Island had returned to nor- mal war conditions. The colony sloop "Tartar," suitably manned and armed, was on patrol duty ; and Fort George was garrisoned with a skeleton organization. In May Stephen Hopkins and William Ellery were appointed commissioners to represent the colony at a congress to con- sider "mutual security, defence and conduct" during the war. It is significant that the word "congress" was used with reference to this meeting of colonial representatives, and that the Rhode Island commissioners were the same who, thirty years later, as delegates to the Con- tinental Congress, signed the Declaration of Independence. Rhode Island proceeded vigor- ously to raise troops. Three hundred men, in three companies were enlisted, the colony offer- ing a bounty of £50, a uniform and other clothing to the value of £26, or the money to those provided with uniforms. A bounty of £200 each was offered to pilots competent to navigate the St. Lawrence River. Three transports were engaged, and the colony sloop "Tartar" was withdrawn from patrol duty, to be outfitted for service with the expedition, carrying 100 sea-
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men. Governor Shirley and Admiral Warren protested to Governor Greene against the "small quota" set for Rhode Island. The latter replied that the quota of 300 would compare favorably with the quotas of other colonies, taking resources into account. "Upon a fair and exact computation the number of men in the colony of Rhode Island proper for bearing arms cannot be computed to be more than 3000; which number must be greatly lessened within these few months past by the number of vessels fitted out and cruising against his majesty's enemies," wrote the Governor ; "there being out of this colony, and fitting out on that account, three ships, of about twenty guns each ; one sloop and four brigantines, of about sixteen guns each ; and four sloops, of about twelve guns each, which are all manned from this place, and are actually out on their cruise, saving one brigantine and two sloops now fitting out, and which in this small government must necessarily exhaust the number of men fit for his majesty's service in the present occasion." Massachusetts also complained that the bounty offered in Rhode Island, being very much larger than that offered in other colonies, had tended to dampen interest elsewhere.
While America was still waiting for the fleet which England had promised to send to participate in the conquest of Canada, the Duke d'Anville, with a French fleet of twenty-five warships and forty-one transports, mounting 1200 cannon and carrying 15,000 men, including 8000 French soldiers, sailed from Rochelle for somewhere in America. This threat was suffi- cient to discourage England, and the project for the conquest of Canada was postponed first, and abandoned eventually. Meanwhile America received news of the French sailing, and the English withdrawal. Neither America nor England knew then that the French fleet never would reach America. Victims of pestilence and storm. the leader of the French died of disease, and the second in command committed suicide because of despair and fear of dishonor. The remnants of the fleet crept back into French harbors. Anticipating that the French prob- ably would attack Annapolis and Louisburg first, though the French planned a conquest of the Atlantic seaboard, reinforcements were hurried forward, while plans were made for an attack on Crown Point, to be taken and held as a base for a later movement against Quebec. The delays attending the indecision of the English government, even before it was certain that England for the time being had abandoned the project for the conquest of Canada, were dis- heartening. The 300 soldiers set as Rhode Island's quota had been enlisted promptly, and were drilled and placed under military discipline. Inaction, however, weakened the morale, and desertions suggested the advisability of removing the soldiers to the island of Conanicut, and closing the ferries to soldiers. The General Assembly enacted a drastic law against the rescue and detention of soldiers. Eventually the soldiers were transferred to the trans- ports, with shore liberty reduced to that necessary for exercise and drill, the transports becom- ing practically prison ships. When it was certain that no assistance could be expected from England, and while the danger of the French fleet was still felt, the troops of Rhode Island, New Hampshire and Massachusetts were ordered sent to Louisburg and Annapolis as rein- forcements for the garrisons. The Rhode Island troops sailed on October 30 to join the Massachusetts troops. Two of the Rhode Island transports were grounded and wrecked; their companies and others of the Rhode Island troops were landed at Martha's Vineyard, and returned to Rhode Island. The Massachusetts and New Hampshire troops also suffered dis- aster. Many of the transports were wrecked, and the beaches of Mount Desert Island were lined with the dead bodies of the drowned. The disaster attending this colonial expedition was as complete almost as that which had attended the French fleet, though the numbers involved were much smaller. Perhaps the destruction of the New England fleet was forecasted in the disheartenment that attended delay. Rhode Island nursed the sick soldiers back to health, and otherwise resumed the posture of defence. The colony sloop "Tartar" resumed patrol duty.
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While negotiations for the land expedition from Albany toward Crown Point, including a treaty for cooperation by the Indians of the Six Nations against their old enemies, the French, were still underway, news of the armistice and eventually the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle reached America. In the interval between the signing of the treaty and the proclamation of peace the colony sloop "Tartar" made its last capture as a Rhode Island war vessel. In violation of the law, which restricted sailing without the full complement of ninety, Captain Holmes sailed out with a quota of sixty-five men, and seized a schooner with a cargo of sugar. The schooner claimed to be sailing under a flag of truce, the sugar was landed at Coddington Cove, before the schooner was brought into Newport, and there were other irregularities sufficient to war- rant an investigation by the General Assembly. From the report of the committee it appeared that Captain Holmes had been zealous, if not entirely discreet; still his offence was not adjudged sufficient to warrant discharge from his command. In August, 1748, the crew and officers of the "Tartar" were discharged, the sails were unbent and stowed, the vessel was placed in charge of a keeper and anchored in the roads. In October the vessel was sold at public auction. England repaid Rhode Island eventually a considerable part of the expendi- ture entailed in King George's War, but New England was sorely disappointed when Louis- burg and all of Cape Breton and Prince Edward Island were restored to France, under the provisions of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. The enthusiasm for old England awakened in this war was never equalled subsequently. Thirty-one years to a day after the surrender of Louisburg, New England was fighting Old England at the battle of Bunker Hill, the American troops on that day including contingents from all parts of New England as had the colonial army at Cape Breton.
FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR-Peace between England and France in Europe, and between New England and New France in America, did not endure for quite all of the seven years indicated between the date of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 1748, and the beginning of the Seven Years' War in Europe, 1755, and the contemporaneous Old French and Indian War in America. The condition prevailing practically was armistice or armed truce, rather than gen- uine peace and amity. Renewal of war was anticipated in Europe, and both England and France made preparations for it. In America the English colonists were looking forward to the time in which a fresh effort might be made to conquer New France, and to remove the menace felt constantly because of French occupation of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi River valleys. With the French beyond the Appalachians the English colonists were restricted to a narrow strip of seaboard; the mountains were not high enough to form a satisfactory and perpetual natural boundary. The westward expansion characteristic of great movements of races-every major migration in history has been westward -- was bound to produce collision and conflict between English and French. Peaceable penetration was scarcely probable fol- lowing centuries of hostility ; stable equilibrium seemed almost impossible. The English col- onists must pass the low mountain ranges and control the Mississippi Valley; or the French, for the ultimate development of the resources of the valley of the Mississippi must control the eastern seacoast and harbors.
In 1751 New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut and South Carolina concluded a treaty with the Indians of the Six Nations, which anticipated conflict with the French through the Mohawk River Valley, and the Lake Champlain country. Rhode Island sent two delegates, Stephen Hopkins and Martin Howard, Jr., to the Albany Congress, which met June 19, 1754, "to take such measures as will be most effectual to secure and maintain a lasting friendship with the Six Nations of Indians." King Hendrick, Mohawk leader of the Indians at the Con- gress, urged the building of fortifications as a defence against the French. The most significant
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work of the Congress, however, was the adoption on July 4, 1754, of Franklin's plan for a union of the colonies to be submitted to the colonial governments and to England for ratifica- tion. The Franklin plan proposed a colonial congress with power to enact general laws, and a president general appointed and paid by the crown, with the veto power. Connecticut objected to the veto power. The Rhode Island delegates reported to the General Assembly, and the latter resolved to receive and accept the report, "this Assembly, nevertheless, reserving to themselves a further consideration whether they will accede to the general plan proposed." This was essentially "indefinite postponement." The Franklin plan pleased neither the colonies nor the home government. One commentator interpreted the plan as containing too much pre- rogative to suit the colonies, and too much democracy to meet the approval of England. There is reason to believe that England, following the colonial success at Louisburg, undertook the conquest of Canada, lest the colonials accomplish it alone and thus become over-confident of strength. A French statesman predicted the independence of America soon to follow with- drawal of France from the continent, and with that the need of support from the mother country against the common enemy.
The war between English and French in America opened with border conflicts long before there was a formal declaration in Europe. Along the Kennebec River, Maine and Massachu- setts were holding the boundary line against incursions by French and Indians. Both France and Virginia claimed the valley of the Ohio River, and both had agents and outposts in the territory earlier than 1753. In the following year George Washington, leading a force of Vir- ginia militia against Fort Duquesne, erected by the French at the junction of the Allegheny and Monongahela rivers, was besieged at Fort Necessity by a superior force of French and Indians, and capitulated under guaranty of free and honorable withdrawal. The first English demonstration in this territory, Braddock's march from Alexandria, ended July 5, 1755, in overwhelming defeat, and a retreat by the English regulars covered by Colonel Washington and his Virginians.
