Rhode Island : three centuries of democracy, Vol. I, Part 52

Author: Carroll, Charles, author
Publication date: 1932
Publisher: New York : Lewis historical Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 716

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FORTIFYING RHODE ISLAND-The return of Admiral Hopkins from his cruise to the Bahamas,* and the British evacuation of Boston so changed the situation that Wallace with- drew from Narragansett Bay in April. Hopkins captured the "Hawke," schooner, six guns, Captain Wallace, son of Commodore Wallace; and also the "Bolton," bomb brig, eight guns. The "Glasgow," frigate, twenty-four guns, escaped by flight, leaving her tender as a prize

*Chapter XII.

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for Admiral Hopkins. Commodore Wallace had put to sea immediately on the arrival of the "Glasgow" at Newport, with the purpose of meeting Admiral Hopkins, but the latter had entered New London harbor. While Wallace was absent an American battery was placed on Brenton's Point, and drove the "Glasgow" to another anchorage. Two other British war ves- sels, which had entered Newport harbor with prizes, were attacked by the Rhode Island row galleys and a shore battery on April II. The warships left the prizes and retired beyond Jamestown. Another battery, located at Jamestown, drove them out of the harbor on April 14. Thereafter, until December, Narragansett Bay was clear of British. Three of the twelve sessions of the General Assembly in 1776 were held at Newport, in June, July and August.

The work of fortifying Rhode Island, begun in and about Providence in 1775, went stead- ily forward in the following year. The General Assembly at the January session, 1776, appointed a special committee "to take into consideration the state of this colony, and the measures necessary for the defence thereof," and to "consider in what places it will be best to station the troops now in the service of the colony." The committee reported in March, and its recommendations, with a few changes ordered by the General Assembly, located troops at Point Judith, Boston Neck, South Ferry, Wickford, Pojack Point, Potowomut Neck, War- wick Neck, Pawtuxet, Barrington, Bristol, Bristol Ferry, Tiverton, Little Compton, James- town, and on the island of Rhode Island. The committee also advised "that Bristol Ferry be fortified by erecting such works as the commanding officer shall think proper, upon those places upon the Rhode Island side and on that place upon the Bristol side advised to by Colonel Putnam. And we refer the commanding officer to his honor the Deputy Governor, who was with Colonel Putnam when he viewed the ground, for the particular spots of ground; and we further advise the same to be executed as soon as may be, and in the best manner he is able, with the forces that he can spare for that service. We do also recommend to the said commanding officer to erect a battery or fort on Tonomy Hill on Rhode Island as soon as may be, according to his best skill and judgment." Most of the places mentioned as locations for troops were fortified in some way, if no more than by digging trenches and throwing up breastworks. The fortifications at Bristol, ordered by the town meeting, "were composed of a wall five feet high built of turf and stones, filled up on the inside with loose earth and small stones." The location was along the shore. Newport had already, by the judicious placing of batteries to command anchoring places, made the harbor so uncomfort- able for British war vessels that the latter were constrained to withdraw.

With the departure of Wallace and his fleet some of the old spirit of defiance that had been characteristic of Newport in the days of dashing John Wanton was revived, and New- port began the work of fortification in earnest. A fort was erected in April on Brenton's Point on the site now occupied by Fort Adams, thus commanding the entrance from the south to the closed harbor. Later in 1776 a fort was built on the Dumplings, near Beaver Tail, at the south end of Conanicut, to command the open roads between Conanicut and Newport, from which warships would have no difficulty in throwing shells into Newport. The north end of the closed harbor was fortified by the North Battery, later the site of Fort Greene. On the high ground north of the town a fort was placed on Tonomy Hill. To the east, along the Seaconnet River, forts on the highlands of Tiverton and Little Compton guarded the fer- ries and the approaches by way of the river. The works at Bristol Ferry defended the north end of the island of Rhode Island. Fort Liberty, formerly Fort George, and afterward Fort Washington, on Goat Island, which had been stripped of cannon in 1774, was armed again with heavy guns, eighteen and twenty-four pounders. Massachusetts aided in the fortification of Bristol Ferry, because of interest in the protection of the entrance to Mount Hope Bay and the Taunton River, and cooperation in fortifying Howland's Ferry was requested by Rhode Island. Colonel Knox, afterward General Knox, visited Rhode Island while en route

