USA > Alaska > History of Alaska : 1730-1885 > Part 46
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7 Baranof soon afterward forwarded an urgent letter to the board of direct- ors, asking to be relieved. Captain V. M. Golovnin, of the sloop-of-war Diana, in speaking of this conspiracy, remarks: 'The Russian American Company's commissioner at Kamchatka, Khlebnikof, an honorable man, obtained from the leader of this conspiracy all the details, and finding that they had been suffer- ing from hunger, cruel labor, and inhuman treatment by the officials, desired, in the interest of the company's good name and perhaps its existence, to con- ceal the whole proceedings from the government, to which end he wrote a letter to the directors of the company, dated July 8, 1810, wherein he de- clared that if Naplavkof and his companions were tried in any open court, they could reveal truths of a character most damaging to the company; there- fore he asked them to drop the matter. But the directors did not approve of Khlebnikof's opinion, and replied, under date of September 29, 1810, that he must bring the offenders to justice, but make every effort to manage the affair to the advantage of the company, that is, to punish the conspirators while at the same time concealing the shortcomings of the company.' Voy., 78-9.
HIST. ALASKA. 30
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SEVEN MORE YEARS OF ALASKAN ANNALS.
Baranof's wish was not fulfilled until several years later, though, as we shall see, through no neglect on the part of the directors. There were none of his subordinates to whom he dared to intrust the control of affairs, and he had no alternative but to remain un- til a successor should arrive. Meanwhile he was re- lieved for a time from all anxiety as to further revolt among Russians or Kolosh by the arrival, in June 1810, of the sloop-of-war Diana, commanded by Cap- tain Golovnin.8
The captain, who, like other naval officers, was not predisposed in the company's favor, thus describes his arrival: "It was 10 P. M., and dark. We fired a gun to call the pilot; lights were hung out, and we lay at anchor until midnight; we could then hear the noise of oars, but it was too dark to see the boat. At last Russian voices became audible, and we could doubt no longer that some of the company's promyshleniki were approaching, but for all that we did not neglect any precautionary measures. It was well known to me that this class of the company's servants consisted chiefly of criminals; and also that this class of scoun- drels, having come from exile under false promises and expectations, found life in America even worse than that of a Siberian convict, and therefore were always ready to profit by any opportunity to throw off the yoke of the Russian American Company. They would not have hesitated even to surprise a ship of war and take possession of the country. All arms were kept at hand, and the crew on the alert. I then hailed the boat. They stated in reply that they were sixteen unarmed men, who had been sent by the chief manager to our assistance. I ordered them to board, and while they were standing in line I questioned them, the answers being evidently given in fear. During this time the officers of the Diana stood mo- tionless at their posts. Not a voice was heard but my
8 The Diana had been expected the previous year. She reached Petro- pavlovsk in the autumn of 1809, and wintered there.
467
GOLOVNIN'S ARRIVAL.
own and that of their spokesman. They had never witnessed such discipline before, and, as I subsequently heard, were laboring under the belief that they had been captured by some European man-of-war, on which I alone could speak Russian. But as soon as I had learned all I cared to know, I told them they might talk to their countrymen, and when they heard the Russian language spoken on all sides, they were almost beside themselves with joy. Only then they confessed that they had come armed with pistols, spears, and guns, which, suspecting us to be English, they had concealed in the bottom of the boat."
On the following morning the Diana was towed to the anchorage under the fort and saluted with eleven guns. After a ridiculous discussion between Baranof and Golovnin as to the number of guns to which each was entitled, the salute was returned. The captain was then invited to dinner, together with his officers and the commanders of several American vessels then in port. He thus relates his impressions : " In the fort we could see nothing remarkable. It consisted of strong wooden bastions and palisades. The houses, barrack magazines, and manager's resi- dence were built of exceedingly thick logs. In Bar- anof's house the furniture and finishing were of fine workmanship and very costly, having been brought from St Petersburg and England; but what astonished me most was the large library in nearly all European languages, and the collection of fine paintings-this in a country where probably only Baranof can appre- ciate a picture, and no travellers are apt to call except the skippers of American trading vessels. Mr Bar- anof explained that the paintings had been presented to the company at the time of its organization, and that the directors had considered it best to send them to the colonies; with a smile, he added that it would have been wiser to send out physicians, as there was not one in the colonies, nor even a surgeon or apothe-
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SEVEN MORE YEARS OF ALASKAN ANNALS.
cary.9 I asked Mr Baranof how the directors could neglect to send surgeons to a country the climate of which was conducive to all kinds of diseases, and where men may at any time be wounded by savages and need surgical treatment. 'I do not know,' he said, 'whether the directors trouble themselves to think about it; but we doctor ourselves a little, and if a man is wounded so as to require an operation, he must die.' Mr Baranof treated us to an excellent dinner, during which we had music which was not bad."
