USA > California > A memorial and biographical history of northern California, illustrated. Containing a history of this important section of the Pacific coast from the earliest period of its occupancy...and biographical mention of many of its most eminent pioneers and also of prominent citizens of today > Part 5
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" While this condition of doubt and uncer- tainty was unmistakably true as related to the Californians, it was only less true, in a modified degree, as related to the Americans then resi- dent here. While they were united in heart and sentiment, they were completely out at sea without chart or compass, in the face of a brewing storm. If Fremont's action in Monterey County had encouraged them to believe that he had authority to raise the standard of revolution in California, that belief must have received a chill when he, a few weeks later, with his sixty men started northward to Oregon, with the avowed purpose of returning East by that route. That this was not a strategic movement on his part is evidenced by letters he wrote at the time both to his wife and his father-in-law, Hon. Thomas H. Benton.
Thomas O. Larkin was the secret and confi- dential agent of the United States Government in California and he certainly had no commis-
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sion to do anything in the direction of eneour- aging the raising of the standard of revolt in California. Fremont's conduct seems to have been to him a complete enigma. Larkin's in- struetions were to feel the pulse of Californians as well as Americans in reference to peaceable annexation to the United States, and any demon- stration on the part of the Americans in the dircetion of violence and foree could but com- plicate and render more difficult his task. He had sagacity enough to understand this, and seems to have directed all his energies in the direction of a peaceable solution of the problem he was to assist in working out. It must be borne in mind that Thomas O. Larkin had long been a resident merchant in California and that his intimate connection and association with the leading men of California, both natives and for eigners, peculiarly fitted him for this labor of paving the way for peaceable annexation of California to the United States. But that he was not taken into all the secret councils of the nation is manifest from the instructions of Hon. George Baneroft, then the Secretary of War un- der President Polk, under date of June 24, 1845, nearly a year before war was declared between the United States and Mexico. The Secretary's instructions to Commodore Sloat were:
"If you ascertain that Mexico has declared war against the United States, you will at once possess yourself of the port of San Francisco, and occupy such other ports as your force may permit. You will be careful to preserve, if possible, the most friendly relations with the inhabitants, and encourage them to adopt a course of nentrality."
On the 13th of May, 1846, war was declared. On that very day Secretary Bancroft again in- structed Commodore Sloat to carry out his first orders " with energy and promptitude." Only two days later we find Secretary Bancroft writ- ing the following instructions to Commodore Sloat: "A connection between California and Mexico is supposed scarcely to exist. You will, as opportunity offers, conciliate the confidence of the people of California. You will conduet
yourself in such a manner as will render your occupation of the eonntry a benefit," etc. In a dispatch dated June 8th, 1846, the American Secretary comes ont a little plainer. He says: " If California separates herself from our enemy. the central Government of Mexico, and estab- lishes a government of its own under the anspiees of the American flag, you will take such meas- ures as will best promote the attachment of the people of California to the United States. Yon will bear in mind that this country desires to find in California a friend; to be connected with it by near ties; to hold possession of it," ete. On July 12 he speaks still plainer: "The ob- ject of the United States has reference to ulti- mate peace, and if at that peace the basis of the ' uti possidetis' shall be adopted, the Govern- ment expects to be in possession of California."
While the instructions to Larkin seem to have been of an enirely pacific and diplomatic chiaraeter, it is quite evident that the authorities at Washington did not intend to allow the for- malities of red tape to stand in the way of the acquisition of California.
There were two men on the northern frontier, both occupying commanding positions, and each destined to fill a conspicuous place in the history of those stirring times. One was General M. G. Vallejo, and the other Captain John A. Sutter. At this time, when California was nearing her final struggle with manifest destiny, it is important to know just how and where they stood. Much has been said and written on the subject, so much that it has beeome eon- fusing and difficult to always determine where history ends and fietion begins. Vallejo and Sutter both were officers of the California gov- ernment and as such owed good faith and allegiance to their country. We find nothing to warrant the conclusion that either proved recreant to their trust.
