Rhode Island : three centuries of democracy, Vol. I, Part 48

Author: Carroll, Charles, author
Publication date: 1932
Publisher: New York : Lewis historical Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 716

USA > Rhode Island > Rhode Island : three centuries of democracy, Vol. I > Part 48

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THE NAVY AND ESEK HOPKINS-The Rhode Island General Assembly in August, 1775, resolved :

And as every principle, divine and human, requires us to obey that great and fundamental law of nature, self-preservation, until peace shall be restored upon constitutional principles ; this colony will most heartily exert the whole power of government, in conjunction with the other colonies, for carrying on this

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just and necessary war and bringing the same to a happy issue. And amongst other measures for obtaining this most desirable purpose, this Assembly is persuaded that the building and equipping an American fleet, as soon as possible, would greatly and essentially conduce to the preservation of the lives, liberty and property of the good people of these colonies; and therefore instruct their delegates to use their whole influence at the ensuing Congress for building, at the continental expense, a fleet of sufficient force for the protection of these colonies, and for emphasizing them in such manner and places as will most effectually annoy our enemies, and contribute to the common defence of these colonies.

This Rhode Island project for the establishment of a navy found favor with Congress, which in December, voted to purchase and equip thirteen vessels, and elected Esek Hopkins of Rhode Island commander-in-chief. Of five captains for the new navy, three, Whipple, who commanded the "Columbus"; John B. Hopkins, the "Cabot," and Hacker, the "Provi- dence," were Rhode Islanders. Seven Rhode Islanders were appointed as Lieutenants, and 100 sailors were sent from Rhode Island to man the ships. Congress purchased at Philadel- phia two large ships, the "Alfred" and the "Columbus," and two brigs, the "Cabot" and the "Andrea Doria"; and at Providence the "Katy," colony sloop, later named the "Providence." On this vessel, with a full complement of officers and seamen, the commander-in-chief sailed for the Delaware. . There a fleet of eight vessels assembled, including the ship "Alfred," twenty-four guns ; the ship "Columbus," twenty guns; the brigs "Andrea Doria" and "Cabot," fourteen guns each; the sloop "Providence," twelve guns ; the sloop "Hornet," ten guns; the sloop "Wasp," eight guns ; and the "Fly," tender. Held in the Delaware by ice, the fleet sailed on February 17. The Bahama Islands were reached early in March, and the fleet invested Fort Nassau on the Island of New Providence. The fort surrendered, and Admiral Hopkins proceeded to take on board the cannon and ammunition stored there. His fleet was insufficient to carry the booty, which included over 100 cannon, and Admiral Hopkins impressed the sloop "Endeavor," lying in the harbor, as a freighter. The fleet sailed from the Bahamas on March 17, reaching New London on April 7. On the return voyage the Admiral captured the schooner "Hawke," six guns, and the bomb brig "Bolton," eight guns. The frigate "Glasgow," twenty-four guns, was engaged on April 6, but escaped capture after a vigorous battle, leaving her tender with Admiral Hopkins. The cannon were distributed at various places, and the ammunition, sadly needed by General Washington, was placed at the latter's disposal. Washington loaned to Admiral Hopkins 200 men to replace members of his crews, who had been killed or wounded or were sick, and with these the fleet was taken to Providence, where the sick, most suffering from smallpox, were landed. The departure from the Bahamas occurred on the same day that the British evacuated Boston, March 17, 1776. Admiral Hop- kins reached New London on the same day that Washington left Providence, which the latter visited, for conferences with officials and revolutionary committees, on his way from Boston to New York, which he believed would be the next British objective.

The Rhode Island Brigade, except the companies with the Quebec expedition, returned to Rhode Island with other troops assigned by Washington temporarily for defence of the colony should the British enter Narragansett Bay. These troops were withdrawn later for the defence of New York. General Henry Knox, who visited Rhode Island to advise as to forti- fications, wrote to his wife: "I have been on board Admiral Hopkins' ship in company with his gallant son, who was wounded in the engagement with the 'Glasgow.' The Admiral is an antiquated figure. He brought to my mind Van Tromp, the famous Dutch Admiral. Though antiquated in figure, he is shrewd and sensible. I, whom you think not a little enthusiastic, should have taken him for an angel, only he swore now and then." Admiral Hopkins was then aged fifty-eight. In spite of his remarkable achievement and the significant strengthening of the American cause by the cannon and ammunition captured by him, Admiral Hopkins did not escape censure. With Captains Whipple and Salstonstall, he was summoned to Philadelphia to answer charges of disobedience of orders. As a matter of fact, he had been

