USA > Texas > Tarrant County > Fort Worth > History of Texas : Fort Worth and the Texas northwest edition, Volume I > Part 12
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HISTORY OF TEXAS
Moore, who had quit work some time before. I sent the boy in with him. On my arrival at San Felipe I was informed that so confident were they of the truth of the first report that a meeting was called, resolutions adopted, and a eulogy prepared by Patrick C. Jack, which 1 doubt not was more complimentary and laudatory than either true or deserved.
In the fall of this year Captain Horatio Chriesman and John H. Money joined Moore and myself in surveying. We continued our work until the beginning of the summer of 1834, when we stopped on account of the season. In the meantime, Robertson had applied for and obtained an extension of time within which the families con- tracted for by the Nashville Company were to be introduced. Hence operations in the Upper Colony were suspended for the time by Austin and Williams, who had, 1832, obtained the colony.
In December, 1834, I accompanied S. M. Williams, Esq., Dr. Robert Peebles, and Major B. F. Smith, to Monclova, the seat of government, where the state congress, or legislature, was then in session. On our way we were joined by Colonel De Witt at Gonzales. We spent a day or two at San Antonio de Bexar, where we were treated with marked consideration and respect.
On our arrival at Monclova, we found a number of Colonists, among whom I may name Colonel B. R. Milam and James Bowie. J. K. Allen, A. J. Yates, W. H. Steele, James Carter, together with several others. I also made the acquaintance of Colonel James Grant, a deputy in the legislature ; Dan J. Toler, Dr. John Cameron, General John T. Mason and Alexander Newland. Here we remained until the early part of May when the legislature adjourned to meet at San Antonio de Bexar, and to prevent being dispersed by military force. which was threatened by General Cos, the military commander, with headquarters at Saltillo. All Mexico was in a ferment; the Vice- President, Gomez Farías, had been arrested and thrown into prison but escaped and arrived at Monclova, where he was secreted by his friends until necessary arrangements could be made for his escape to the United States of the North.
Before closing the occurrences of this year, we will record the scalping of Joseph Wilbarger, and the killing of two men Strother and Christian. Though there is nothing remarkable in the killing of two men, and the scalping of another, supposed to be dead, there is a cir- cumstance connected with this occurrence that carries it out of the ordinary occurrences of the sort. The account of this affair is given by a gentleman whom we have known for some forty years, and whom we know to be a gentleman of undoubted veracity, and one, too, who knew the parties who were the sufferers. James R. Pace the narrator, had the statement from Wilbarger, and those who visited the scene of disaster, buried the dead, and brought in Wilbarger. The narration is as follows:
"In the autum of 1834, a party of five men left Wilbarger's prairie, six miles above the town of Bastrop-their names were Josiah Wilbarger, Thomas Christian, Haynie, Strother, and King.
The party moved up the east margin of the Colorado River to VOL. I-5
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Mr. Reuben Hornsby's ; from thence they continued up to the foot of the mountains, just above the [present] city of Austin.
"Here they remained a day or two; and, on the evening previous to the disaster, which well-nigh destroyed the party. they discovered an Indian in the prairie on horse-back about three-fourths of a mile from the foot of the mountain and gave chase to him, but being well mounted he made good his escape unharmed.
"The party continued their examination in the neighborhood of Pilot Knob and the Colorado until the following day, up to noon, when they halted on a small stream which now passes through Mr. Steel Mathew's pasture, to get their dinner. Haynie and King protested against stopping, as they were in the neigh- borhood of Indians, but numbers ruled. Wilbarger, Christian, and Strother hobbled their horses, while King and Haynie tied theirs within a few feet of where they had stopped. They were not long in making ready their frugal dinner. While eating, a noise or roaring, such as is made by a large herd of buffalo. was heard. Haynie, who had never been in an Indian country before, was alarmed, jumped up, and saw a large body of Indians coming down through the timber, and, in their direction. He gave the alarm and, upon turning his head, still further to the left he saw an Indian within some twenty yards of them, he immediately raised his gun, a small squirrel rifle, and shot him in the head, which produced instant death.
