USA > California > San Francisco County > San Francisco > San Francisco, a history of the Pacific coast metropolis, Volume I > Part 11
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The Early Settlero
Settlers Easily As- similated
Mexican Laws Pro- hibited Imml- gration
American Immigrants
Liberal Land Grante
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tion of obstacles which were not lessened when the fear of an American influx took possession of the authorities.
The laws dealing with colonization were passed in 1824 and in 1828. That first enacted provided for the disposition of the public lands. Preference was given to Mexicans, but foreigners who proposed to establish themselves in the country were to enjoy certain immunities and were to share in the privilege of taking up lands. These grants were not to exceed one square league of irrigable land, four square leagues which depended upon the seasons and six square leagues suitable for grazing. Colonists were, however, prevented from transferring their prop- erty in mortmain, nor were they permitted to retain the granted lands in the event of their leaving California.
Antipathy to Foreigners
While the law extended these privileges to foreigners, Californian sentiment was not favorable to the law, and the dislike to see it executed was made mani- fest in many ways. Manuel Victoria in a report charged that Abel Stearn's only object in becoming a citizen was to acquire land. He also accused John B. R. Cooper with being animated by the same purpose, and he pretty broadly inti- mated that the padres whose hostility to the new government was pronounced were aiding them in their attempts to secure large tracts. There is little doubt concerning the correctness of Victoria's accusations. The event justified the charge as they both succeeded in getting immense grants.
Foreigners Self-Re- liant
In 1829 Alphonso Robinson, who came to the coast after hides and tallow, heard rumors of the intention of the Californians to seize the property of foreigners. The country was filled with convicts and an uprising was actually planned by them but they never attempted to carry it out. Robinson furnishes an explanation of their inaction in his statement that the foreigners were perfectly able to take care of themselves. The ostentatious placing of a bell on the top of his store room in Monterey probably served to warn the desperate characters of the reception they might receive if it was tapped to bring Americans together to defend themselves.
Intrignes Against Foreigners
Although the better sort of Californians had no connection with these contem- plated uprisings they were by no means pleased at the prospect of being driven out by the foreigners, and a faction at the head of which was Pico charged that their rivals were being assisted by them. The accusation was made by them that Zamorano, with whom they were at loggerheads, had no other support than that af- forded by a company made up of deserters from ships, some of whom had been prosecuted for bad conduct.
Tense Sit- nation in 1833
In 1833 the situation was quite tense. Jose Figueroa, the governor, was par- ticularly concerned about the presence of Americans and Russians, and his uneasi- ness was shared by Father Guitierez of San Francisco who said the foreigners "made his soul sick." He declared that the Russians on the one side and the Americans on the other were possessing themselves of the fertile lands of the frontier "which he said should be reserved for Californians." He specifically charged that a party of some forty Americans, English and French was corrupting the Indians and teaching them how to steal, and urged that they should be expelled on that account. He also objected to their presence on the ground that some of them were heretics.
Russians Excite Ap- prehension
Figueroa took up these charges and directed M. G. Vallejo to give particular attention to the actions of the Russians. Vallejo apparently did not sympathize with Guitierez for he retorted in a report that the missionaries were the cause of the hostility of the Indians on the northern side of the bay, and that there was
Mexican Colonization Laws 1824-28
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little to fear from the Russians, as Fort Ross was a post of traders rather than of soldiers. The difference between Figueroa and the Californians in Sonoma, and around the bay generally, became so acute and he became so unpopular that he was finally expelled. That the American contingent took an active part in the movement that led to this result is evident; and that Figueroa greatly resented their interference in California affairs may be inferred from his bitter tirade against Stearns on an occasion when he denounced him as a despicable foreigner, unfit to associate with honorable gentlemen.