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instructed to cruise along the South Atlantic coast, but had decided, because of the delay in sailing from the Delaware and because of the distribution of British war vessels in harbors along the coast to avoid the late winter storms, to make a bold strike at the British naval sup- ply base in the Bahamas. A part of the criticism of Hopkins was related to his failure to cap- ture the "Glasgow," although, on this score, the heavy set of his own vessels with their cargoes of cannon and ammunition, might explain their failure to close promptly with the lighter and larger British man-of-war. He was censured by Congress for failure to undertake the south- ern cruise, but restored to his command and ordered to cruise against the Newfoundland fish- ery. Hopkins experienced difficulty in obtaining crews for his vessels, because of the large number of sailors enlisted for privateering, and did not sail again. Principally because of inac- tivity, he was relieved of his command in January, 1778.

THE CAMPAIGN AROUND NEW YORK-The siege of Boston was ended quickly by evacua- tion when Washington seized and fortified Dorchester Heights, and with the cannon brought from Ticonderoga began to shell the British barracks. Howe, who had superseded Gates, began to embark his troops on March 17, and had completed the movement two days later. Washington designated General Nathanael Greene to occupy Boston temporarily; Greene's command at that time was a brigade, including the three Rhode Island regiments and four others. News from Rhode Island that a British fleet had been sighted off Point Judith hastened Greene's departure from Boston with his own brigade and Sullivan's. Spencer's Bri- gade followed; when the report was found to be erroneous the troops marched to New Lon- don, and there boarded transports for New York. Washington prepared to defend New York against expected attack by the British and assigned Greene, with 9000 troops, to fortify and hold Brooklyn and the heights which commanded the East River approaches. The forts and entrenchments constructed by Greene were described as "judiciously planned but ill executed" by Captain Montressor of the British army. Perhaps the British officer did not weigh this judgment with consideration of the limited time available and of the want of engineering and trenching tools in the American army. Washington's forces numbered few more than 20,000 men, of whom not one-half had had even so little experience as that gained in the campaign at Boston. He built Forts Washington and Lee, on either side of the Hud- son, to secure the approaches to Manhattan from the north and his own communications with New Jersey. By the end of June, Howe, back from Halifax, landed 8000 men on Staten Island and was reinforced thereafter until his army included 27,000 soldiers, among whom were 14,000 Hessians.

EXPLOIT OF SILAS TALBOT-Admiral Howe, with a fleet of twenty-five warships, sup- ported his soldier brother ; his men-of-war, sailing up the Hudson, embarrassed the American army in New York, and threatened Washington's communications with New Jersey and northern New York. The food supply from New Jersey was also interrupted, and the menace was serious. With the Rhode Island troops in New York was Silas Talbot, who had been commissioned as Lieutenant in Captain Tower's Company, the ninth from Providence County, raised with five others after the battle of Bunker Hill as reinforcements for the Rhode Island Brigade. Talbot was promoted to be Captain in January, 1776, and to be Major, by act of Congress, October 10, 1777, because of "spirited" action in defence of New York related to an exploit in August, 1776, in which he and a party, principally Rhode Islanders, opened the Hudson River and relieved Washington of immediate concern. Initial success in devising, building and sending fire rafts among the British fleet in the Narrows had won for Talbot appointment as commander of a small schooner, which he fitted out as a fire brig. Slipping quietly down the Hudson under cover of complete darkness late at night, partly sailing and partly drifting with the current, Talbot's approach to the British men-of-war was not dis- covered until he was close at hand. The British fired one broadside before Talbot closed with

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the "Romney," and secured his schooner snugly to her with grappling irons. Fires were lighted immediately, and the crew of the schooner, with the exception of Ensign John Thomas of Rhode Island, who was drowned, took to their boats, as ordered. Talbot himself remained behind to assure himself that the fires were burning briskly, and made his escape through flames that severely scorched him. The boats were quickly away, and reached shore safely though fired on vigorously by the British as their course was lighted by the blazing schooner. The "Romney" also was soon ablaze, and was saved from destruction when the other British men-of-war assisted in cutting her away from the fire brig. Thereafter the British retired below the Battery, leaving the Hudson, for the time being, an open river.