"The Indians on horseback by this time had come down on the north side of the creek and nearly surrounded them ; while those in the timber had got in close range, and opened fire. Strother, who was near the mouth of a small ravine, received a mortal wound, of which he informed his companions. Christian up to this time had sheltered himself behind a post-oak tree, where he had his powder-horn shattered by a ball; he soon after received a ball that produced death. Wilbarger also had taken position behind a tree, where he was shot.
"King and Haynie now cut the stake ropes of their horses, mounted and passed out of the only opening not yet occupied by the Indians. The Indians, in the meantime, captured the three hobbled horses. Thus, Wilbarger was left alone with his dead companions, on foot, and wounded, with some two hundred and fifty Indians around him! Escape seemed next to impossible. yet he essayed it, but did not get more than a hundred yards when he received a ball in the neck, fracturing the bone; he fell, and was unconscious for a time. While in this state, he was stripped and scalped, the Indians supposing he was dead. To escape by crossing the creek was impossible, as the bluff was occupied by some hundred Indians on foot. With such fearful odds, the wonder is that he got away at all.
"Haynie and King made good their escape, and arrived, in less than one hour, at the house of Mr. Reuben Hornsby. The
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news was communicated from thence to the lower settlement as rapidly as it could be conveyed on horseback.
"The settlers below, John B. Walters, Wells, and others, whose names I do not recollect, collected and went up that night to Hornsby's. All was excitement, for they knew not at what moment an attack would be made on the settlement. But little sleep was indulged in; however, late at night, all being quiet, the party spread their pallets and enjoyed a sound sleep for a time. While thus asleep the party was aroused by the screams of Mrs. Hornsby who called upon the men to go and bring in Wilbarger, who she declared was not dead but lying under a post-oak tree, about one mile from the place of disaster! Mr. Hornsby, and the company, ridiculed the idea of Wilbarger's being alive, and ultimately persuaded Mrs. Hornsby to go to sleep again, which she did. Sometime before dawn the whole party were again aroused by the screams of Mrs. Hornsby, who reiterated her former declaration, and jumped out of bed.
"Preparations were at once made, and the party, as soon as they could see their way, set forward on their sad and painful journey. They took the route for the place of attack; and, about one mile before reaching it, Joseph Martin, I think, said to Walters, 'shoot that d-d Indian,' Walters being on the side next to the supposed Indian. He instantly raised his rifle, when Wilbarger, a pitiable and hideous sight, and almost exhausted. called in a feeble voice 'Walters don't shoot, it is me' which was heard, and the voice of Wilbarger recognized. At this discovery, the party, wild with excited joy, sent up a shout, which, could the savages have heard it, would have caused them to beat a hasty retreat.
"Here the party divided ; some employed themselves in mak- ing a litter on which to convey Wilbarger to the settlement. The others went to the scene of disaster, which they had no difficulty in finding. They gave to the dead such sepulture as their limited means would admit of; returned to their friends, and made their way back to the settlement. On arriving at Mr. Hornsby's, a physician was immediately sent for, and all that kindness and the generous feeling of a hospitable people could do to alleviate the sufferings and minister to the comforts of Wilbarger were ex- tended."
The part of Mrs. Hornsby in this tragic affair is, to say the least, a most remarkable case. Her declaration is verified by all who per- formed the last rites of the dead-even to the post-oak tree, and the distance from the scene of disaster where Wilbarger was discovered. were found to be substantially correct.
In the latter part of this year, the ayuntamiento of the munici- pality of Austin, elected Francis W. Johnson judge of the first in- stance, and George Ewing, judge of the second instance, for that municipality, her population entitling the jurisdiction to these two officers.
CHAPTER VII FEDERAL RELATIONS
The two preceding chapters present a picture of Texas with widely separated communities, made possible by comparative freedom from Indian attack. The settlements were essentially agricultural. Food consisted of fresh meat, salt pork, wild game, corn bread, limited quantities of coffee and tea, and whisky without prescription. Houses were cabins, and daily life, as well as business, seem largely an outdoor transaction. Estimated totals of trade and commerce appear large, but the tonnage at points of origin demanded only ox-carts and boats of lightest draft.