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from Boston to New York, and was persuaded to remain long enough to go to Newport, view the fortifications and make suggestions. Governor Cooke, in a letter to Washington, men- tioned Knox's service thus: "I prevailed upon Colonel Knox, who passed through ( Provi- dence) on his way to Norwich, to take a view of Newport, and to direct such works to be thrown up as he should think necessary for the defence of the place. He is clearly of opinion that the town of Newport may be secured; and hath left some directions, which I have ordered to be carried into execution. They have begun the works, and I believe will this day complete a battery which commands the north entrance of the harbor. Tomorrow they begin the fortifications on Fort Island ; and if it be in our power to complete the works, I have no doubt it will put a total end to Toryism in this colony. As Colonel Knox's stay was very short, his plans are not particular nor exact. It is were possible for your excellency to spare from your army some person acquainted with fortifications, to assist, were it only for a few days, you would do us a particular favor, and a most essential service to the common defence." To this letter Washington answered: "I am very glad that Colonel Knox has taken a view of Newport, and hope the directions he has left will be attended with all the good consequences you mention. We have no engineer that can possibly be spared . ... indeed, we are very deficient in that department." The colony records indicate the probability that there were other forts in Rhode Island in 1776, including one at East Greenwich mounting nine cannon. The General Assembly ordered the enlistment of artillery companies of fourteen men each, at Providence, Warwick, Cranston, East Greenwich, North Kingstown, South Kingstown, Jamestown, Charlestown, Westerly, Warren, Bristol, Barrington, Portsmouth, Little Comp- ton, Tiverton, Newport and Middletown, and cannon for each town and company, except East Greenwich, Providence, North Kingstown and Newport, which already had been supplied.

Except those removed from Fort George in 1774 the cannon available for defence of Rhode Island in 1775 were mostly ship cannon from privateers of colonial wars, and the arma- ment of the old colony sloop of war, the "Tartar." In this respect the situation in Rhode Island was similar to that elsewhere. The siege of Boston became an effective military movement only when the guns seized at Ticonderoga and Crown Point were carried overland on sleds and mounted on Dorchester Heights. In Rhode Island cannon and shot owned by individuals were purchased, including twenty-three or twenty-four nine-pound cannon "found" by John Brown and company. Admiral Hopkins, on return from the Bahamas, landed twenty-six cannon and a store of round shot at Newport, whereupon "the inhabitants, elated with having this means of defence, assembled in a full town meeting and unanimously voted to work upon the necessary fortifications, and to defend the town; and immediately entered upon it with vigor."

The men who were most active in directing the Revolution as a practical military move- ment and who understood thoroughly that a successful Revolution is a matter not so much of resolutions and cheers as of guns and ammunition in the hands of well-disciplined soldiers, had anticipated the situation of 1776 by making preparations for casting cannon in the iron works, the most important of these as contributors to the supply of revolutionary cannon being the Furnace Hope, erected in the interval between the French and Indian and the Revolution- ary wars. The owners of this foundry contracted to make sixty cannon for the colony of Rhode Island. In January, 1776, the owners, Nicholas Brown and company, offered to make heavy cannon at £35 per ton, warranted good, provided the colony would agree to take the cannon whether the war should continue or not; the General Assembly voted to buy thirty eighteen-pound and thirty twelve-pound cannon "provided they are ready for use by May 10 next." In February the contractors requested a modification of the contract, because they had learned from "Muller's Treatise on Artillery" that "lighter cannon made upon the new construction are much better than the old heavy pieces," and that members of the Assembly's

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committee preferred "the lighter pieces." The General Assembly approved the modification. Four eighteen-pound cannon had been completed when Admiral Hopkins arrived at Newport ; these, with twenty taken from Fort George and the twenty-six brought by the Admiral brought the number of heavy pieces in Rhode Island to fifty. When the owners of Furnace Hope were offered a contract to make cannon for the new Continental navy ordered by Congress, Rhode Island waived its contractual priority while ship cannon were cast. Congress ordered twenty of the cannon taken to Newport by Admiral Hopkins sent to Philadelphia, and the General Assembly protested, on May 20, that the removal of these cannon would involve the loss of Newport. John Collins was sent to Philadelphia to present the protest and to urge Congress to revoke the order of removal. The cannon remained in Rhode Island. In July, 1776, a committee reported to the General Assembly the distribution of twenty-seven cannon delivered by Furnace Hope as follows: Jamestown, three twelve-pounders, on field carriages ; South Kingstown, two eighteen-pounders and two nine-pounders on field carriages; Warwick Neck, two eighteen-pounders; Field's Point, three nine-pounders; Kettle Point, two nine- pounders; Warren, two nine-pounders; Bristol, two nine-pounders; Bristol Ferry, five nine- pounders, one on the main and four on the island; Howland's Ferry, four nine-pounders, on the main. Other cannon in the state were: Newport County, fifty-five; Providence County, twenty-five; Bristol County, fifteen; Kent County, seventeen. For King's County there was no report ; otherwise, in four counties, there were 139 cannon in Rhode Island. Later in the year cannon were removed from Jamestown and Newport; the armament on the forts at Newport were reduced to thirteen guns, of which three were at Brenton's Point, and five each at Fort Liberty and the North Battery. Of the heavier cannon removed from the islands three each were mounted at Bristol Ferry and at Howland's Ferry, and the remainder were placed in the battery on Fox Point in Providence.

