USA > Texas > Tarrant County > Fort Worth > History of Texas : Fort Worth and the Texas northwest edition, Volume I > Part 43
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"All hopes being lost, and every one flying as fast as he could, I found myself in the greatest danger, when a servant of my aid-de-camp, Colonel Don Juan Bringas, offered me his horse. and with the tenderest and most urging expressions, insisted upon my riding off the field. I looked for my escort, and two dragoons, who were hurriedly saddling their horses, told me that their officers and fellow-soldiers had all made their escape. I remembered that General Filisola was only seventeen leagues off, and I took my direction towards him, darting through the enemy's ranks. They pursued me, and after a ride of one league and a half, overtook me on the banks of a large creek, the bridge over which was burned by the enemy to retard our pursuit. I alighted from my horse and with much difficulty succeeded in concealing myself in a thicket of dwarf pines .. Night coming on, I escaped them, and the hope of reaching the army gave me strength. I crossed the creek with the water up to my breast and continued my route on foot. I found, in a house which had
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been abandoned, some articles of clothing, which enabled me to change my apparel. At eleven o'clock A. M., while I was cross- ing a large plain, my pursuers overtook me again. Such is the history of my capture. On account of my change of apparel they did not recognize me, and inquired whether I had seen Santa Anna? To this I answered that he had made his escape; and this answer saved me from assassination, as I have since been given to understand.
"By what has been already explained Your Excellency will see at a glance the principal causes of an event which with good reason was a surprise."
CHAPTER XXII THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS
The domestic history of the Republic may be briefly summarized. President Burnet's administration was inaugurated at the gloomiest moment of the war. The Alamo had fallen, and Santa Anna's main division was advancing toward the heart of the colonies; Urrea, after destroying Johnson and Grant's forces, was pushing toward Fannin at Goliad; Houston was retreating from Gonzales ; and the roads east of the Guadalupe were thronged with fugitives, seeking a refuge in Eastern Texas or across the Sabine. Considering Washington on the Brazos too exposed for the seat of government, President Burnet established himself at Harrisburg. From there the approach of Santa Anna drove him about the middle of April to Galveston Island ; but there were no accommodations at Galveston, and after the battle of San Jacinto the government made its third shift to Velasco. Finally, the close of the administration in October found the govern- ment at Columbia. In the midst of such confusion definite policies were not to be expected. The president simply met problems as they arose and dealt with them as he could.
Prior to the battle of San Jacinto, such time as the wanderings of the government permitted was employed in efforts to calm the fugitives, strengthen the army, and obtain supplies. These efforts were not conspicuously successful. The people were panic-stricken, and paid little attention to Burnet's reassuring proclamations : vol- unteers came but slowly to the army ; and the substitution of Thomas Toby and brother in New Orleans for William Bryan as purchasing agent of Texas was all but disastrous. Bryan had been appointed by the general council in the fall of 1835, and had used his personal credit for nearly eighty thousand dollars in the Texan cause: while the Toby brothers were said to be on the verge of bankruptcy at the time of their appointment, and proved themselves far less efficient than Bryan had been.
Following the battle of San Jacinto the execution of the Treaty of Velasco became an issue. According to the secret treaty, the Texan government was to release Santa Anna and send him back to Mexico, where he agreed to use his influence to induce his government to recognize the independence of Texas. On June 1 Santa Anna was placed on board a government vessel destined for Vera Cruz, but before it got under way, on June 3, a party of immigrant volunteers arrived from New Orleans, and on learning that it was the intention to liberate the author of the Alamo and Goliad massacres demanded that he be surrendered to them. In the end the civil authorities were compelled to recall Santa Anna and hand him over to the army. He protested against this breach of the treaty and complained of the hardships to which he was exposed ; but to this Burnet somewhat sharply replied that Santa Anna's visit among them had caused the Texans some privations and that for that reason they were little
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inclined to regret that he should share them. In July Santa Anna appealed to President Jackson to offer intervention in adjusting the relations between Texas and Mexico, but the Mexican government had disavowed the treaty of Velasco and had notified the powers that it would not recognize as binding upon it any act of Santa Anna, so that President Jackson took no action. After the failure of an attempt to rescue the distinguished prisoner he was placed in a very rigorous confinement, and it was not until the inauguration of President Houston in October that he was released. He then visited Wash- ington and again proposed intervention to President Jackson, who still declined to act. In February, 1837, he returned to Mexico, being carried to Vera Cruz by a naval vessel of the United States. The other Mexican prisoners captured at San Jacinto were liberated early in Houston's administration, after detention first at Galveston and later at Liberty.
