USA > Texas > Tarrant County > Fort Worth > History of Texas : Fort Worth and the Texas northwest edition, Volume I > Part 52
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After various suggestions for a convention had been made, a call for the election of delegates was issued by a group of state officials at Austin. After some modification this call was numerously signed and widely cir- culated during the early part of December. It recommended the elec- tion of delegates on January 8, fixed their number at twice the number of representatives in the legislature, and recommended that thev meet at Austin on January 28. It was pointed out that the constitution au- thorized neither the governor nor the legislature to call a convention. The time between the issuance of the call and the date of the election was so short that in many of the thinly settled frontier counties no elec- tions were held. In the "exposition" of the proceedings of the seces- sion convention the committee acknowledged that "the proceeding was extraordinary and returns were irregular and incomplete, of necessity. from such an election : but reliable information showed for secession
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over 32,000, more than half of the largest poll ever given at an election in this state. In opposition there were comparatively few votes."
When Governor Houston saw that a convention would be called over his head, he issued a proclamation on December 17, convening the legis- lature in extra session on January 21-one week prior to the date sug- gested for the meeting of the convention. It was charged that this move had for its object to checkmate the call for a convention ; it probably did interfere with elections held in the counties where the governor had a strong following ; but as regards the entire state it failed. With a great
many people it was a point of honor that Texas should secede before Lincoln was inaugurated and thus avoid the necessity of submitting even for one day to Black Republican rule. They would not wait for the legislature to call the convention, as it might delay the assembling of that body too long. The example of South Carolina and the assumption that better terms could be had by first going out of the Union contributed their share of influence.
Five states had formally seceded when the legislature assembled. In his message Governor Houston presented a detailed account of Indian hostilities, and of the depleted condition of the state treasury. He denounced black republicans and their disregard for the constitution, but counseled against secession and urged deliberate and concerted action by the southern states. If the southern states should decline to act in con- cert, and if secession became inevitable, he wished Texas to remain independent, because she "has views of expansion not common to many of her sister states," and "although an empire within herself, she feels that there is an empire beyond essential to her security." If the legis- lature considered it best to call a convention he would not oppose it, but urged that whatever was done should be referred to the people for review.
The convention assembled in the hall of the house of representatives on January 28, and organized by electing O. M. Roberts, an associate justice of the supreme court, president. and R. T. Brownrigg, secretary. The legislature on the same day adopted a joint resolution giving the assent of the government of the state to and approving the convention. This resolution provided that in case the convention deemed it neces- sary for the preservation of the rights and liberties of the state to adopt an ordinance of secession the same should be submitted to a vote of the qualified electors. Governor Houston approved the resolution, but pro- tested against the assumption by the convention of any powers "beyond the reference of the question of a longer connection of Texas with the Union to the people."
Assured of the ready co-operation of the legislature. the convention at once proceeded to business and, during the short interval between January 28 and February 4. adopted an ordinance of secession, pro- vided by ordinance for submitting this to a vote of the people, drafted an address to the people setting forth the causes of secession, elected delegates to the convention of southern states at Montgomery, Alabama, and elected a committee on public safety to sit during the recess of the convention. The committee on federal relations, on January 30, re- ported "an ordinance to dissolve the union of the state of Texas with the
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government of the United States of America, and to resume all the powers delegated to that government and her position of equality among the nations of the earth." The ordinance was prefaced by these words : "The federal government has failed to accomplish the purposes of the compact of union between these states in giving protection either to the persons of our people upon an exposed frontier or to the property of our citizens ; and *
* * the action of the northern states of the Union, and the recent development in federal affairs, make evident that the power of the federal government is sought to be made a weapon with which to strike down the interests and prosperity of the southern people, instead of permitting it to be as it was intended our shield against outrage and aggression." The second section provided that the ordinance should be referred to the qualified voters on February 23 to be ratified or rejected, and if not rejected to become effective on March 2. the anniversary of Texas independence. A minority of the committee favored striking out this section and making the ordinance effective im- mediately upon its passage, but this was rejected by a vote of 145 to 29. The convention thereby showed its confidence in the people of Texas.