LONG ISLAND-Unfortunately for America, Greene, who had planned the defences of Brooklyn, was taken ill with fever and removed for treatment to New York. In his stead Putnam commanded on Long Island. Howe moved 15,000 men across the Narrows from Staten Island to Long Island on August 22, and on August 27 attacked 5000 Americans under Sullivan, who held the advance lines between Brooklyn Heights and the British army. The attack was delivered from front and rear simultaneously; Generals Sullivan and Stirling and 1100 men were captured and the rest routed. Rhode Island soldiers were engaged in this battle and made their way to Brooklyn. Captain Benijah Carpenter of Rhode Island was killed. Howe moved on Brooklyn on the following day, and was repulsed. On the night of August 29, Washington, under cover of night and a heavy fog, directed in person the ferrying of the remainder of the American army across the East River. The abandonment of Brook- lyn made New York untenable, since Brooklyn Heights commanded Manhattan and the East River, and Washington withdrew to Harlem Heights, throwing his line across the Island of Manhattan.

HARLEM HEIGHTS AND WHITE PLAINS-Howe attacked Harlem on September 16, and was repulsed; in this battle the Rhode Island troops performed distinguished service. Gen- eral Greene, now a Major General, though not attached to the forces actually engaged, par- ticipated in the battle at Harlem Heights as a volunteer, and was noticed for his gallantry. Howe next moved up the East River, and Washington, recognizing the threat to his line at Harlem in flank and rear, withdrew to White Plains. Howe attacked White Plains on October 28, and was repulsed, suffering heavier losses than the American defenders. In this battle Varnum's and Hitchcock's Rhode Island Regiments rendered valorous service, for which they were warmly commended by Washington. Howe crossed the Hudson and moved down to Dobb's Ferry, threatening Fort Washington. The fort was captured on November 16, with 2600 Americans, and Washington began his retreat across New Jersey into Pennsylvania. His force had been reduced to a few thousand by losses in battle and by withdrawal of militia . regiments, and the American cause seemed almost hopeless.

CAPTAIN GIBBS AND THE LIFE GUARD-Washington's Life Guard was organized while the Continental army occupied Manhattan, with Captain Caleb Gibbs of Rhode Island as the first commander. The Guard consisted at first of 180 men, five feet eight to nine inches in height, chosen because of their physical appearance, moral character and mental alertness. Membership was an honor highly esteemed. The number in service varied from 65 to 250. The guards were dressed in blue coats faced with white, white waistcoat and breeches, with black half-gaiters, and a cocked hat with blue and white feathers. They were armed with muskets and side arms. They were sworn to protect the life and papers of the commander-in- chief, and their motto was "Conquer or Die." The membership of the guards was recruited from the soldiers and officers of the Continental troops, all the colonies and states being rep- resented. Caleb Gibbs of Rhode Island remained in command of the Life Guards for three

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years, from 1776 to 1779. The guards were the constant companions of the commander-in- chief.

Of the actions near New York General Greene wrote to Governor Cooke: "I was sick when the army retreated from Long Island, which, by the by, was the best effected retreat I ever read or heard of, considering the difficulty of the retreat." He described the retreat from New York as miserable, "owing to the disorderly conduct of the militia, who ran at the appear- ance of the enemy's advance guard," leaving General Washington, who had tried to stay the flight and rally the soldiers "on the ground within eighty yards of the enemy, so vexed at the infamous conduct of the troops, that he sought death rather than life." Of the affair at Har- lem Heights, Greene wrote: "A party of about a thousand came and attacked our advance post ; they met with a very different kind of reception from what they did the day before. The fire continued about one hour, and the enemy retreated : our people pursued them; and by the spirited conduct of General Putnam and Colonel Read . ... our people advanced upon the plain ground, without cover, and attacked them and drove them back. . . . Colonel Var- num's and Colonel Hitchcock's regiments were in the last action, and behaved nobly; but neither of the colonels was with them, both being absent, one sick and the other taking care of the sick." Later, urging care in selecting officers for the Rhode Island regiments in anticipa- tion of reorganization for taking them into Continental service, Greene wrote: "There has been, it must be confessed, some shameful conduct in this army in this campaign, in great measure owing to the bad conduct of the officers. I have neither seen nor heard of one instance of cowardice among the old troops where they had good officers to lead them on. In the last action every regiment behaved with becoming spirit; especially Colonel Hitchcock's and Colonel Varnum's."