That the Americans who entered the country were sometimes of the sort cal- culated to disturb the equanimity of a people less jealous of foreigners than the Spaniard the records show. Isaac Graham certainly came in this category. He was a trapper who had gathered about him a number of men engaged in the same pursuit. In addition to hunting for furs he carricd on the business of illicitly dis- tilling aguardiente which he sold in defiance of the authorities who were unable to prevent the trade although it was by no means clandestine. Graham, perhaps for the purpose of self protection, organized those about him into a military company whose services were commanded by the highest bidder.
In one of the quarrels between the factions Graham and his followers were en- gaged to take part against Alvarado and the latter, acting on information which caused him to believe that a revolution was contemplated, ordered Jose Castro to arrest them. Castro succeeded in surprising and capturing the entire gang who were loaded on a vessel and shipped to Mexico to be tried. The impending troubles with the United States saved them from the fate which they doubtless deserved, even though the charge of revolutionary intent may have been groundless. There were other offenses committed by them which would only have been tolerated by a government conscious of its weakness.
In addition to the trappers who found the region about the Bay of San Fran- cisco more favorable to their pursuit than the country further south, that section was receiving some accessions to its population through a trade with New Mexico which sprung up in 1833. As already related the inefficiency of the Californians rendered them absolutely dependent upon the outside world for nearly everything but the barest necessaries of life. Particularly were they in need of clothing, and this want was in large part supplied by New Mexicans who brought blankets and serapes to California and exchanged them for mules. Every expedition of the enter- prising New Mexicans resulted in leaving some of its members behind, and the route over which they traveled pointed out the way to American Southerners who even at that time had set covetous eyes on the promised land.
But the true advance guard of the American invasion was composed of Mis- sourians who left Independence in May, 1841, entering the country through Walk- er's pass. There were about sixty in this party which contained several members whose names were prominently identified later with California affairs. Among them were John Bidwell, Joseph B. Chiles, Josiah Belden, Charles M. Weber, Charles Happer, Henry Huber, Talbot H. Green, Robert Rykman, Charles W. Flügge, Benjamin Kelsey, Andrew Kelsey, Grove C. Cook and Elias Barnett.
There was no question about the purpose of these men. They were in search of land on which to make homes, and probably had the conditions been different they would have become good Mexican citizens. But the jealousy so frequently alluded to, and which was kept alive by knowledge of the fact that there were societies in
Americane Feared
Graham's Party Sent to Mexico
Trappers Around the Bay of San Francisco
Advance Guard of American Invasion
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the East, especially organized to promote emigration to the Columbia river region, and to California, naturally made it impossible for the authorities to view the advent of the strangers with pleasure, or to welcome them; and it is not surpris- ing that a disposition was shown to put up exclusion bars.
Feebleness of Mexican Government
But the feebleness of the Mexican government prevented a resort to an ex- treme course. In the affair with Graham, Governor Alvarado had acted with reso- lution and promptitude, but he received no support from the authorities in Mexico. A few days after Castro had sailed for Mexico with his prisoners, Captain For- rest of the corvette "St. Louis" arrived in Monterey and immediately took a hand in the affair. He addressed a letter to Alvarado in which he denounced the capture of Graham and his gang as an outrage, and demanded the arrest of those who had committed the indignity of seizing American citizens engaged in extensive commer- cial business. Alvarado replied justifying his action and said there was no dis- position on the part of the government to interfere with foreigners engaged in honest industry. The Mexican governor's attitude was dignified throughout, and he was able to show that Graham and his company were not strictly honest, but Mexico in 1842 deemed it prudent to release and indemnify the arrested men.
It is hardly to be wondered at that after such experiences the Americans were emboldened to act pretty much as they pleased. But even before the arrest and deportation of Graham and his release and indemnification, they assumed an aggressive attitude and virtually denied the right of the Mexicans to exclude them or place obstacles in their way of occupying the land. In 1839 quite a number of Americans came into the country and in the succeeding year were followed by par- ties from Oregon. These Vallejo sought to prevent landing, but they went to the American consul and demanded passports, declaring that they would only wait fifteen days to get them, and that if they were not received in that time they would resort to arms to establish their rights. Their determined attitude had its effect and no further attempt was made to disturb them.