Aside from a few "bad men," society consisted of farmers, traders, a few doctors and lawyers, and a transient element of travelers and speculators. On the whole, the picture presented is of an easy-going, generous, extremely hospitable people. In a new country without surplus wealth, where perforce the individual must pursue some form of legitimate activity, the disposition to agitate and cherish imaginary ills could make little headway. While few of the Texans came from colleges and made any claim to literary culture, the letters, resolu- tions and other documents of the period are remarkable for the con- structive thought indicative of the intellectual processes of their authors. In Stephen Austin, in particular, the colonists had a coun- selor whose dispassionate judgment frequently reached the heights of true statesmanship.
If this view of their character is essentially just, the Texans obviously could not be denominated a war-like people, fomenting and anticipating trouble, eager for pretext of rebellion. They were "a citizenry trained to arms" by the exigencies of the time and possessed the individual and collective faculty of resolute and courageous action in com- bat distinctive of other American frontiersmen. But as they were not of the inflammable character that begets war from within, it is im- portant to inquire the causes and factors that made war inevitable.
These factors, unfortunately, cannot be presented in a paragraph, Nor can they be presented in chronological sequence or in relative value of importance. The revolutionary storm rose out of elements from without and within, variable and confused at the time. Of the exterior causes may be mentioned the instability of the Mexcian government; the policy adopted for colonial administration; the attitude of the United States government.
SUCCESSIVE GOVERNMENTS IN MEXICO
In 1828 the term of the first president of the Mexican republic ex- pired. Pedraza was elected his successor, but the charge of fraud was raised, and General Santa Anna led the revolution to seat the defeated candidate, Guerero. For four days the streets of the capital were the scene of riot and bloodshed, ending in the triumph of the revolution- ists. In January. 1829, the congress declared Guerero president, and
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Bustamente vice president, the latter having been the candidate of the Pedraza party for that office. In December, 1829, Guerero retired from office, thus leaving Bustamente as chief executive.
Bustamente, as head of the government, soon proved a despot, though he had begun as the defender of the constitution, which he claimed to have been violated in the choice of Guerero over Pedraza. For a brief term supported by the aristocracy, clergy and army, he ruled absolutely, disregarded constitutional restraints, and made con- gress the instrument of his arbitrary power.
In January, 1832, a counter movement began in the garrison at Vera Cruz, in a protest by the officers against the violation of the constitution by Bustamente and his ministers. This was the "plan of Vera Cruz." It was inspired, no doubt, by Santa Anna, who had been in retirement for some time, but now came forward and took the active direction of this revolution "for constitutional liberty." The troops in all parts of the republic rapidly fell into line and declared for the "plan of Vera Cruz." The revolution was accomplished with little bloodshed. In November, 1832, Bustamente, being deserted by the majority of his troops, resigned his office, and fled the country.
Santa Anna, having avowed himself as the restorer of the constitu- tion, and the success of his campaign being due to his pose in the char- acter, shrewdly chose a course of action that would not reveal his ulterior designs. His first act was to recall Pedraza, who had been rightfully elected president in 1828, and whose term would expire early in 1833. This increased his esteem among the republicans. He then retired to his estate. Early in 1833 occurred the elections for the third president of the republic. Santa Anna was the unanimous choice of the delegates, and entered office in the spring of that year. So far his conduct was above criticism, and he had gained the highest office of the republic with strict regard for the letter of the consti- tution.
COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION OF TEXAS
Coahuila and Texas, as a state of federal Mexico, was, by the con- stitution of 1827, divided into three departments, all Texas consti- tuting the Department of Bexar, with its capital at San Antonio. Over this department a political chief presided. He was nominated by the local municipalities and appointed by the governor, for a term of four years. His salary was eight hundred dollars, and he had an allowance of four hundred dollars for clerk hire and other office expenses. He was the principal executive officer of his department, responsible for its tranquillity and good order. All laws and in- structions from the superior authorities had to be promulgated by him, and he was the medium through which the citizens com- municated with the government.