Vallejo evidently had a very strong premoni- tion that California had reached the beginning of the end. So believing, he evidently had little heart or concern about the personal quarrels of Pico, Castro and other factions would-be leaders
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of California. When called into council on the alarming condition of the times, he was free to express his opinions, and so far as reliable evi- dence goes, it was always to the effect that if it came to the worst and a change of government had to be made, it was to the United States that California could look for the strongest arm of protection and speedy development of her latent resources. While those were his senti- ments expressed in council with his country- men, he in no wise seems to have abandoned hope that California might yet be safely steered through her dangers. This is evidenced by two circumstances. Governor Pico addressed a let- ter to Vallejo, probably in April, in which he chided him somewhat sharply for his apparent adhesion to Castro, the every act of whom Pico seemed to regard as dangerous usurpation of military power, the ultimate aim of which was the overthrow of the civil government. Vallejo's reply to Pico was both temperate and patriotic. He did not hesitate to admonish Pico that he was allowing his jealousy to befog his better judgment-that Castro was making an effort to properly face a real danger, and he warned Pico that the time had come when unity of action was imperative if California would continue to exist in her present form. He pointed out to the Governor the folly of expecting a general in the face of a threatened danger, to wait for the transmission of orders such a long distance as intervened between Los Angeles and Monterey. These wise and temperate counsels of Vallejo seem to have been wasted upon Pieo, for he appears to have gone forward in his endeavor to marshal a sufficient force to march to Monterey and overthrow Castro. The second circumstance which shows that Vallejo had not yet lost all hope is the fact that early in June Castro visited Sonoma on his mission of gathering war supplies, and secured a large number of horses. Of these horses more will be said a little further on. Of what occurred between Vallejo and Castro at that time there seems to be little of record. Intelligent reflection draws two con- clusions somewhat difficult to harmonize. That
a matter of 170 horses was furnished by Vallejo to Castro would clearly indicate that the former was willing to contribute liberally toward the common defense, for Castro lacked the power, if he had the will, to exact from Vallejo forced contributions. The next question to harmonize with a cheerful desire of Vallejo to heartily second Castro's seeming patriotic efforts is, why was it that Sonoma with an armament of nine cannons of various caliber, and at least two hun- dred muskets, was not brought into requisition in a time of such great peril? It was to the east and north that Castro was looking for lurk- ing danger, and if that General and Vallejo were working together in perfect accord, it seems little short of amazing that Sonoma was left to repose in sleepy security without a cannon shotted or a musket in hand or sentinel to signal the alarm of an approaching foe.
Of Captain John A. Sutter little in this con- nection need be said. Being a citizen by naturalization, his position was different from that of Vallejo. It is true he was holding position under the California government, but his attachment to the country of his adoption never seems to have outweighed his own per- sonal objects and aims in business. But even he is not chargeable with having been guilty of gross perfidy to the land that had given him wealth and honor. This is evidenced by the two-fold fact that he took pains to warn the government at Monterey that a man named Gillespie, who had been at Monterey and was then following Fremont north, was a secret emissary of the United States. At the same time, and with possibly a less patriotic motive, he again called the attention of the California government to the importance of strengthening itself in the Sacramento Valley, and for that purpose offered to sell his establishments at New Helvetia. This, on his part, was business, simon pure, and should not be allowed to counterbalance too much of the good deeds and kind offices of that historic pioneer to the weary travel-worn American immigrants, so many of whom enjoyed his benefactions. Sutter was a
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man of pretty good common sense and was not blind to the fact that California was liable to be in an eruptive state at any moment; and, like Micawber, was "just waiting for something to turn up."
It was now in early May of 1846, and Gen- eral Fremont, with his sixty explorers, was well on his way northward, having pitched canıp on the shores of Klamath Lake. General Castro, doubtless elated at having achieved a bloodless victory in taking the abandoned fort of Fremont on Gabilan Peak, was now seeking new fields of glory. Pio Pico was yet in the south in- tent upon marshaling a sufficient force to war- rant him in visiting the northern end of the Territory of which he was governor. Consul Larkin was inditing confidential epistles to all such as to whom he thought could be entrusted the seeret and work of peaceable annexation of California to the United States. General M. G. Vallejo was in quiet repose at Sonoma, appar- ently having converted his sword into a plow- share, his spear into a pruning hook, and his martial field-glasses into a medium thronglı which to watch his herds and flocks upon a thousand hills. Captain John A. Sutter was looking after his fields of waving grain at Hawk Farm, doubtless anticipating a paying harvest, for the incoming immigration expected from over the mountains was variously estimated at from 1,000 to 5,000 souls. The hills and val- leys of this genial clime were doubtless clad in verdure and flowers; and yet the very air was oppressive with the forecast of revolution and sanguinary strife.