Washington also urged the importance of selecting good officers for the reorganized Continental army, and recommended "those who, in public estimation and that of the generals under whom they have more particularly acted, have behaved themselves well and to good acceptance, and whose past conduct gives a reasonable hope that their future will render mate- rial services to their country." Washington's list included the Rhode Island officers on the Canada expedition, whose "behavior and merit, and the severities they have experienced, entitle them to a particular notice." Washington would have "recommended Colonel Varnum for a colonel of one of the regiments, but he refused to serve." Varnum was dissatisfied because he had not been promoted by Congress so fast as other officers ; he returned to the army later. It should be noted that the three Rhode Island regiments had been consolidated as two regi- ments after the withdrawal of detachments from other service, including the 250 sent to Can- ada and the crew of the "Washington," brigantine, and the losses by casualty and sickness ; the references to Varnum's and Hitchcock's regiments are to the consolidated Rhode Island troops, including all not detached. All the Rhode Islanders were courageous, and most of the officers were excellent.

HOWLAND'S NARRATIVE-A third regiment, Colonel Christopher Lippitt, and the two row gallies operating in Narragansett Bay, were sent as reinforcements to Washington's army in view of the serious situation at New York. John Howland was a private in this regiment ; his personal narrative relates his own experiences and much of interest concerning the Rhode Island troops :

Our regiment was ordered to leave Newport and join the army at New York. . . . Some went by water and some by land to New London. Colonel Lippitt chose to visit his family on his way, who lived on his farm in Cranston. . . . We crossed the bay to Wickford, and from thence proceeded to his house. After remaining there one night we continued our journey through Plainfield to join the regiment at New London. We lodged the first night at Eaton's Tavern in Plainfield, and there we met Admiral Hopkins, who

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was on his way home from Philadelphia. . . . The next morning we went on our way to New London, where we embarked on a schooner to proceed up the Sound. We were so crowded on board that there was no room to sit or lie down. We stood both below as well as above deck wedged together. The Colonel did not go on board with us, but went by land on horseback. . . . At Black Rock .. . . we landed, and after loading our tents and camp kettles on carts, proceeded on to New Haven, and thence to Fairfield. We proceeded on our way towards King's bridge, which connects the Manhattan Island with the main

We passed King's bridge, which is fifteen miles from the south end of the city, and encamped near the eleven mile stone. I do not recollect that there was a single dwelling house between our camp and the bridge. The main road from the city to the country was not fenced on either side. The land appeared a barren wilderness, hilly and rocky. The village of Harlem, south of our camp, was an old Dutch settlement. and it was said the land was well cultivated. There the enemy had possession, and our picket guards were in its near neighborhood. The day after our troops left New York a severe action took place between a detachment of our army and one regiment of British light infantry, one of Highlanders, and a regiment of Hessians. The enemy were repulsed with the loss of about 100 men on their part, but left Colonel Knowlton, who commanded the American detachment, mortally wounded on the field.

The reference here is to the battle of Harlem Heights, fought before Colonel Lippitt's regiment reached New York. The Howland narrative continues :

It was on the fifteenth of September that the British took possession of New York, and we were in possession of the north part of the island, from Harlem to King's bridge, till the sixteenth of October following. During the greater part of this time, from bad fare, hard service, and sleeping on the ground, many of our men became sick of what was called the camp distemper, which, seizing the bowels, soon became fatal. This daily lessened our numbers, and rendered others unfit for duty. When our regiment was ordered to march to Westchester our sick were placed in wagons with as much care as circumstances would permit. Young Otis Dexter, a fine boy of fourteen years, the brother of Captain David Dexter, and who was the fifer of our own company, we placed in a wagon on some straw, and he expired about the time we crossed King's bridge. The jolting of the wagon over an uneven and stony road doubtless hastened his exit, and finally ended his sufferings. Early the next morning we made his grave in the corner of an orchard in Westchester, in which we placed him with as much decency as possible. . . . Several regiments were left to occupy the post at King's bridge, and 2000 men were in possession of Fort Washington on the island when we passed on to Westchester. We were next marched to Mile Square, where we were encamped several days. . . . Our next movement was to White Plains. . . . On October 28 a part of the Connecticut troops under General Spencer, with McDougal's Brigade, were posted on a ridge of land next south of the hill on which our regiment was stationed. In the morning of that day a large detachment of British appeared ascending the highland opposite to us, to attack their command. The action soon commenced. It was a severe conflict, and we expected every moment to be ordered to reinforce them. But it appears that our commander-in-chief did not intend to risk a general action while the enemy had such a vastly superior force, but only to fight by detachments. We therefore stood under arms and with our cannon loaded, as silent spectators of the conflict. . . . At length the two armies, as if mutually tired of the con- flict, drew apart, and each endeavored to remove their wounded. . . . Our next remove, or retreat as it may be called, was to the high land of North Castle, five or six miles north of White Plains. Here the enemy did not choose to follow us, but withdrew their forces into the city, while their outworks were at King's bridge. General Washington crossed the Hudson River into Jersey, and the enemy followed him till he crossed the Delaware into Pennsylvania.