In January, 1831, the eastern part of Texas was erected into the separate department of Nacogdoches, with its capital at that town. The western boundary was defined as beginning "at Bolivar Point on Galveston Bay; thence running northwesterly to strike between the San Jacinto and Trinity Rivers, following the dividing ridge between
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the said rivers to the head waters of the San Jacinto; thence follow- ing the dividing ridge between the Brazos and Trinity to the head waters of the latter, and terminating north of the source of the said Trinity upon Red River." Again, in March, 1834, the department of Brazos was created between the departments of Bexar and Nacog- doches, the line between the department of the Brazos and that of Bexar being in general the Lavaca and Guadalupe Rivers. These changes were in the interest of the Anglo-American colonists, and gave them a greater share in the local administration than they had previously enjoyed. Each department, of course, had a political chief of its own.
The departments were divided in turn into municipalities, each municipality consisting of a town, or village, and an indefinite area of the country surrounding it. The government of the municipality was vested in a board, called the ayuntamiento, and elected by the citizens of the municipality. The presiding officer was the alcalde, corre- sponding fairly closely to the mayor of a modern town. Other mem- bers of the board were two or more regidores, the number depending on the population of the municipality, and a sindico procurador. The regidores were the modern ward aldermen, and the sindico was the city recorder. The alcalde was the official head of the municipality, and received from the political chief all public documents to be pro- mulgated in the community. He had minor judicial power, but this was apparently decreased through the creation of "primary judges" by the judiciary laws of 1834.
General Mier Y. Teran was commissioned by President Victoria in September, 1827, to proceed to East Texas for the purpose of sur- veying the boundary between Mexico and the United States; and at the same time he seems to have been instructed to make a careful inspection of the colonies and report his observations to the govern- ment. He arrived at San Antonio on March 10, 1828, and, after a leisurely progress through the colonies, he was at Nacogdoches in June. On the 30th day of that month he wrote Victoria a long letter describing conditions around Nacogdoches and showing keen insight into the situation there. The refusal of the United States to ratify the boundary treaty relieved Teran of any excuse for lingering in Texas, and in the fall of 1828 he betook himself to Matamoras. He was again in Texas during the spring of 1829, making observations and formulating plans for bringing the province more fully under federal control. In September, 1829, he was appointed commander of the Eastern Provinces and thus became the superior military officer of Texas, in a position to urge his views upon the general government. In December his friend Anastasio Bustamente unseated President Guerrero and placed himself in the presidential chair. Bustamente had been commander of the Eastern Provinces only a few months before, and was prepared, therefore to give Terán's proposals a sympathetic hearing. Terán had, in fact, already been authorized to strengthen the military establishments in Texas, but had failed to obtain the required troops. On January 6, 1830, he reiterated his request, and outlined in detail his plan for preserving Texas to
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Mexico. In February, 1830, Lucas Alaman, the secretary of foreign relations, incorporated Terán's recommendations, with a few of his own ideas, in a report to congress and urged their enactment into law. Out of these proposals came the famous "decree of April 6, 1830."
Terán's program, embraced in the law, is thus outlined :
"(1) The removal to the Nueces of several companies' now on the Rio Grande; (2) the establishment of a strong and perma- nent garrison at the main crossing of the Brazos River, that there may be an intermediate force in the unsettled region separating Nacogdoches and Bexar; (3) the reinforcement of the existing garrisons by filling the quota of infantry properly belonging to them; (4) the occupation and fortification of some point above Galveston Bay, and another at the mouth of the Brazos, for the purpose of controlling the colonies; (5) the organization of a mobile force equipped for sudden and rapid marches to a threatened point; (6) and, finally, the establishment of com- munications by sea between other Mexican ports and Texas." The political measures which he advised were: (1) The trans- portation of Mexican convicts to Texas, where they should serve their sentence and then settle; (2) "the encouragement by all legitimate means of the emigration of Mexican families to Texas ; (3) the colonization of Texas with Swiss and German colonists, whose language and customs, being different from those of our neighbors, will make less dangerous the proximity of the latter ; (4) the encouragement of coastwise trade, which is the only means by which close relations can be established between Texas and other parts of the Republic, and by which this department, now so North American in spirit, may be nationalized."