A new Richmond, with closed visor, had now appeared upon the field. He answered to the · plain name of Archibald HI. Gillespie, and had reached Monterey the 17th of April. Larkin had already received a letter from James Bu- chanan, the then Secretary of State, informing him that, " Lieutenant Archibald H. Gillespie, of the marine corps, will immediately proceed to Monterey, and will probably reach you before this dispatch. He is a gentleman in whom the President reposes entire confidence. He has
seen these instructions, and will co-operate as a confidential agent with you in carrying them into execution." Gillespie was a month behind time in reaching Monterey in consequence of unavoidable delays in Mexico. That his dis- patehes to Larkin were of a very important and secret character is evidenced by the fact. that lest they might fall into Mexican hands, Gillespie had memorized them and then de- strøyed the paper upon which they were written. On reaching Monterey he was plain Mr. Gilles- pie, an American merchant, traveling for the benefit of his health. He was also the bearer of a letter of introduction from Hon, Thomas H. Benton to his son-in-law, General Fremont, as well as a package of private letters from the same distinguished statesman to the " Path- finder." After lingering a little at Monterey, doubtless to give color to his assumed character, Lieutenant Gillespie one night embarked for New Helvetia, and arriving there at onee began to arrange for an escort to accompany him on the trail of Fremont. It was then, as already stated, that Captain Sutter conveyed to the au- thorities at Monterey his suspicion that Gilles- pie was a secret emissary of the United States Government. Lieutenant Gillespie made all haste northward. Historian Bancroft gives the following graphie account of this journey and the tragic occurrences attending it:
This officer, of whose arrival I will have more to say presently, had reached Sutter's April 28th, and Lassen's the 1st of May. From that point, with only five compan- ions, Lassen, Neal, Sigler, Stepp and a negro servant named Ben, he started May 2, on Fremont's trail. On the 7th two men were sent in advance, and the others en- camped at the outlet of Klamath Lake, unable to ford the river, and having nothing to eat for forty hours. On the morning of the 9th a party of Indians made their appear- ance, who, with great apparent kindness, gave the Travelers a fresh salmon for food, and ferried them over the water in canoes. After a day's journey of some thirty miles, Gillespie met Fremont at sunset, at a stream named from the events of that night, Ambuscade Creek. The sixteen tired travelers retired early after the two parties were united on May 9th, and were soon sleeping sound- ly-Fremont sitting up later than the rest lo read his dis- patches and letters from home. The Indians were deemed friendly, and no watch was kept. Just before midnight the camp was attacked by savages, Basil Lajeunesse and
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a Delaware were killed as they slept, by blows from axes. The sound of these blows aroused Carson and Owens, who gave the alarm; when the Indians fled, after killing with their arrows a Delaware named Crane, and leaving dead a chief of their number, who proved to be the very man from whom Gillespie had that morning been fur- nished with food and aid further south. Next morning they started northward to join the main body, burying the bodies of their slain comrades on the way. The whole party started on the 11th down the eastern side of the lake, wreaking terrible vengeance on the innocent natives along the route, if we may credit the statement of Kit Carson, who played a leading part in the butcheries. They reached Lassen's rancho on their return the 24th, and a few days later moved their camp down to the Buttes.