During his stay in Russian America, Golovnin dis- played in a somewhat ridiculous aspect his jealousy of the Russian American Company and of foreign traders. A short time before, the American ship Enterprise, in charge of Captain Ebbets, had arrived at Novo Arkhangelsk, laden with trading goods. The captain handed to the chief manager a despatch from the owner of the vessel, John Jacob Astor, wherein the latter stated that "for twenty-five years he had been established in New York and engaged in foreign trade; that he had done business with the Canadian Company and exchanged goods with Europe and Canton, and that he now sent his first ship to the north-west coast of America in charge of Captain Ebbets."
If we can believe the chief manager's biographer, Dashkof, the Russian consul-general for the United States,10 being informed that Baranof was in want of supplies, had been recommended to inquire of Astor what was most needed, and by his advice had pur- chased a full cargo for the colonies. "I was very glad to oblige Mr Dashkof," continues the New York merchant, "and have loaded the ship with such use- ful commodities as will be best adapted to trade in the
9 Baranof was of course aware that there was a hospital at St Paul. See Campbell's Voy. round World, 101, where the town is called Alexandria. Probably the chief manager was amusing himself and his guests at the ex- pense of the captain.
10 Afterward envoy plenipotentiary to the United States, and counsellor of state. Khlebnikof, Shizn. Baranova, 136.
469
ASTOR'S ENTERPRISE.
colonies. I send the vessel direct, giving full power to Captain Ebbets to make agreements and contracts, if he should see fit, and I am prepared to send, each year, two or three vessels specially for that trade."
Baranof purchased goods of Ebbets to the amount of twenty-seven thousand piastres, but declined to buy the entire cargo. In reply to Astor's letter, he wrote that "he had reason to believe from private in- formation that he would soon receive supplies, and that he could not make contracts for the future, as he expected to be relieved. But he would always be able to take the cargoes of one or two vessels each year, if the price were not too high."
The Enterprise was now despatched with furs to Canton, the proceeds to be invested in Chinese goods, and after a prosperous voyage Ebbets returned in May 1811. He had sold his peltry at fair rates, and purchased his cargo at low prices.11 Baranof in- spected the bills of sale and the papers relating to the several transactions, and so pleased was he with the result, that he soon afterward despatched the vessel on a second trip to Canton, with a cargo of English goods which had been purchased during her absence.
All this appears to be a very simple and straight- forward transaction, though doubtless matters were concealed by the chief manager's biographer which he did not care to bring to light. But now let us hear Golovnin's account of the matter. "Ebbets brought a despatch from Dashkof," writes the captain of the Diana, "with a contract with Astor, and a second letter written by Astor himself with similar propo- sals, in terms very flattering to the chief manager, calling him 'governor,' 'count,' and 'your excellency' on nearly every line, and showing that even the re- publicans know how to bestow titles when their in-
11 The terms of his contract with Baranof, the prices which he obtained for the furs, and the goods bought with the proceeds are mentioned in Id., 138-9.
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SEVEN MORE YEARS OF ALASKAN ANNALS.
terest requires it." He then makes the questionable statement that the letter was written in French, and that as Ebbets understood only English, and there were no interpreters, matters were at a stand-still when the Diana arrived. "An American sailor," he continues, " who was teaching English to the boys at. Kadiak, without understanding Russian, a Prussian skipper of one of the company's vessels, and a relative of Baranof's who had picked up a few hundred Eng- lish words, composed, previous to our arrival, the diplomatic corps of the Russian American Company ; but as the first two were absent, and the third could only speak of subjects at which he could point with his fingers, Baranof could not communicate with the foreigners. Ebbets had already decided to leave without accomplishing anything, but when he heard that we could speak both English and French, he asked for our cooperation, which was freely promised, myself and Lieutenant Ricord acting as interpreters. We translated all the letters and documents and drew up the contracts."