The particular contributions of Alaman to the decree were articles ten and eleven, by far the most obnoxious portions to the Texans. The first forbade the further introduction of slaves, while in article eleven "it is prohibited that emigrants from nations bordering on this Republic shall settle in the states or territories adjacent to their own nation."
The stoppage of the introduction of slaves was not so serious, because means had already been provided by the state congress for evading this provision, but article eleven closed the door completely for the future to the legal settlement in Texas of emigrants from the United States. It is doubtful whether Terán, with his practical knowl- edge of conditions in the provinces would have endorsed it. Little can be said against this decree from the point of view of the govern- ment, suspicious as it was of the designs of the United States, and desperately anxious to save one of its most valuable provinces. The establishment of coasting trade, the encouragement of Mexican emi- gration, and the fortification of a frontier province were eminently proper ; the prohibition of further colonization from the United States might well be considered a justifiable measure of self-defense; and even the establishment of convict colonies was in accord with the practice of the most enlightened nations (England was still trans- porting criminals to her colonies). However, the colonists were in no mood to view the matter from the Mexican standpoint. They
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saw their friends and relatives debarred from joining them, while the province was to be occupied by soldiers of extremely questionable character, and overrun by criminals and vagabonds from the lowest class in Mexico. For a time excitement ran high, especially in the eastern part of Texas; but it subsided with less murmuring than might well have been expected.
Terán's conviction that stringent measures were needed to save Texas to Mexico was probably strengthened by his knowledge that the United States was very anxious to extend its western boundary over Texas. The United States had, in fact, been trying since 1825 to obtain all or a part of the province by means of a boundary adjustment, which it was thought would be less objectionable to Mexican pride than an out- right offer of purchase. It was with the object of keeping the question open, the Mexicans thought, that the United States senate had failed to ratify the treaty of limits in 1828.
A brief summary will suffice to present the attitude of the United States. On March 26, 1825, three weeks after the inauguration of Presi- dent John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, then secretary of state, wrote to Joel R. Poinsett, our chargé d'affaires at Mexico, instructing him to feel the pulse of the Mexican government on the subject of a readjustment. Clay declared that the Sabine boundary was not altogether satisfactory, and suggested that Mexico might perhaps be induced to substitute for it the Brazos, the Colorado, or even the Rio Grande. He wrote Poinsett that the president "thought the present might be an auspicious period for urging a negotiation, at Mexico, to settle the boundary between the territories of the two Republics." The success of the negotiation would probably be promoted, he said, by throwing into it motives not strictly belonging to the subject, so the United States was disposed to pay a reasonable pecuniary consideration for such a boundary as was desired. The line preferred would run up the Rio Grande and the Pecos to the source of the latter, thence north to the Arkansas, and along that river to the forty-second parallel, "and thence by that parallel to the South Sea." A less desirable line would ascend the Colorado to its source, and then proceed north to the Arkansas, as before. For the first line a maximum price of a million dollars might be offered, and for the second, five hundred thousand. The great size and frequency of grants of land by Mexico to citizens of the United States led the latter to think, he said, that Mexico did not value land as we did. . Moreover, the emigrants would carry with them our principles of law, liberty, and religion ; collisions might be expected, and those collisions would insensibly enlist the sympathies and feelings of the two republics and lead to misunder- standings. Thus a new boundary would prove mutually advantageous. Two years later Martin Van Buren, for President Jackson, repeated these instructions in a modified form. The eagerness of the presidential desire for Texas is indicated by the shrinkage of the boundary to be; asked for and the expansion of the price to be offered. The most pre- ferable southern boundary would be "the desert or Grand Prairie" west of the Nueces. For this the minister might offer four million dollars, but the president's convictions of its great value to the United States were so strong that he would not object, if it should be found "indispensably
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