Our troops, of which our regiment composed a part, in the state of New York, were left under the command of General Charles Lee. Barracks and a hospital had been erected at Peekskill, where our sick were sent, and on or about the first of December General Lee's command was ordered to Peekskill, from whence we crossed the Hudson River into New Jersey, our first stopping place being Morristown. . . . General Lee one night before we encamped, took up his quarters several miles distant from his troops and nearer the enemy, and before morning the house in which he lodged was surrounded by twenty-one British light horse, who made him prisoner. He had no guards or sentinels to give him notice of their approach, but one of his aides, Major Bradford, son of our Governor Bradford, escaped and brought us the intelligence the next morning as we were on our march. I saw him as he rode up to our line. General Sullivan met him and received the news, which immediately spread through the whole line. We halted some time in the road, and Sullivan rode through the line giving orders, to show that we still had a commander left, and did not

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appear to regret the loss of Lee. I confess it was not a subject of any grief to me, as I had known him in Providence before he was appointed in our army, and thought we could manufacture as good generals out of American stuff as he was. But this was not the prevalent opinion, for on first raising our army, Congress, as well as other statesmen, were impressed by the idea that the men who had served in the Old French War were only fit to be appointed. Under this error, which General Washington soon found out, Lee, Gates, and others were commissioned. Gates was sent by Congress to command the northern army, without consulting General Washington, and had there not been better generals under him, he would not have had the honor of the surrender of Burgoyne. .

We continued our march toward the Delaware. . . . We arrived at the ferry where we were to cross the river to Easton, toward night. Here we received the news that the British had taken possession of Rhode Island .* . . Our condition before receiving this news was bad enough. Our day's ration, which we drew in the morning, was a pint of flour per man. Some of us had canteens with only one head. This was fortunate for the possessor, as he could receive his flour in it, and with water mix it into dough to be baked on the embers. Some received their flour on a flat stone, if they could find one; but old Frank, an old Portuguese sailor, who had deserted from the bomb brig in Newport and had enlisted in our regiment, took his ration in his old man-of-war cap, made of tarred yarns . . . The next day we crossed the Delaware to Easton. We drew no rations till towards night, when we had a small allowance of bread. In the course of the day I was traveling through the town in search of a baker, in hope of purchasing a loaf, when I over- took Lieutenant Stephen Olney, of Hitchcock's regiment, whom I had known in Providence. I inquired of him where I could find a bakehouse, as I could hold out no longer without something to eat. He was as hungry and as much perplexed as I was, but laughed, and said we must make the best of our situation and hope for better times. . . . The next day our tents and camp kettles were loaded into the wagons, and we marched to Bethlehem, situated on the River Lehigh, twelve miles west of Easton. . . . We the next morning crossed the Lehigh by a rope ferry, and, marching south, faced towards Philadelphia. On this march, when we set up our tents for the night, the spare guns and cartridge boxes of the men who had failed by the way were placed in the Quartermaster's tent. . . . We generally had fires in front of our tents at night, to warm ourselves as well as to cook our rations. The dryest leaves which covered the ground we gathered into our tents to sleep on, as the ground was cold and damp. . . . We continued our march to Bristol, twenty miles north of Philadelphia, where we set up our tents in the woods a mile or so west of that town. Here we continued until December 24.

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Rhode Island : three centuries of democracy, Vol. I, Part 48

Author: Carroll, Charles, author Publication date: 1932 Publisher: New York : Lewis historical Pub. Co. Number of Pages: 716

Author: Carroll, Charles, author
Publication date: 1932
Publisher: New York : Lewis historical Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 716