The interference of the army in the case of Santa Anna reveals another source of confusion during the period of the ad interim gov- . ernment. The refusal of Mexico to accept the verdict of San Jacinto and its evident determination to renew the invasion of Texas made it necessary to maintain a strong defensive force. This was com- posed chiefly of volunteers from the United States, many of whom did not yield patiently to discipline. When General Houston went to New Orleans to obtain treatment for his ankle, wounded at San Jacinto, the command devolved on Gen. Thomas J. Rusk, secre- tary of war, and when, shortly afterward, Rusk resigned and the cabinet appointed Mirabeau B. Lamar to' succeed him, the men refused to receive him and elected instead Gen. Felix Houston.
By mid-summer order was sufficiently restored for the people to give some attention to the establishment of a regular government. On July 23 President Burnet issued a proclamation calling an elec- tion for the first Monday in September. The congress then elected was to meet at Columbia the first Monday in October. Besides the election of officers the people were asked to vote on two other mat- ters: (1) whether congress should be given authority to amend the constitution, and (2) whether Texas should seek annexation to the United States. Three candidates for the presidency appeared, Aus- tin, Henry Smith, and General Houston. Houston was elected by a large majority and immediately appointed Austin secretary of state and Smith secretary of the treasury. The constitution was ratified and the power of amendment was withheld from congress, and the vote in favor of annexation stood 3,277 to 91.
President Burnet's message to the first congress on October 4 reviewed the troubled career of the ad interim government and indi- cated the subjects which in his opinion required the immediate atten- tion of congress. Concerning his administration he said :
"It will be recollected that the powers conferred on the gov- ernment, 'ad interim,' were extraordinary, that they comprised the plenal attributes of sovereignty, the legislative and judicial functions excepted. The circumstances under which that gov- ernment has been administered have been equally extraordinary.
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"Sometimes, when Texas was a moving mass of fugitives, they have been without 'a local habitation' and scattered to the cardinal points; again they have been on Galveston Island, with- out a shelter, and almost without subsistence, and never have they been in circumstances of comfort and convenience suitable to the orderly conducting of the grave and momentous business committed to their charge. That errors should have been com- mitted under such circumstances will not surprise those who have an honest consciousness of their own fallibilities. But that those extraordinary powers have not been perverted to any sinister purpose, to the damage of the country, to personal aggrandisement, or to the creation or advancement of a party, or to the success of a speculation, I assert with a modest but firm and assured confidence."
First, and most pressing, of the problems with which congress must deal was the organization of a system of finance. The debt incurred during the revolution was more than a million and a quar- ter, and the danger of renewed invasion by Mexico entailed a con- tinuance of heavy expense in the army. As a Mexican province Texas had had no system of taxation, and congress must attack the subject de novo. Burnet recommended a tariff as the most ready means of revenue. For the army he recommended a continuance of the land bounty law which had expired in July, 1836, and the dis- couragement of short terms of enlistment. The navy was inade- quate and an additional large vessel was needed. The judicial sys- tem should be organized, a postal system established, and some internal improvements begun-such as the bridging of small streams and the establishment of ferries on the larger ones. On October 22 President Burnet resigned his office and General Houston was inau- gurated.