ARMS AND AMMUNITION WANTED-The arming of the brigade sent to Boston in 1775 had practically exhausted the available supply of muskets. Governor Cooke, in a letter to Washington on January 25, 1776, described the colony as "in a manner disarmed," because the inhabitants "thought themselves in a perfect state of security, and entirely neglected mili- tary discipline, and disposed of their arms." On March 5, in a letter to Stephen Hopkins and Samuel Ward, Rhode Island's delegates in the Continental Congress, Governor Cooke wrote: "We meet with great difficulty in procuring arms for the brigade. Numbers of men are wait- ing only for that article to proceed to Rhode Island. . . Please to let me know whether 1500 can be procured in Philadelphia, and at what price; or whether they will be supplied by Con- gress. We have but very little more than ten tons of powder in the colony. The Assembly have appointed a committee to purchase arms and ammunition in case any shall arrive." Committees were authorized to purchase muskets. powder, lead and flints, if and when avail- able, and in March the Assembly ordered the purchase of "2000 stand of good firearms, with bayonets, iron ramrods and cartouch boxes , for the use of the colony, which shall be stamped with the colony's arms and the letters 'C. R.,' and distributed to each town in pro- portion to the number of polls." The difficulty of providing muskets continued, in spite of the manufacturing enterprises undertaken. Two hundred spears for the batteries in New- port were purchased in June. The Jenks musket was still so much a novelty that one was purchased from the inventor as a special gift to an Oneida Indian chief. who visited Providence.

Bounties on saltpetre and powder were offered to encourage the manufacture of both, and towns were ordered to make saltpetre if no citizen undertook production. John Jenks was authorized to send a vessel to Surinam to procure ammunition and warlike stores; later another vessel was sent to Hispaniola or other West Indian destination. Eventually the col-

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ony itself undertook the manufacture of powder; John Jenks and John Waterman were appointed a committee "to erect a powder mill in Providence county at the charge of the colony," and to buy a site for it; later John Waterman was directed to "agree with some suitable person, upon the best terms he can, to work in the powder mill belonging to the col- ony." The brick schoolhouse on Meeting Street in Providence, owned partly by the town and partly by an incorporated school society, was used as a laboratory for making explosives from December, 1776, to the end of the war; Whipple Hall, another schoolhouse, on Benefit Street in Providence, was used similarly for four years from February, 1777.

Even before France recognized American independence and became America's ally in the war against England, arms and ammunition reached America from French sources. Besides the purchases made by Silas Deane under the pseudonym "Timothy Jones," French agents were active in America. Two, who gave their names as Messrs. Prenet and De Pliance, arrived in Rhode Island in December, 1775, from Cape Francois with Captain Rhodes, who had been sent out from Rhode Island to procure powder. Governor Cooke referred the French gentlemen to Washington as "well recommended to our committee for providing powder from a merchant of character at the Cape." One had "proposals to make for sup- plying the United Colonies with arms and warlike stores. I am informed," wrote Governor Cooke, "that the other gentleman is a person of some consequence." Washington, wanting authority to make a contract, "prevailed upon the agents to go to Philadelphia and recom- mended them and a consideration of their plan" to Congress. As in all other wars, there were frauds and profiteers at work during the Revolution; in October, 1776, provision was made for inspection of gunpowder, and for marking powder passing inspection with the letters "U. S. A." on the cask.