The vote upon the ordinance of secession is described by the presi- dent of the convention in the following words :
"Early on the morning of February 1
* the president had sent Mr. Joseph Smith, of Waco, a particular friend of General *
Houston, *
* to apprise the governor of the respect intended him by the appointment of a committee to conduct him to the con- vention, and if possible to induce him to come. General notice had been given that the vote would be taken at 12 o'clock M. There was an intense anxiety among the citizens of Austin and visitors to the city to be present. Special invitations had been sent to the members of the legislature, heads of departments, and to the judiciary. Long before the time designated for the vote, the lobby and gallery were completely filled with spectators, both ladies and gentlemen. Mem- bers of the senate and house of representatives, the heads of depart- ments, and the judiciary came into the hall. Every nook and corner of the house was occupied. As seen from the Speaker's stand, the appearance of the whole house presented the spectacle of a splendid collection of faces, beaming with anxious expectation of the coming event. The committee which had been appointed to wait on Governor Houston now appeared at the entrance of the hall, and its chairman announced in a distinct voice, 'The governor of the State!' They then advanced with him towards the center of the hall amidst deaf-
ening applause.
*
* The president, standing. addressed him. saving : 'The people of Texas, through their delegates in convention assembled, welcome the governor of the State into this body.' The applause was then renewed and continued without abatement until the governor had been conducted upon the stand and seated to the right of the president. In the same manner Lieutenant-Governor Edward Clark was conducted to a seat to the right of the governor. Chief Justice Wheeler was conducted to a seat on the stand to the right of the president. *
* * Then, amidst perfect silence. the secretary of the convention read the proposed ordinance of secession.
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Upon the completion of the reading the ayes and noes were called. The roll being called in alphabetical order, the delegates announced their votes, and a few of them arose and briefly gave the reason for their vote. The call of the roll being completed, and his estimate of the vote having been handed up by the secretary, the president an- nounced the vote as one hundred and sixty-six ayes and eight noes, and declared the ordinance passed. After the tumultuous cheering which greeted the announcement had ceased, a number of ladies, preceded by George M. Flournoy, entered the hall, waving over their heads a beautiful 'Lone Star Flag.' The enthusiasm was now re- newed, and the building resounded with cheer after cheer as the party proceeded to the center of the hall. * * * The flag being placed in full view at the stand, upon motion the body adjourned to the evening session, and all those in attendance . with cheerful countenances and cordial greetings left the hall."
The convention provided by ordinance for submitting the ordinance of secession to a vote of the qualified electors on February 23d, and for duplicate returns to be made, at different times, to the secretary or president of the convention. The legislature also passed acts providing for submitting the ordinance of secession to a vote of the qualified electors on the same date and that returns be made to the secretary of state. Thus provision was made for two sets of returns and for two separate counts of the votes.
The "declaration of causes which impel the State of Texas to secede from the Federal Union" was prepared by a committee composed of John Henry Brown, George Flournoy, John A. Wilcox, Malcolm D. Gra- ham and A. P. Wiley. It concluded with an appeal to the voters to ratify the ordinance of secession on February 23d. President Roberts also prepared an address urging ratifications of the ordinance. The leaders of the Union party issued an address opposing the adoption of the ordinance. It was signed by Senators M. D. Hart, I. A. Paschal, Emery Rains and J. W. Throckmorton, by Representatives M. L. Arm- strong, Sam Bogart. L. B. Camp, William A. Ellett, B. H. Epperson, John Hancock, J. L. Haynes, J. E. Henry, T. H. Mundine, A. B. Norton, J. M. Owens, Sam J. Redgate, Robert H. Taylor and G. W. Whitmore, and following delegates to the convention: J. F. Johnson, W. H. John- son, J. D. Rains, A. P. Shuford, L. H. Williams and G. W. Wright.