The most important laws passed by this congress were those dealing with the subjects suggested in Burnet's message. To meet financial needs a loan was authorized for five million dollars, to be secured by the public lands and a pledge of the public faith. This was passed November 18, 1836. On December 20, 1836, a tariff act was passed ; on July 7, 1837, an issue of ten per cent interest bear- ing refunding stock was authorized, which was to be exchanged for certificates of government indebtedness, redeemable after 1842; and on June 17, 1837, a direct property tax of one-half of one per cent ad valorem was authorized. At the same time a system of occupa- tion taxes was inaugurated. The post office department and the judiciary were established ; and on December 19, 1836, an important act was passed fixing the boundary of Texas at the Rio Grande from its mouth to its source, and thence northward to the forty-second parallel of latitude. A law establishing a general land office was vetoed by President Houston, but was passed by a constitutional majority, and ultimately became effective.
Houston's inaugural message was purely formal. His message of May 5, 1837, to the second session of the first Congress was of greater interest. The United States had recognized the independence of Texas
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on March 3, 1837, and in referring to this the president said, "We now occupy the proud attitude of a sovereign and independent republic, which will impose upon us the obligation of evincing to the world that we are worthy to be free. This will only be accomplished by wise legislation, the maintenance of our integrity, and the faithful and just redemption of our plighted faith wherever it has been pledged. Nothing can be better calculated to advance our interests and character than the estab- lishment of a liberal and disinterested policy, enlighted by patriotism, and guided by wisdom."
Concerning the finances there was nothing encouraging to report. Agents appointed to sell land scrip in the United States had failed to report, and commissioners appointed to negotiate the five million dollar
H.H.DUDLEY& L'ONATTERE.
THE PRESIDENT'S HOME AT HOUSTON AS IT WAS IN 1859
loan had found financial conditions so unsteady in the United States that they had been unable to place any portion of the loan. Congress should devise a land system that would guard the interest of the government and prevent fraud, and at the same time protect the rights of bona fide claimants against confliction titles. As to the form of this law the president made no suggestion. The army was in an excellent state of discipline. It had been reduced to about 1,000 men, and the annual expense now entailed by it would fall below $230,000. The navy was too small, and the commerce of the country had suffered some damage from Mexican vessels in the gulf. Steps were being taken, however, to mend this deficiency. In connection with the navy President Houston referred to the subject of the African slave trade. "It cannot be dis- believed." he said, "that thousands of Africans have lately been im- ported to the island of Cuba, with a design to transfer a large portion of them into this republic. This unholy and cruel traffic has called down
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the reprobation of the humane and just of all civilized nations. Our abhorrence to it is clearly expressed in our constitution and laws. Nor has it rested alone upon the declaration of our policy, but has long since been a subject of representation to the government of the United States, our ministers apprising it of every fact which would enable it to devise such means as would prevent either the landing or introduction of Africans into our country.
"The naval force of Texas not being in a situation to be diverted from our immediate defense, will be a sufficient reason why the gov- ernment of the United States, and England, should employ such a portion of their force in the gulf as will at once arrest the accursed trade and redeem this republic from the suspicion of con- nivance which would be as detrimental to its character as the prac- tice is repugnant to the feelings of its citizens. Should the traffic continue, the odium cannot rest upon us, but will remain a blot upon the escutcheon of nations who have power and withhold their hand from the work of humanity."
Toward the Indians the president declared it to be the policy of the * government "to pursue a just and liberal course *
* and to pre- vent all encroachments upon their rights." In his second annual mes- sage of November 21, 1837, he went into this subject more fully. It had been the policy of the administration, he said, to seek every possible means to establish relations with the Indians upon a basis of lasting peace and friendship. "At this time I deem the indications more favorable
than they have been since Texas assumed her present attitude. * * The undeviating opinion of the executive has been, that from the estab- lishment of trading houses on the frontier (under prudent regulations ). and the appointment of capable and honest agents the happiest results might be anticipated for the country. The intercourse between the cit- izens and Indians should be regulated by acts of Congress which experi- ence will readily suggest." In neither of these messages did the presi- dent make important specific recommendations, and few measures of a general character were passed during the remainder of his term.
The constitution provided that the first president should serve two years and should be ineligible for immediate reelection. Houston's term expired, therefore, in December, 1838. To succeed him the vice-presi- dent, Mirabeau B. Lamar, was almost unanimously elected. Despite a policy of peace with Mexicans and Indians and careful economy in all departments of the government, the public debt had increased to nearly $2,000,000 during Houston's term. No progress had been made toward placing the $5,000,000 loan, and the government had begun the issue of paper money. The subject of the finances Houston recognized as the most serious problem confronting the government, but he indulged strong hope that the organization of the land office and the opening of the public lands would speedily vield "a boundless revenue."