Golovnin, in his account of these transactions, claims to have discovered that some deep-laid plan was contemplated by Astor, and thus gives his reasons for such an assertion: "Ebbets, desiring to let me know how much it had cost Astor to complete the Enterprise and fit her out for the expedition, gave me three books to look over. Two of them contained the accounts mentioned, but the third was evidently given by mistake, and contained supplementary in- structions to Ebbets, in which he was directed to call at certain Spanish ports on the American coast and endeavor to trade with the inhabitants. If he suc- ceeded, he was to go to Novo Arkhangelsk in ballast and trade with Baranof, and in case the latter should ask why he brought no goods, he must give as an excuse that he had heard the colonies were fully sup- plied. He was also told to obtain most minute de- tails of the trade and condition of the Russian colo-
471
EBBETS AND WINSHIP.
nies, their strength and means of protection, the actual power of Baranof, and the relations between the com- pany and the government. In brief, Astor wished to ascertain the feasibility of a seizure of the colonies by the United States. I returned the books to Ebbets without saying anything, but immediately wrote down the gist of the instructions and laid them before Baranof, who thought it best to forward them to the board of managers, who, with their usual policy, will no doubt, in course of time, make the best use of this information for themselves."
Whether the captain's view of the matter was right or wrong, he does not appear to have been actuated by very patriotic motives; for, without heeding Bar- anof's urgent request to prolong his stay in the col- onies on account of the danger threatened from English privateers, he at once took on board a cargo of furs and trading goods for the company's commis- sioner in Kamchatka, and was ready for sea on the 2d of August. On that day Captain Winship, a Boston trader, entered the outer harbor in the ship O'Cain.12 Ebbets, anxious to communicate with the new-comer, sent off a boat, which was stopped by a shot from the Diana, much to Baranof's satisfaction, who was glad to see the Russian authority maintained in this manner. Golovnin afterward sent a formal communication to Ebbets and Winship, stating that no one must communicate with an incoming ship until the harbor authorities had done their duty.
12 During Rezanof's absence in California, Winship arrived in the Enter- prise at Novo Arkhangelsk, and with him Baranof concluded a contract for hunting sea-otter on the coast of California. Winship was furnished with 50 bidarkas, under command of a trusted friend of Baranof, Pavl Slobod- chikof, who subsequently was in captivity in Lower California. The agree- ment was made for a period of from 10 to 14 months. There appears to have been some disagreement between Slobodchikof and Winship, as the former, after a successful hunt all along the California coast, left the ship at the island of Cerros, where he purchased of an American skipper a small schooner for 150 sea-otters, naming her the Nikolai. On this craft, with a crew of two Americans and three Kanakas, he sailed for the Sandwich Islands, and thence for Novo Arkhangelsk. Winship did not reach the latter port until Septem- ber of the following year. This enterprise resulted in the collection of 4, 820 sea-otter skins. Id., 107-8.
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SEVEN MORE YEARS OF ALASKAN ANNALS.
Late in August 1812, the American ship Beaver, fitted out by Astor, arrived at Novo Arkhangelsk, having on board his confidential agent, Wilson B. Hunt, who was instructed to treat with Baranof for the establishment of permanent relations between the American and Russian fur companies. Hunt executed his commission with some difficulty. He succeeded, however, in disposing of his cargo on advantageous terms, but was obliged to go to the Prybilof Islands for his payment in seal skins.
Considering the relations that were now established between Baranof and Astor, one may indulge in some speculation as to what would have been the result of this alliance had the enterprise of the latter been suc- cessful.13 In that case, the Hudson's Bay Company would probably not have remained the chief factor in shaping the destinies of the north-west coast, and the British flag might not to-day float over the province of British Columbia. But it is probable that the shrewd New York merchant was out-matched by the chief manager, whom Irving describes at random as "a rough, rugged, hospitable, hard-drinking old Russian; somewhat of a soldier, somewhat of a trader, above all, a boon companion of the old roistering school, with a strong cross of the bear, but as keen, not to say crafty, at a bargain as the most arrant water-drinker."