Two privateers cleared from Rhode Island, the "Mermaid," Captain Oliver Ring Warner, 1753, and the "Prussian Hero," Captain Joseph Gardner, 1755, before the war had been declared. Privateers of King George's War returned to service, among them the "Triton," "Charming Betty," "Defiance," "Prince Frederick," "Success," "Duke of Marlborough," "Brittania," and "Dove." As in King George's War, Rhode Island took to the sea, with new privateers as well as old, and many new captains, as well as many whose names had been familiar seven years before. Sheffield gave the names of privateers and captains at this period as follows : 1756-"Skip Jack," James Young ; "Triton," George Crosswell ; "Prussian Hero," Joseph Gardner ; "Foy," John Dennis ; "General Johnston," Benjamin Almy. 1757-"Charm- ing Betty," Edward Church; "Defiance" (three clearances), Walter Chaloner, Daniel Fones, Michael Phillips; "King of Prussia," John Roffe; "Hawke," Mark Valentine; "Trumpeter," William Richards; "Prince Frederick," James Potter; "Catherine," Jeremiah Cranston ; "Success," Robert Elliott ; "Maggott," John Lane; "Prince Ferdinand," Roderick McCloud. 1758-"New Concert," Samuel Sweet ; "Jolly Bachelor," Samuel Angell; "Scorpion," John Warren ; "Abercrombie," Joseph Rivers; "General Webb," Israel Boardman; "Lord Howe," Roderick McCloud; "Maggott," John Lane; "Catherine," Robert Elliott; "Mar," John Brown; "Duke of Marlborough," Estes Howe; "Othello," Francis Malbone; "Rabbit," Peleg Easton; "Dolphin," Oliver Ring Warner; "Triton," Walter Buffum; "Industry," Joseph Owens; "Ruby," Mark Antony DeWolf. 1759-"Defiance," Benjamin Wanton ; "Diana," Samuel Sweet. 1760-"Amazon," John James; "Lydia," William Ladd; "Suc- cess," Abel Mincheson ; "Three Brothers," Joshua Stoddard; "Goldfinch," William Metcalf ; "Phebe," Daniel Waldon; "Success," Daniel Fones; "Molly," 1761-"Sarah," Jon- athan Burdick; "Wolf," James Potter; "Three Brothers," Joshua Stoddard. 1762-"Pom-
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pey," Samuel Johnston; "Dolphin," Thomas Rodman; "Diana," Job Easton; "Brittania," Francis Coddington; "Diamond," James Ramsey; "Polly," Caleb Cranston; "Rising Sun," William Pinnegar ; "Polly and Sally," Lovett Thurston ; "Harlequin," Michael Ryan; "Dove," Edward Dyer; "Beaver," Walter Clarke; "Charming Polly," Lovett Thurston; "Harlequin," Daniel Wilcox; "Nancy," George Nichols; "Defiance," James Duncan; "Sarah," John Thompson ; "Africa," John Easton; "Pompey," Samuel Johnston; "Unity," Zebedee Grin- nell ; "Conformator," Benjamin Hicks; "Wolf," James Coddington; "Industry," Thomas Underwood. These were Newport privateers ; there were others, from Providence and prob- ably from Bristol. Abraham Whipple earned his spurs as a privateer in this war ; he is cred- ited with capturing twenty-three prizes in one cruise. An admiralty court was established in Providence during the war because of the large number of prizes taken by Providence privateers.
All the colonial governors had been advised of England's plan to send troops to America, including the force led by Braddock, and had been urged to make suitable arrangements for stores of provisions, and to enlist colonial soldiers to fill up the ranks of the English regiments and as auxiliary colonial troops. The Rhode Island General Assembly, in February, 1755, ordered the enlistment of 100 soldiers, and the repairing of Fort George. England was asked to provide cannon for the fort. Rigid embargo against shipment of food out of the colonies under circumstances that might permit its reaching the French at Cape Breton was enforced. Later, when Shirley revived his old plan for a movement against the French in Canada via the Lake Champlain route, Rhode Island raised 400 soldiers as a Rhode Island regiment under command of Colonel Christopher Harris, and sent them to Albany by water. In August, following receipt of news of Braddock's defeat, 150 soldiers, in three companies, were enlisted, of whom 100 marched overland to Albany, and fifty were sent later by water. The colonial troops advanced from Albany to the point where the Hudson River turns south for the long sweep of 250 miles to the sea, and there built Fort Lyman, afterward called Fort Edward, as a defence for the southern end of the portage, or "carrying place," leading to the waters of Lake George. Thence they proceeded to the southern end of Lake George, and began the construction of Fort William Henry. Scarcely had the walls of the fortress begun to assume form, when, on September 8, 1755, a detachment of colonial troops and Indians was ambushed by 3000 French and Indians. The latter had marched from Montreal to attack Fort Edward, the base of supplies for the army at Fort William Henry. The colonial troops were driven back from the ambush in disorder, and the French, elated by their initial success, pursued them and attacked the colonial camp with great vigor. The Indian allies of the French fled when the colonial artillery opened fire, but the French, in large part regular troops, led by Baron Dieskau, continued gallantly to assail the uncompleted intrenchments, closing up the gaps in their columns and pressing steadily attack after attack for five hours in the autumn afternoon. Sir William Henry, commanding the colonial troops, was wounded early in the battle and retired from the field, leaving General Phineas Lyman of Connecticut, to finish the battle. The French commander was wounded three times, but refused to with- draw and continued to rally his men and urge them forward in desperate charges. Toward the end of the day he was mortally wounded and captured. The French withdrew, leaving nearly 900 dead and wounded; the colonial loss was 300. The colonial troops had met, with- stood the attack of, and defeated European regulars in pitched battle. The glory of the day rested with the New England regiments and the gallant General Lyman. They had been steady and steadfast. Rhode Island raised 400 additional soldiers, in four companies, as reinforcements for the Rhode Island regiment after the battle of Lake George. When the active forces were reduced as the coming of winter slowed up military movements, 100 Rhode Islanders remained as part of the 300 soldiers in the garrison of Fort William Henry, and eighty-five were retained under arms at home.
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