The removal of cattle, sheep, hay, corn, potatoes and other vegetables crops from the islands was a military measure, intended to prevent British recourse to Narragansett Bay as a basis of supplies for the commissary. Food forwarded to the Continental army scarcely absorbed the surplus, which in earlier years had been shipped to the West Indies. There was plenty of plain food, and there was no suffering from hunger in Rhode Island in 1776, although some of the luxuries of the colonial period were missing from the tables of even the wealthy. Salt became scarce early in 1776, and the General Assembly resorted to urgent measures to procure and distribute salt, which was needed, not only for table use as a condi- ment, but also for packing provisions, and for use in tanneries and otherwise in manufac- turing processes. In January the General Assembly ordered the importation of 30,000 bushels of salt and named a committee for each of the counties to charter suitable vessels, and send money and provisions to purchase the salt. Some of the vessels and cargoes were lost ; in June an inventory of salt in the colony was ordered. It appeared that less than 8000 bushels had been landed, and that two vessels had been lost. In May the colony offered a bounty to encourage the manufacture of salt in the colony.

There had been little development of the manufacture of cloth in America in the colonial period, and non-importation agreements in operation previous to the opening of hostilities tended to reduce available supplies of cloth for clothing. Rhode Island had achieved dis- tinction early in the war because of the fine appearance of the colony troops at Boston. Later it was not easy to obtain cloth or other textiles, which was demonstrated in Governor Cooke's effort to obtain blankets for Washington in 1775. Early in 1776 Governor Cooke had col- lected 100 blankets additional to those already sent to Washington, but the later supply was issued to the troops sent to defend Prudence Island. When, in September, 1776, Colonel Lippitt's regiment was ordered to Long Island, Lieutenant Colonel Comstock complained to Governor Cooke that "there are many men in said regiment that are very bare of clothes,

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having neither shoes nor stockings to wear, and I find much grumbling among them on the occasion." Comstock recommended that men "that are now well clothed and shod and fit for said march" be selected from the two regiments and sent forward.

WARTIME MORALE-Though the people were called upon to make sacrifices and to render service in the common cause, there was little grumbling in Rhode Island. With the exception of a riot in West Greenwich in 1775, in opposition to drafting minutemen, there was no dis- order. General West, who commanded the Brigade on Rhode Island after Esek Hopkins had resigned to become commander-in-chief of the navy, interpreted a town meeting in Newport, which requested him to keep his troops out of the town, as fomented by Tories. While the interpretation was tenable, the General Assembly, though sustaining General West's zeal by resolution, released those whom he had arrested. Newport was in an embarrassing situation, threatened as it was actually by both British and Americans. Entrance of the latter might precipitate the burning of the town by shell fire from the British fleet; Wallace continued to threaten the town, thus to persuade the people to furnish beef and beer. Newport suffered more than any other part of the colony by reason of the British interference with commerce in the early period of the Revolution, and later because of British occupation. Block Island, because of its isolated and exposed location, presented another problem. The island was prac- tically stripped of cattle and sheep, and later of arms and warlike stores that might be taken by the British. In 1776, because of suspicion that some on the island were in communication with the enemy and using the normal trade with the mainland in fish and other commodities as a cover for an illicit supplying of British vessels, Block Island was restricted strictly to trade with Newport, and the exchange there of fish for necessary supplies limited in quantity ; subsequently, because of complaint of hardship, a restricted trade with grain mills in Pawca- tuck was permitted. Eventually Block Island became "No Man's Land," a convenient meet- ing place under flags of truce, and for the exchange of prisoners. Drastic legislation forbid- ding communication with the enemy was enacted, and a test oath was prescribed; both meas- ures applied to the entire colony. The test oath was a pledge of allegiance to the Revolution- ary government.

WARSHIPS AND PRIVATEERS-Two frigates for the new American navy, the "Providence," twenty-eight guns, and the "Warren," thirty-two guns, were built at Providence and launched in May, 1776. John B. Hopkins, son of the Admiral and nephew of Stephen Hopkins, com- manded the "Warren." Samuel Tompkins was appointed as Captain of the "Providence," but was replaced later by Abraham Whipple. In March, 1776, the General Assembly authorized the issuing of letters of marque to privateers. Congress also authorized privateering. A court of admiralty, to serve principally as a prize court, was established in 1776. James Honeyman, who was advocate general of the court of vice admiralty under the crown of Great Britain, offered to deliver up his commission "if his holding the said office be disagreeable to the colony"; the General Assembly resolved that it was "disagreeable" and sent the sheriff to receive the commission. While the entrances to Narragansett Bay remained open, many valuable prizes were brought in. Privateering became as profitable as it had been in colonial days against the French and Spanish; in many instances the cargoes of prizes were almost priceless because they included commodities much wanted, supplies of which had been reduced because of interference with commerce. Eventually privateering was recognized as involving disadvantages as well as advantages. Writing to Governor Cooke, in November, Lee declared : "The officers .... are of opinion that nothing impedes the recruiting of the army so much as the present rage for privateering ; that unless this is in some measure checked, it is vain to expect any success." The General Assembly, at the November session, instructed its commit- tee for conference with committees from other New England states "to desire those commit-