Nevertheless, Astor had no cause for complaint
against the Russian American Company. After abandoning his trading-post at the mouth of the Co- lumbia, on the outbreak of war in 1812, his claim for damages was not disputed. His agent, Russell Far-
13 The first cargo forwarded by Astor under the new agreement was lost by the wreck of the Lark at the Sandwich Islands in 1813. During this year Baranof purchased two foreign vessels, the Atahualpa, and her consort, the Lady. The Atahualpa was an old visitor on the north-west coast, appearing first in Sturgis' list of north-west traders in 1801, being then commanded by Captain Wild (Wildes according to Swan). The sale was effected by Captain Bennet, who in 1813 commanded the Atahualpa. The price agreed upon was 31,000 piastres for the cargo and 20,000 fur-seal skins for the vessel. Sturgis' Remarks, MS .; Baranof, Shizn., 155. The Atahualpa, a three- master, was re-named the Bering, and the Lady, a brig, received the name Ilmen. Both were subsequently wrecked at the Sandwich Islands.
473
FARNUM'S MISSION.
num, being despatched to Astoria, found that the per- son whose evidence was necessary to prove the claim had gone the previous year to Novo Arkhangelsk. After waiting a year for a vessel, the agent followed him, only to find that he had crossed over to Kam- chatka. Reaching Bering Strait, Farnum made the passage between the ice-floes in an open boat, and at length overtook the man of whom he was in search. After obtaining the necessary proof, he made his way through Siberia and northern Russia to St Peters- burg. "There," says Thomas Gray, who, while re- siding at Keokuk in 1830, heard the story from Farnum's own lips, and recently furnished me with a statement of his adventures,14 "he met the head of the Russian Fur Company, adjusted the claim, and received an order on the London branch of a Russian bank in favor of Astor for the amount." Farnum re- turned to New York, and after an absence of three years, presented himself to the astonished Astor, who had long since given him up for lost.15
On the day of Winship's arrival at Novo Ark- hangelsk, the Juno returned from a cruise in the inte- rior channels of the Alexander Archipelago, where she had been attacked by the Kolosh. Several of the crew had been wounded, and were treated by the surgeon of the Diana. After remaining in port for nearly a month, the vessel sailed for Petropavlovsk, on what proved to be her last voyage. "Sailing from
14 Mr Gray was kind enough to call at my Library and hand me a copy of the St Louis Republican, dated October 18, 1883, in which is a copy of his letter to Dr C. W. Stevens, acting president of the Missouri Historical Society in that city, containing a narrative of Farnum's adventures. In his letter, Gray, who now resides in San Francisco, writes: ' I desire to communi- cate what I know of this matter to a person who is writing a work on the Pacific coast, and that he may not have to depend solely upon my say so, I should be glad to have the testimony of others, as far as they know anything relating to the same.' His statement is corroborated by several persons. One of them, Mr Richard Dowling, then in his 79th year, and a resident of St Louis from the time when it contained only 1,700 inhabitants, relates further incidents of Farnum's adventures.
15 Astor gave Farnum an interest in the business of which he was then the head, and this he retained until his death at St Louis in 1832. Id.
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SEVEN MORE YEARS OF ALASKAN ANNALS.
Novo Arkhangelsk," writes her captain in his log- book on the 14th of November, "with the ship placed under my charge, I find myself in sight of land in the most miserable condition. For three months we have been battling with continuous gales, and for nineteen days we have been within sight of the coast, with only three good sailors on board, and those en- tirely exhausted, and five young apprentices who have been intrusted to my care. Two of the latter who are more robust than the others are doing sailors' duty, while the rest can only assist at the rudder and in pumping the ship, for we are making five inches of water per hour. They help me to haul the log and to keep my journal. The management of the ship with these eight persons is exceedingly difficult; the remainder of my command-"16 With this broken sentence the report ends.
The gale continued, and a few days afterward the greater part of the bulwarks were carried away, the rudder was unshipped, and the Juno drifted in shore. Anchor was cast in thirty fathoms, but still the ves- sel drifted helplessly shoreward; a second anchor was thrown out, but this also gave way, and now the ship was dashed on a reef parallel with the coast. Here she lay till the incoming tide cast her on an inner reef. All through this chill November night the men stood waiting for death, lashed to the rigging, and drenched with the ice-cold waves. One huge breaker swept away six of the company, among whoni was the captain, and even their fate was a merciful one, for when the vessel was finally carried into the mouth of the river Viliuya, only four reached the land out of twenty-two men who had sailed from Novo Arkhangelsk.