The delegates elected to the convention of southern states at Mont- gomery were sent "in order that the views and interests of the people of Texas may be consulted with reference to the constitution and pro- visional government that may be established by said convention." Since Texas had not completed her act of secession, the delegates were not permitted to vote, but otherwise were cordially received and "admitted to seats upon the floor of the congress and invited to freely and unre- servedly participate in all the discussions of the body in both open and secret session." Louis T. Wigfall, John H. Reagan, John Hemphill, T. N. Waul, John Gregg, W. S. Oldham and William B. Ochiltree were the delegates.
Before the adjournment on February 4th, the convention empowered the committee on public safety to continue in session during the recess, to VOL. 1-26
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meet at such places and perform such acts as the public safety required. The committee was composed of twenty-one members and John C. Robertson was its chairman. The great task it was called on to perform was to free Texas from 2,800 United States soldiers stationed at various posts on the frontier, and to secure for the state such property of the United States as existed within its limits. To accomplish these objects the committee appointed (1) commissioners to San Antonio to bring about the surrender of the troops at department headquarters and to secure the public property, (2) a commissioner to the northwest frontier for similar purposes, (3) a commissioner to the lower Rio Grande valley for similar purposes, (4) a commissioner to procure funds for the com- mittee, and (5) a commissioner to Louisiana to procure arms.
At the outset the committee called on Gevernor Houston and laid before him its plans. The governor agreed in the main with the neces- sity for such action, and gave assurances that the state authorities would throw no obstacles in their way. This assurance relieved the committee of much apprehension, for it was feared that the governor had plans of his own which might seriously interfere with those of the committee. Messrs. T. J. Devine, P. N. Luckett, S. A. Maverick and James H. Rogers were appointed commissioners to confer with General D. E. Twiggs, commanding the department of Texas, with regard to the public arms, munitions of war, etc., under his control and belonging to the government of the United States, with power to demand and receive them in the name of the state of Texas. Ben McCulloch was appointed military officer with instructions to execute the orders of the commis- sioners. The commissioners were strictly enjoined to avoid any collision with the Federal troops. If General Twiggs refused to surrender the public stores at present but promised to do so after the 2d March and agreed that everything under his command should remain in statu quo until that date, they were to acquiesce. Conferences with General Twiggs vielded no satisfactory results. While he was a southerner and hated Black Republicans, yet it appeared to the commissioners that he was too much inclined to look out for his own interests. Colonel McCulloch was, therefore, instructed to raise at once a force sufficient to over- power the troops stationed at San Antonio. During the night of Febru- ary 16th Texan volunteers entered the city and occupied positions com- manding the quarters of the United States troops. Thereupon General Twiggs promptly surrendered the post with all the public property at San Antonio, and agreed to evacuate Texas. The Federal troops were permitted to retain their side arms, camp and garrison equipage, and transportation facilities as far as the coast. The day following General Twiggs agreed to surrender at once all the military posts in Texas. The accomplishment of these important objects without bloodshed was an achievement that reflected great credit upon those to whom they had been entrusted.
The commissioners to the northwest frontier and to Rio Grande valley were but a few days behind those at San Antonio in requesting the surrender of the military posts in their sections. Each had regarded a display of a considerable military force as the surest means of dis- couraging resistance. For a time it appeared that a collision between
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the Texan and United States forces on the Rio Grande could not be avoided, but the delay occasioned by sending for reinforcements afforded time for the receipt of General Twiggs' order directing the evacuation of all military posts in Texas. This order made it possible to secure without using force all the posts upon very nearly the same terms that the surrender at San Antonio had taken place. As the United States forces were withdrawn the Texan volunteers took their places to furnish protection to the frontier until more permanent arrangements could be made.