Graham Released and In- demnified
CHAPTER XI
COVETOUS EYES CAST ON THE BAY OF SAN FRANCISCO
SEVERAL NATIONS ENVIOUS OF SPAIN-THE SPANISH FAILURE TO MAKE USE OF THE PORT OF SAN FRANCISCO-THE PADRES AND THE MILITARY-THE FATHERS OP- POSED TO REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT-POLITICAL SQUABBLES IN CALIFORNIA-OF- FICIAL LIFE UNDER SPANISH AND MEXICAN RULE-MEXICO UNCONCERNED ABOUT THE FATE OF CALIFORNIA-CONCILIATORY AMERICANS-FRENCH AND BRITISH INTRIGUES-STIMULATING DISLIKE OF AMERICANS-FREMONT APPEARS ON THE SCENE-THE "PATHFINDERS" ACTIONS EXCITE SUSPICION.
CITY
LE
HERE would be no excuse for presenting so much of what may with propriety be regarded as California and not San .OF T O T Francisco history, if it were not for the fact that the real object of American desire was the bay, the value of which was perfectly comprehended by the people of all civilized + SEA! C countries, and which the leading nations of the world were anxious to wrest from Spain. While most of the scenes of the drama were enacted at a distance from its shores the actors knew what the prize was, and in the struggle which was carried on over a large area they never lost sight of the fact that San Francisco was the key of the situation.
The almost absolute indifference of the natives to the advantages of the mag- nificent harbor, and the fact that they preferred to plant their capital at Monterey, and that what little energy they displayed in developing the country was mostly exerted at missions at a distance from San Francisco, may seem to contradict this assumption, but the records clearly established that the Spanish, the Mexicans and the people of California generally, appreciated the value of their jewel even while they neglected to put it to use.
They were like the finder of a diamond in the rough, cut off from that part of the world where gems are valued, and without any prospect of a market for his treasure, which could only have value attached to it by cutting and exposing its beauties and making them an object of desire. They, however, realized the possibilities, and while totally lacking in the capacity to develop them, they were quite ready to defend their prize and do everything in their power to prevent it falling into the hands of those who might make use of it for their own profit.
But the incapacity which operated to prevent their developing the commercial possibilities of the Bay of San Francisco, and the imperial region surrounding it, asserted itself in every direction, and rendered them as incapable of defense as they were industrially. Just how much of this benumbment was due to the mission system it would be difficult to tell. The attentive reader of history may not be ready to acquiesce in the assumption that the inculcation of the doctrine of
San Fran- cisco Bay Coveted
A Neglected Jewel
Results of Incapacity
71
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"turning the other cheek" is always productive of humility and pusillanimity. There were monks in Spain too, but it will be recalled that there were plenty of adventure- some and brave men sent forth by that country, who gave good accounts of them- selves on the field of battle, on the ocean and wherever danger might be encountered.
Religious teachings may have been the primary cause of the general decline of prosperity in the middle ages, and the consequent arrestment of population; but it would be idle in the face of the evidence concerning the combativeness of the period to assume that it greatly diminished the warlike spirit of the people. The story of feudalism is a long recital of feats of arms, and struggles for supremacy, in which personal valor, never surpassed under other systems, was constantly ex- hibited.
The examples of the priests and the lives of the monks were powerless to ex- tinguish the contentious spirit, but they were potent enough to bank the fires of economic energy during centuries in the old world, and they accomplished a like re- sult on a smaller scale in that portion of the new world whose fortunes we are describ- ing. Thus it happened that in California between 1769 and 1846 a condition was cre- ated which had all the characteristics of mediaevalism in an accentuated form, owing to the racial admixture which under any circumstances, no matter how favorable, must have produced bad results.