This awakens the reflection that the greatest of human events are subject to the modifying influence of currents and cross-currents; for had the Indians who made that midnight attack been successful in their evident design to massacre all in that unguarded camp, it is more than probable that the Bear Flag revolution would never have formed a chapter of California history. Mr. Bancroft expresses the opinion that Gillespie's meeting with Fremont had nothing to do with the latter's return north- ward-that " the Captain had nearly deter- mined, on account of the difficulty of crossing the mountains into Oregon on account of the show," to retrace his steps. We dissent from this view of the subject. If Gillespie was only the bearer of instructions to Fremont couched in the same language of diplomacy as that used by Secretary Buchanan in imparting to Larkin the duties devolved upon him by the President, then the continued presence of Fremont could have served no good end. In truth, his con- tinued presence would be detrimental to the very object Larkin was expected to achieve. Gillespie must have had full knowledge of what Fremont had done at Gabilan Peak, and as he was the duly accredited secret agent of the United States government it is but reasonable to suppose that he would have at least some ad- visory influence with Fremont. Then, again, Fremont and Larkin were ocenpying entirely different positions, and it is quite probable that while the latter was expected only to use the
weapons of diplomacy, the former may have been accorded discretionary power, if circum- stances seemed to warrant, to use more weighty arguments. But outside of all this it must be remembered that Gillespie had placed in Fre- inont's hands letters from Hon. Thomas H. Benton. The latter was just as near to the war-making power as was James Buchanan, and he was under no trammel to measure his words with red tape. While he was not in a position to give Fremont either instructions or orders, it is fair to presume that he would intimate to the husband of his favorite daughter the true con- dition of affairs and impress upon him the in- portance of holding himself in readiness to improve any opportunites, such as were liable to suddenly arise, for preferment and position. To believe that Fremont had any serious in- tention of leaving California just at a time when he must have' known that right here and then he was upon the very eve of the fruition of Ben- ton's most ardent expectation, would be to im- pute to him a lack of regard for name and fame singularly at variance with reputed character of either himself or Mr. Benton.
But we now put behind us matters specula- tive and enter upon the domain of thrilling facts. During Fremont's absence north there were all kinds of wild rumors afloat, and they lost nothing as they passed from mouth to month. Castro's war preparations had been magnified into an expressed purpose on his part to drive the American settlers ont of the coun- try. It was rumored and so believed, that the Indians of the Sacramento Valley were being incited to an uprising, and that as soon as the grain fields were far enough advanced to be combustible, the torch would be applied. Cap- tain Sutter seems to have given credence to these stories, for he was on an active Indian campaign against some of the lawless tribes. Fremont had moved camp from the Buttes to Bear River, near where Nicholas now stands. It was but natural that his camp should become the head centre, around which the hopes and ex- pectations of his fellow-countrymen should clus-
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ter. The settlers knew that Gillespie was act- ing upon some authority of the United States government, and his swift haste northward af- ter Fremont, and the latter's equally speedy re- turn, had to them a significance that they were close to exciting times. There is nothing of re- cord to show that General Fremont either coun- seled action, or quiet, on the part of American settlers. He seems to have been a passive lis- tener to the recital of their plans and grievances, but somehow, the most unlettered of those frontiersmen, gathered from his very silence, assent that he would stand between them and harm. The people were ripe for revolution and the favored chance to strike the first blow op- portunely came.
As has already been stated, General Castros' visit to General Vallejo in the first week of June resulted in his securing 170 horses. Having achieved this much toward placing himself upon a stable war footing, Castro re- turned by boat to Yerba Buena, entrusting the horses to the care and management of his pri- vate secretary, Francisco Arce, Lieutenant José Maria Alviso and an escort of eight men, for safe conduct to Santa Clara. Leaving Sonoma with the band of horses. they reached what is now Knight's Landing, on the Sacramento River, where a crossing was effected, and on June 8th they reached Sutter's Fort. It is alleged that Arce told some one on his route that the horses were for Castro, and to be used in driving the American settlers out; but this was probably idle rumor. But whether true or not, it served to intensify the excitement, which was now at about white heat. On the afternoon of June 9th, eleven or twelve Ameri- cans started on the trail of Arce and Alviso and their band of horses. These men are said to have started from the neighborhood of Fre- mont's camp, and a man named Hensley is the anthority that they were sent by Fremont; but this lacks the evidence that should back a his- toric fact. In passing New Helvetia, this company was increased by two new recruits. Ezekiel Merritt commanded the expedition.