President Lamar's inaugural address was modeled to some extent on that of Thomas Jefferson when he assumed the presidency of the United States in 1801. It would be his policy to foster "agriculture, commerce. and the useful arts as the true basis of national strength and glory": "and at the same time to lay the foundation of those higher institutions
*
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for moral and mental culture, without which no government, on demo- cratic principles, can prosper, nor the people long preserve their liber- ties." in foreign policy we should "deal justly with all nations, aggres- sively to none"; and we should "court free and unrestricted commerce wherever it may be the interest of our people to carry the national flag." He was less wedded to the ways of peace, however, than Jefferson had been, and while declaring that he preferred peace, he was "not averse from war." "I shall be ever ready to adjust all differences with our enemies by friendly discussion and arrangement, and at the same time equally to adopt either offensive or defensive operations as their disposi- tion and our own safety may render necessary." He was opposed to the . annexation of Texas to the United States, and the address pictured elo- quently and at length the advantages of independence.
The annual message of December 20, 1838, fills nearly thirty closely printed pages. It began with a brief discussion of our foreign relations. The United States had recognized our independence and the relations between the two countries was most cordial. To England and France, too, the independence of Texas could not be a matter of indifference, and recognition from them was soon to be expected. "With Mexico our posture is unchanged; she seems still to cherish the illusive hope of con- quest, without adopting any means for its realization. A final abandon- ment of such hopes, or a more vigorous prosecution of the measures which would at once determine their worth, would be more consistent with true glory and wisdom than this attitude of supine and sullen hos- tility. While we would meet with alacrity the first indication of a desire for a just and honorable peace, we should compel a more active pros- ecution of the war. If peace can only be obtained by the sword, let the sword do its work." This suggests a more aggressive policy than Pres- ident Houston had favored.
Toward the Indians, too, Lamar was less patient than Houston had been, which may be partly explained, perhaps, by the fact that he en- tered political life as the private secretary of Governor George M. Troup of Georgia. "As long as we continue to exhibit our mercy without showing our strength, so long will the Indians continue to bloody the tomahawk and move onward in the work of rapacity and slaughter." The Indians who emigrated from the United States-such as the Chero- kees and their allies-had never acquired from Mexico any title to the lands that they occupied, and the treaty which, by the authority of the consultation and the provisional government, was negotiated with these Indians in February, 1836, had never been ratified by any competent Texan authority. This absolved us of any legal responsibility in the matter, and the conduct of the Indians had left us under no moral obliga- tion toward them. "I would respectfully offer the following sugges- tions: That there be established, as early as practicable, a line of mili- tary posts, competent to the protection of our frontier from incursions of the wandering tribes that infest our borders ; and that all intercourse between them and our citizens be made under the eye and subject to the control of the government. In order to allay the apprehensions of the friendly tribes, and prevent any collision between them and our citizens, I would recommend that each Indian family be permitted to enjoy such
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improvements as they occupy, together with a suitable portion of land, without interruption or annoyance, so long as they choose to remain upon it, and shall deport themselves in a friendly manner, being sub- ordinate to our laws in all criminal matters, and in matters of contract to the authorized agents of the government. To this end, the appoint- ment of suitable agents to reside among the located tribes would be nec- essary, whose duty it should be to keep up a vigilant espionage, cultivate friendly relations, and, as far as practicable, prevent all causes of inter- ruption and collision between the Indians and our own people. Com- missioners might be appointed to make treaties to this effect with such tribes as are disposed to peace and friendship, while those who reject the terms should be viewed as enemies, and treated accordingly. These gratuitous and liberal concessions, on our part, are perhaps due to the regard which we all entertain for peace. If, unhappily, they should be found inadequate to secure that desirable object, and the Indians shall persist in their extravagant demands, and resolve upon war, then let them feel that there are terrors also in the enmity of the white man, and that the blood of our wives and children cannot be shed without a righteous retribution." For this reason the president was moved to rec- ommend the strengthening of the army and navy, while at the same time organizing the militia.