There was much wrangling throughout the whole period, and contests for su- premacy which failed to reach the dignity of real conflicts, and never resulted in the spilling of any considerable quantity of blood. The wretched administration of affairs contributed to this condition. Petty restrictions and regulations were numer- ous and exasperating but there was an entire absence of the firm hand. From the beginning the Spanish government practiced a policy of practical non-interference in temporal affairs; no effort was made to keep up the civil establishments in a fashion calculated to insure respect for the laws, the enforcement of which for a time was assumed by the missionaries. A commandante general was appointed by the crown to command the garrisons of the presidios, but he confined himself almost wholly to the business of protecting the missions from the depredations of Indians and left the priests to pass laws affecting property and even life and death.
Up to the time of the overthrow of Spanish rule in Mexico there was compara- tively little friction between the peons and the secular authorities. The differences that arose usually had their origin in the attempts to protect their charges from aggression. The strict regulations designed for the purpose of keeping the soldiers apart from the Indians occasionally precipitated trouble, and some instances are recorded of demands for the punishment of sentries failing to respect the rights of the cloth, but nothing of a serious character grew out of these trifling collisions, and on the whole the relations of the padres and the military functionary were pleasant.
Spanish Rule Over- thrown in Mexico
The Spanish power in Mexico was overthrown in 1822 and two years later a Republican constitution was framed. Under this new government Upper Califor- nia became a Mexican territory under the title of "New California" and was ac- corded a delegate in the congress of Mexico which met in the city of that name. No attempt was at first made to curtail the powers or privileges of the missionaries. The commandantes had a privy council, selected by the people and called a deputation imposed upon them, but its functions were very limited and no particular desire to exercise them was displayed.
Warlike Spirit Un- subdued by Religion
Native Californiau Political Wrangles
Secular Authorities and the Indians
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But with the growth of the spirit of republicanism new ambitions were created which resulted in formidable breaches, and finally in the overthrow of the mission system. The influence of the missionaries was exerted against the new govern- ment, and it was some time before they accepted the constitution. In 1818, when Monterey was attacked by insurgents from Buenos Ayres, Arguello had hastened by forced marches to the assistance of Governor Sola. He favored the continuance of the Spanish government, and was not disposed to contribute to the success of the revolt.
His attitude was not generally approved; there were some who strongly favored the revolutionary movement, but that fact did not stimulate the Californians to activity, and they contributed little to the cause of independence. Perhaps the remoteness of the country from the capital contributed to that result; but the belief was prevalent that it was the hostility of the missionaries which prevented action which might have helped the cause; and when the new government was firmly established it took pains to frame a test oath which was as effective in its way in bringing about an emigration of the padres as the decree framed in 1827 which forbade any person of Spanish birth holding office in Mexico.
By this time the Californians had become so completely reconciled to the new government that a proposal made to change the name of the territory to Montezuma met with ready acceptance. The territorial assembly which dealt with the matter had at the same time under consideration a suggestion made by Echeandia, the Mexican governor, to fasten on Los Angeles a designation which would have greatly embarrassed the present population if it had been adopted, but the reso- lutions were never heard of after being sent to the capitol for action.
It would be profitless to enumerate all the squabbles that ensued after the ac- ceptance of the Mexican constitution. They must have been regarded as family rows by the people at the capital, as no steps were taken to interfere; or perhaps they had too many troubles of their own in Mexico to think of worrying about those of remote California. They did not even take a hand when movements were started which had for their object the expulsion of governors appointed by the central authority. There was such an uprising in 1832, and in 1835 there was one fo- mented by the padres which was suppressed by Figueroa.
A prolific source of trouble was the location of the capital which had been at Monterey from the earliest days of Spanish occupation. A decree had been se- cured from the superior government in 1835 to transfer it to Los Angeles. The measure was attributed to the intrigues of Pico who persisted in his efforts to make the change down to the day of occupation. His zeal in the premises was so ardent that in the assembly which convened in August, 1844, to deliberate upon the im- pending trouble with the United States he sought to subordinate the main question, that of removal, and succeeded in having that body compromise on Santa Inez, until word could be received from the city of Mexico.