Of its members, Semple, Henry L. Ford and Granville P. Swift, afterward for long years a resident of Sonoma County, are the only names known with certainty. Crossing the American River late in the evening, they made their first stop at the rancho of Allen Montgomery, who not only furnished them a supper, but he, with another man, accompanied them to lend a hand at striking this first blow of revolution. Arce and Alviso had stopped for the night at the rancho of Murphy, using his corral for their horses. Merritt and his men camped within three miles of the place, and at early dawn, on the morning of the ever-memorable 10th of June, 1846, swooped down upon the nnsuspect- ing Arce and Alviso, and in a trice had them and their men disarmed. That Merritt and his men were not heartless desperadoes is apparent from the fact that they allowed the vanquished to retain each a horse, and recognized Alviso's claim to a few more as private property; after which their arms were restored to them and they were made the bearers of a message to Castro, that if he wanted his horses he could come after them. Arce also reported to Castro that the insurgents had declared their purpose to take Sonoma. This declaration of their in- tent was a subject of official announcement at Monterey two days before Sonoma was cap- tured, which proves that Arce and Alviso had not falsely reported the utterance of Merritt and his followers. The revolutionists, with their band of horses, were back to the neigh- borhood of Fremont's camp within forty-eight hours after they set ont on their mission. While there seems to have been no precon- certed action on the part of the American set- tlers in this high-handed act, they all seemed to have assented to the fact that the bridges had been burned behind them, and all they had to do now was to "fight it out on that line if it took them all summer."
It was the 11th of June that Merritt and his followers returned with Castro's horses. They seem to have acted on the principle of " making hay while the sun shines," for on that afternoon
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the company was increased to twenty men, still led by Ezekiel Merritt, who took their depart- ure in the direction of Sonoma. That night they reached Gordon's, on Cache Creek, where they halted for refreshments, and then made a night march to Napa Valley, which they reached on the forenoon of June 12th. In Napa Val- ley they remained two days, evidently for the purpose of strengthening their force, which they did by the enrollment of twelve or thir- teen additional men. The force now numbered either thirty-two or thirty-three, who, so far as is now ascertainable, responded to the follow- ing names: Ezekiel Merritt, William B. Ide, John Grigsby, Robert Semple, H. L. Ford, William Todd, William Fallon, William Knight, William Hargrave, Sam Kelsey, G. P. Swift, Sam Gibson, W. W. Scott, Benjamin Dewell, Thomas Cowie, William B. Elliott, Thomas Knight, Horace Sanders, Henry Booker, Dav. Hudson, John Sears, and most of the following: J. H. Kelly, C. C. Griffith, Harvey Porterfield, John Scott, Ira Stebbins, Marion Wise, Fergu- son, Peter Storm, Pat. McChristian, Bartlett Vines, Fowler, John Gibbs, Andrew Kelsey and Benjamin Kelsey. It was about midnight of Saturday, the 13th of June, that this motley crowd of frontiersinen took to saddle and pro- ceeded across the hills intervening between Napa Valley and the Pueblo of Sonoma. Just at break of day they reached that fortified stronghold of Northern California, and neither baying of watcli-dog nor cackling of goose aronsed the sleeping Sonomans to a sense of impending danger. Every reader will expect to hear, in detail, exactly what transpired on that memorable occasion. Bancroft has in his possession many of the original documents con- nected with that event, or authenticated copies. He is certainly in a position to give as near the absolute facts in connection therewith as will ever be attainable, as very many of the partici- pants in the capture of Sonoma are now dead. We have had from General Vallejo's own lips a statement of the individual part he played in the event, and it is substantially the same as
recited by Mr. Bancroft. Believing that his- torian Bancroft gives a true and reliable ver- sion of the whole occurrence, we incorporate it here. It is as follows:
At daylight Vallejo was aroused by a noise, and on looking out saw that his house was surrounded by armed men. This state of things was sufficiently alarming in itself, and all the more so by reason of the uncouth and even ferocious aspect of the strangers. Says Semple: Almost the whole party was dressed in leather hunting- shirts, many of them very greasy ; taking the whole party together, they were about as rough a looking set of men as one could well imagine. It is not to be wondered at that any one would feel some dread in falling into their hands. And Vallejo himself declares that there was by no means such a uniformity of dress as a greasy hunting- shirt for each man would imply. Vallejo's wife was even more alarmed than ber hushand, whom she begged to escape by a back door, but who, deeming such a course undignified as well as impracticable, hastily dressed, ordered the front door opened, and met the intruders as they entered his sala, demanding who was their chief and what their business. Not much progress in explana- tion was made at first, though it soon became apparent that the Colonel, while he was to consider himself a prisoner, was not in danger of any personal violence. Lieutenant-Colonel Prudon and Captain Salvador Vallejo entered the room a few minutes later, attracted by the noise, or possibly were arrested at their houses and brought there; at any rate, they were put under arrest like the Colonel. Jacob P. Leese was sent for to serve as interpreter, after which mutual explanations pro- gressed more favorably.
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