There had not been time since his inauguration for the president to enquire into fiscal affairs. The success of the loan, however, he con- sidered very problematical, and for that reason he was unable to recom- mend a reduction of taxes or of the tariff. He thought that the de- velopment of agriculture, commerce, and the mineral resources of the country would soon put the government in easy condition, and recom- mended the passage of a law reserving mineral rights to the state. In the meantime, he recommended the establishment of a national bank. owned and controlled by the republic. Based on a hypothecation of the national lands, the plighted faith of the government, and an adequate specie deposit, such a bank would be safe and would inspire confidence. The specie deposit would not need to be so large as in a privately owned bank, but, unfortunately, as Gouge remarked in his Fiscal History of Texas, Lamar did not indicate where any specie was to come from. Few banks in the United States were making any specie payments at the time, and coin was very rare in Texas.
This message has become justly famous for its strong advocacy of public education :
"If we desire to establish a republican government upon a broad and permanent basis, it will become our duty to adopt a comprehen- sive and well regulated system of mental and moral culture. Edu- cation is a subject in which every citizen and especially every parent feels a deep and lively concern. It is one in which no jarring inter- ests are involved, and no acrimonious political feelings excited, for its benefits are so universal that all parties can cordially unite in ad- vancing it. It is admitted bv all that cultivated mind is the guardian genius of democracy, and while guided and controlled by virtue is the noblest attribute of man. It is the only dictator that freemen desire Let me, therefore, urge it upon you, gentlemen,
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not to postpone the matter too long. The present is a propitious moment to lay the foundation of a great moral and intellectual edifice, which will in after ages be hailed as the chief ornament and blessing of Texas. A suitable appropriation of lands to the pur- pose of general education can be made at this time without incon- venience to the government or the people; but defer it until the public domain shall have passed from our hands, and the unedu- cated youths of Texas will constitute the living monuments of our neglect and remissness. To commence a liberal system of educa- tion a few years hence may be attended with many difficulties. The imposition of taxes will be necessary. Sectional jealousies will spring up, and the whole plan may be defeated in the conflict of selfishness, or be suffered to languish under a feeble and inefficient support ; a liberal endowment which will be adequate to the general diffusion of a good rudimental education in every district of the republic, and to the establishment of a university where the highest branches of science may be taught, can now be effected without the expenditure of a single dollar. Postpone it a few years and mil- lions will be necessary to accomplish the great design."
President Lamar's Indian policy was well received by Congress. On the day the message was delivered a bill was passed authorizing the organization of a regiment of 840 men for the protection of the fron- tiers, and $300,000 in promissory notes was appropriated for the pur- pose. On December 29 the president was empowered to accept the service of eight companies of mounted volunteers for use chiefly against the Comanches and $75,000 was appropriated. January 23, 1839, three additional companies were approved ; and on January 24, $1,000,000 was appropriated for protection of the northern and western frontiers. Dur- ing 1839 evidence fell into the hands of the government that the Mex- icans were endeavoring to invite the Indians to war-particularly the Cherokee Indians. The growth of population and the rapid extension of the frontier into the Indian settlements caused constant broils and kept the Indians in an ugly mood. In 1839 the Cherokees, after fierce resistance, were driven from their settlement in East Texas, and the next year the Comanches were greatly weakened in three notable engage- ments. The first of these was the Council House fight at San Antonio in March, in which the Indians lost a number of their chiefs ; in August Gen. Felix Houston defeated a large force at Plum Creek, near Gon- zales; and in October Col. John H. Moore led an expedition that de- stroyed the chief Comanche village on the upper Colorado and killed more than 100 warriors, and, by mistake, it was claimed, some women. By the close of Lamar's term the Indians were undoubtedly in a more submissive mood than they had previously been since the declaration of independence, and it seems likely that his aggressive methods must be credited with some share of the success that followed Houston's gentler policy between 1842 and 1845. Houston found them at the beginning of his second term willing for a time to embrace the comforts of peace.
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