Six hours after being cast on shore the vessel broke to pieces. One of the survivors was struck by a falling mast. He was wrapped in such articles of
16 Sitka Archives, Log-books, iii.
475
SHIPWRECK.
clothing as his shipmates could spare; but knowing that he could not live, crept to a projecting rock and threw himself headlong into the waves. His com- rades tried to save him, and twice he was almost within reach. Then the recoil of a wave carried him beyond their grasp, and he was seen no more.
The three Russians now set forth on their way along the bleak Kamchatka coast, with little hope of meeting any living creature, save the wolves and bears which infested that wintry solitude. Their sufferings during this journey I shall not attempt to describe. All that men can suffer from cold and hunger they endured. Crawling gaunt and half naked to the banks of a neighboring stream, they were fortunate enough to catch some fish, and near by a few sables, which furnished food and clothing; and thus toward Christmas of 1811 they made their way to Petropavlovsk.17
17 Khlebnikof, Shizn. Baranova, 141-3. When the news was received at Petropavlovsk, the commissioner of the company at once repaired to the scene of the wreck. Search was made through the adjacent woods, but no trace of any human being was found. 'The beach was strewn with corpses, all of which had their arms or legs broken.
CHAPTER XXIII.
FOREIGN VENTURES AND THE ROSS COLONY.
1803-1841.
BARANOF'S WANT OF MEANS-O'CAIN'S EXPEDITION TO CALIFORNIA-AND TO JAPAN-THE 'MERCURY' AT SAN DIEGO-TRADING CONTRACTS WITH AMERICAN SKIPPERS-KUSKOF ON THE COAST OF NEW ALBION-THE Ross COLONY FOUNDED-SEAL-HUNTING ON THE COAST OF CALIFORNIA- SHIP-BUILDING-AGRICULTURE-SHIPMENTS OF CEREALS TO NOVO ARK- HANGELSK-HORTICULTURE-STOCK-RAISING-LOSSES INCURRED BY THE COMPANY-HUNTING-POST ESTABLISHED AT THE FARALLONES-FAILURE OF THE ENTERPRISE-SALE OF THE COLONY'S EFFECTS.
NOTWITHSTANDING frequent losses by shipwreck, Bar- anof was now well supplied with sea-going craft, and had more vessels at his disposal than he could use for hunting expeditions. He had not forgotten, however, the secret instructions received from the directors of the company in November 1803, and for several years had been pushing forward his settlements toward the south. The rich hunting-grounds on the coast of Cal- ifornia had long since attracted his attention, and he had made several efforts, though with little success, to avail himself of this source of wealth, and to open up a trade with the Spanish colonies.
The only obstacle that now lay in the path of the chief manager was want of means. Men were not lacking, nor ships; but supplies were forwarded to him in such meagre quantity and at such exorbitant rates that, as will be remembered, want was a familiar guest in the Russian settlements. The resources of the Russian American Company's territory, bountiful though they were, had thus far served at best only to ( 476 )
477
O'CAIN'S VOYAGE.
supply the few needs of the settlers, to furnish small dividends to the shareholders, and to satisfy in part the greed of the company's agents.
In 1803 the vessels that arrived at Okhotsk from Alaska were freighted with furs valued at 2,500,000 roubles.1 Other large shipments followed, among them being one by the Neva, in 1805, valued at 500,000 rou- bles. Nevertheless, Baranof did not venture to draw on St Petersburg for the means wherewith to carry out his instructions. ""'There is another cargo with half a million,' you will say," writes Rezanof to the directors in November of this year, ""'and where is the threat- ened want of means?' But I must answer you, gen- tlemen, that in your extensive business this is only a short palliative, the drawing of a breath, and no perma- nent relief. Patience! and you will agree with me."2
A few days before the chief manager received his secret despatch, the American ship O'Cain, or as it was called by the Russians the Boston, arrived at Kadiak, in command of Captain O'Cain, whom the former had previously met as mate of the Enterprise. After an exchange of trading goods for furs, to the value of 10,000 roubles, O'Cain proposed that Bar- anof should furnish him with Aleutian hunters and bidarkas for an expedition to the coast of California. The latter was disposed to listen favorably to such a proposition, for during this and the two preceding years the destruction of seals in Russian America had been on an enormous scale, and, as we have seen, a few months later orders were given by Rezanof that the slaughter should cease for a time. After some negotiation an agreement was concluded, and twenty bidarkas were fitted out and placed in charge of Shutzof,3 a tried servant of the company. Shutzof
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