The various military movements conducted by the committee on public safety, just referred to, were made under the Lone Star flag. Wherever the stars and stripes were lowered this flag was hoisted in their place. After the passage of the ordinance of secession by the con- vention :
"The Lone Star flag. the former emblem of our independence as a republic, was generally used all over the State in evidence of the almost universal desire to resume our State sovereignty. There were numbers in various parts of the State, embracing many of the early settlers, who took active measures to organize what was called Lone Star Associations, advocating the reestablishment of the Republic of Texas in opposition to annexation to the Southern Confederacy. * * * General Houston was understood to be in favor of attempt- ing to maintain the separate independence of Texas in case of her secession from the old Union. However, the members of the party were so few that no general organization of it ever took place."*
The adjourned session of the convention reassembled on Saturday. March 2d, but no quorum being present the vote on the ordinance of secession was not counted until Monday. The total returns to the con- vention showed 46,129 votes for secession and 14,697 against secession. On the same day the governor issued his proclamation declaring that the result of the vote as shown by the returns to the secretary of state was "a large majority *
* in favor of secession." The assertion * has often been made that the election at which the ordinance of seces- sion was adopted was carried by fraud or force and that enough Union men were kept from the polls through intimidation to determine the result. That such charges rest upon a very insecure basis will appear from the following comparison of election returns :
Vote for governor in 1857-Runnels, 32,552 ; Houston, 23,628. Total, 56,180.
Vote for governor in 1859-Runnels, 27,500; Houston, 36,257. Total. 63,757.
Vote for presidential electors in 1860-Breckinridge, 47,548; Bell. 15.463. Total, 63,011.
Vote on ordinance of secession in 1861-For. 46.129; against, 14,697. Total, 60,826.
Each of these elections aroused more than ordinary public interest and resulted in a full poll. The vote for Breckinridge and Bell was determined by issues so closely parallel to those presented by the ordi-
*Texas Almanac for 1862.
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nance of secession that the almost identical poll of the two is much more than a coincidence ; it shows that sentiment in November, 1860, was almost the same as in February, 1861. The proportion of enlistments from Texas in the Confederate service and in the Union service also go to confirm this view.
The committee to which had been referred the ordinance in relation to the union of the state of Texas with the Confederate States of America reported on March 5, recommending immediate action. The vote upon the ordinance showed one hundred and nine in favor of immediate union with the Confederacy and two against it. This act of the convention was second in importance only to the act of secession; it linked the fate of Texas with that of her sister states of the South. Anticipating that there would be criticism of the convention for not submitting the question of union to a vote of the people, the committee in its "exposition" stated at some length the reasons that determined such action. "Prompt action," they said :
"Of course, would justify the Confederate government in adopt- ing more expensive, effective and permanent measures for the de- fense of this State, especially its desolated frontier, than could be expected before a finality. In connection with the defense of Texas. the appearance of uncertainty as to its political position would em- barrass the pending arrangements for an alliance between the Con- federacy, as one party, and the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek and Cherokee nations, in concert, as the other party. Such hesitation on the part of Texas would tend to produce similar hesitation in Arizona and New Mexico as to their connection with the Confederacy. Such procrastination would operate unfavorably on the neighboring gov- ernment and people of Mexico, as to desirable negotiations and inter- course. Any appearance of doubt that Texas was to be sustained by connection with the Confederacy would stimulate marauding and incendiary efforts, while it would be fuel for faction. During such suspense the postal arrangements of Texas would be embarrassed and retarded, and so as to the judiciary and revenue. Delay would prostrate trade and commerce. A final connection with the Con- federacy. without delay, would give to it additional strength, and promote early success in its negotiations as to peace with the old government-as to procurement of money-as to recognition by other nations-and as to commercial relations. Moreover, the prompt and permanent connection of Texas with the Confederacy could not fail to have a favorable influence on the border states, as induce- ment for them to abandon their equivocal positions and connect them- selves with their more Southern sisters and natural associations."