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tees to agitate in their respective legislatures the necessity of laying an embargo throughout the said states until the forces proportioned to the said states are raised, and the Continental ships within the same are manned." The fleet commanded by Esek Hopkins never went to sea as a squadron after his success in the Bahamas, principally because Hopkins was unable to enlist sailors; the alluring offers of prize money by privateering captains were far more attractive than any that could be made by Hopkins, and, besides that, it was reported to the General Assembly that "great uneasiness hath arisen amongst the men belonging to the navy on account of the wages not having been paid, nor the prize money distributed, which has not only produced a great disaffection to the service, and now prevents many from entering therein, but has also been represented much to the disadvantage of this state, and proved injurious to that character it has ever supported in the defence of American Liberty." The Assembly had been asked to give assistance to forward the manning and sailing of vessels of the Continental fleet and navy lying in Narragansett Bay, and it requested an explanation from Hopkins. The committee of safety, in view of the threatened movement of British troops to Rhode Island, early in December, advised Hopkins "with the Continental vessels under his command, within any of the harbors of this state, to put to sea as soon as he thinks the same can be done with safety." Hopkins answered that he had "long had orders from the honorable marine commit- tee to get all the vessels out" as soon as he could man them, and asked the committee of safety to "devise some way to compel their men to enlist, and likewise some way that the great num- ber of deserters may be sent on board, a considerable number of whom are now in this state." Governor Cooke, replying, urged payment of wages and prize money as soon as possible as a "great inducement for other men to engage in the service," and suggested that "if you have not a full complement of men to attack ships of any considerable force, we think it advisable, if you have a sufficient number to navigate the ships with safety round into Boston Bay, to join the Continental ships there, that you immediately proceed." Hopkins rejoined that he was not "agent or paymaster"; and not responsible, therefore, for delay in paying wages and prize money ; that his orders did not admit of his going to Boston; and that he saw no advan- tage in going there, since "if one of the ships there had been manned, she would have sailed before now." The remnant of the old fleet, and the new frigates remained in Providence harbor for the time being; their escape subsequently, on important missions, was as brilliant by contrast as their inactivity was disheartening in December, 1776, when a British fleet bot- tled the entrances to and exits from Narragansett Bay.

THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY DECLARES INDEPENDENCE-Twelve sessions of the General Assembly were held in 1776, one in every month except April, and two in December. The meetings of January, May and September were at Providence; those of February, March and November at East Greenwich ; those of June, July and August at Newport. In October the new colony house and courthouse, still standing, though no longer used for either purpose, near the entrance to Rhode Island State College, on Little Rest Hill in South Kingstown, was used for the first time by the General Assembly ; it had been completed within the year. The General Assembly met in urgent special session in East Greenwich on December 10, and adjourned, for want of a quorum, to meet in Providence. The second December session met in Providence on the twenty-third. Throughout the year, the business was momentous, involv- ing the raising of soldiers, fortifying the shores of the bay, obtaining arms and ammunition for troops and conducting the public affairs of the people under the stress of wartime condi- tions, with the colony and state in imminent danger of invasion. War had already affected the economic life of the colony so much that many freemen had been compelled by want, as well as by force of arms, to remove from their customary habitations; for these permission to return "home" to vote was granted, in spite of their tentative non-residence. Samuel Ward, delegate to Congress, died of smallpox at Philadelphia on March 26, and was replaced by William Ellery.

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Rhode Island : three centuries of democracy, Vol. I, Part 52

Author: Carroll, Charles, author Publication date: 1932 Publisher: New York : Lewis historical Pub. Co. Number of Pages: 716

Author: Carroll, Charles, author
Publication date: 1932
Publisher: New York : Lewis historical Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 716