The prizes of office in California during the period were not great, but such as they were they were eagerly sought after. In 1843 the aggregate amount of sal- aries paid to officials was a little over $171,000 and this expenditure was cut down to $132,000. A little incident which occurred during the incumbency of the gover- norship by Alvarado throws a side light on the administration of financial affairs. A treasurer who had been provided with $1,785 to be expended for a certain purpose only used $215 of the amount. Alvarado was so surprised that such honesty should
Padres Hos- tile to Republic
Californians Accept New Government
Numerous Political Squabbles
Quarrels Over Loca- tion of Capital
Meager Official Salaries
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exist he offered to put the honest treasurer in charge of the custom house, but he declined the position on the ground that he did not desire public employment of any sort because of its precariousness.
Work of Conquest Made Easy
This rapid survey of differences will enable the reader to form a judgment whether the Californians were by training, experience or natural ability, capable of successfully resisting the aggressions of a vigorous neighbor; but when to the in- formation is added the fact that there was the strongest kind of feeling against the centralization of power in Mexico, which constantly manifested itself, and on one occasion resulted in an effort to separate from Mexico and erect California into an independent state, we cease to wonder that the work of American conquest was so easily accomplished.
Mexican Indifference
No help whatever was extended by the superior government to the authorities in California and it might be supposed if it were not for occasional orders sent out from Mexico that there was complete indifference to the fate of the territory. There were sporadic exhibitions of wrath which had the effect of arousing such Californians as were completely reconciled to the republican idea, but the people generally were so apathetic that Americans who made it their business to inquire into the situation were led to believe that when the crucial moment arrived there would be no difficulty whatever in persuading Californians that they would be so greatly benefited by a change that they would welcome the stars and stripes.
Undiplomatic Americans
This expectation was not realized, but it might have been had matters been managed more diplomatically, and with greater consideration for the feelings of the Californians whose sensibilities were totally disregarded by Fremont and a portion of his adherents who were contemptuous of the prowess of the native, and were disposed to look upon any one who did not speak English as an inferior sort of person, a propensity exhibited most freely by those least entitled by education or any other qualification to pass judgment.
Efforts to Placate Frustrated
Had the desires of the more successful Americans who had managed to gain the good will of their neighbors prevailed, the attempt to pave the way to an entirely peaceful occupation would have succeeded. While there were sporadic displays of dislike against foreigners, and especially against Americans, there is not the slightest doubt that some of the latter were held in great esteem and possessed much in- fluence. The material success of this class, while it inspired jealousy in the breasts of some, convinced the more thoughtful of the better classes that their best in- terest would be promoted by encouraging their enterprise even if all the rewards from it did not come to them.
While the Americans who devoted themselves chiefly to the acquisition of land as a rule fell easily into the slouchy habits of the Californians, and were too often content to accept the conditions of life which the unenterprising natives had im- posed on themselves, the Yankees who engaged in mercantile pursuits betrayed no such shortcomings. They were not affected by the dolce far niente disposition of those with whom they came in contact, and almost wholly escaped the prevailing tendency to postpone until to-morrow. Their houses and other buildings were of better construction than those of the natives and in other ways they set an example which was not without some effect.
If this contingent had been allowed to assert its influence without interference, there must have been some such result as that witnessed in Texas, which might have been accomplished without any serious conflict, owing to the remoteness of Califor-
The Yankee Traders
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nia from Mexico and to the impoverished condition of the Mexican exchequer which would not have permitted the formation of an expedition of sufficient strength to go several hundred miles to force an unwilling people to keep up a nominal al- legiance to a state which had shown its incapacity to govern and its indifference to the needs of California.
It was at one time assumed that dislike of Americans was excessive, and there is considerable evidence that the British sought to profit by what they considered an insuperable obstacle to a peaceful adhesion of Californians to the American system. Great Britain and France were both apprehensive that the power of the United States would be too greatly augmented by territorial accessions that would give them an area of continental dimensions, stretching from ocean to ocean, and containing on the Pacific a harbor which was by universal consent conceded to be one of the finest in the world, and by reason of its situation was destined to be of com- manding importance.
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