The more important acts of the convention subsequent to union with the Confederacy are summarized in the "exposition" as follows :
"Connection with the Confederacy caused a necessity for a change in the State constitution so that the oath of office should have 'The Confederate States of America' substituted for 'The United States of America.' One ordinance made this change, and another pre- scribed the times and modes of taking the oath by all present and future officers of the State, declaring a vacancy in case of any failure
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to take the oath as required. The manner of requirement followed the examples of other States, where willing officials were not cap- tious. The lieutenant-governor, commissioner of general land office (who was opposed to secession ), comptroller, state treasurer, attorney general, all of the supreme and district judges who were in Austin, every member of the State senate, every member of the house of representatives, except one, and many county officers who were in Austin promptly took the oath prescribed by the amended consti- tution. Of those who thus took the oath a considerable number had opposed secession. But the governor and secretary of state declined to take the oath when notified according to the ordinance therefor. Thereupon the convention by another ordinance declared as con,- sequences that each office was vacant and that the executive powers devolved on the lieutenant-governor." * * *
Having completed its labors about noon of the 25th March, the con- vention, in an orderly manner, adjourned sine die.
CHAPTER XXXI TEXAS IN THE WAR
Texas was not prepared for war. The people did not want war. How- ever, they believed in the right of secession ; and they denounced coercion in the strongest terms. The legislature on February 1 passed a joint resolution in which it assured the states of the South that Texas would "make common cause with them in resisting, by all means and to the last extremity such unconstitutional violence and tyrannical usurpation of power." It was to forestall coercion that the committee on public safety adopted prompt and energetic measures to rid Texas of the presence of the Federal soldiers before the ordinance of secession was voted upon. The ease with which this object was accomplished induced, perhaps, both the convention and the legislature to maintain a rather complacent view of the situation. In its "exposition" of the acts and motives of the convention the committee said :
"It has not been deemed necessary to speak particularly of the question of peace or war. The Convention acted with a view to either alternative."
As a matter of fact the convention did every little that can be credited to anticipation of war. It sent commissioners to the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek and Cherokee nations to bring them into an alliance with the Con- federacy and provided for raising a regiment of one thousand mounted men to be enlisted for twelve months to protect the frontier. It despatched an agent to purchase one thousand Colt's revolvers and one thousand Morse rifles, notwithstanding requests for arms from volunteer com- panies and the experience of the committee on public safety showed clearly that a much larger number was needed. The arms obtained from the United States arsenal at San Antonio numbered ten thousand. but did not make up the deficiency.
The Legislature continued in session until April 9th, adjourning three days before Fort Sumter was fired upon. In a message on February 5. Governor Houston stated that on January 19, 1861, there existed a defici- ency in the revenue of the state amounting to $817.827.10. "The amount due Rangers alone for services rendered up to this period amounts to $300,- 000." By April the deficit exceeded a million dollars. A law was passed providing for the organization of companies of forty men each to pro- tect the frontier, and $75,000 was appropriated for the frontier regiment created by the convention. The sum of $225,000 was appropriated to pay the expenses incurred in frontier defense during 1860. Two loans were authorized : a twelve months loan of $90,000, to pay the loan made by the committee on public safety, and a loan of $100,000, payable in sixteen years, to provide funds with which to wipe out the existing deficit. Every effort to negotiate these loans failed. Nothing was done to put the state in a proper condition for war. Governor Clark in his message of November 1, 1861, said in regard to this matter :
"The previous legislature did not have a full appreciation of the greatness of the conflict upon the threshold of which we then stood.
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We could all see the majestic and triumphant Confederacy of States down the vista of the non-distant future, but all did not realize a sense of the trial and struggle through which we were to pass. Hence it was that the honorable body to which I allude made no provision for the contest into which we are now plunged, and those things which have been accomplished have been done to a great extent without the sanction of positive legislation, and upon the responsibility of the Executive."
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