USA > California > San Francisco County > San Francisco > San Francisco, a history of the Pacific coast metropolis, Volume I > Part 16
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Fremont's only reply to the Castros was to retire to a ridge of the Gabilans, where he posted his men in full view of the Californians at San Juan Bautista and hoisted the American flag. Nothing came of the "defy." The Californians did not attack, and Fremont in a little while retired from his position "growling," as he subsequently wrote in describing the affair. He evidently did not feel warranted in bringing on a collision unless he could put the onus of it upon the Californians, and as they failed to attack, he withdrew, marching leisurely towards the Sacra- mento, keeping along its banks in the direction of Oregon, no one attempting to follow or molest him.
Just what influenced his movements, after what can only be regarded as a feint, is a matter of surmise rather than accurate knowledge. It is supposed, however, that Lieutenant Gillespie, who arrived on the "Cyane," April 16, 1846, brought dispatches to Fremont from his father-in-law, Senator Benton, or the war depart- ment. These were delivered to him at Sutter's fort and after their receipt there was no further pretense of continuing the march to Oregon.
After receiving the dispatches Fremont evidently resumed his policy of provok- ing an attack while keeping appearances in his favor. But events were rapidly
Collision with the Natives
Fremont's Provocative Policy
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shaping which were to have the effect of spoiling his plans and to deprive him of the glory which he was seeking. The Bear Flag movement, which has been attrib- uted to Fremont, had begun. The Americans living in the Sacramento valley, alarmed by the prospect of being attacked if they did not take precautions for their safety, banded together for defense under the leadership of William B. Ide. To the latter, and not to Fremont, belongs the honor, if any attaches to the Bear Flag uprising or its accomplishments, for it is quite clear from the evidence that the plan of the Missourian did not contemplate a declaration of independence, or the pursuit of tactics such as had been resorted to by the Americans in Texas.
Fremont desired to enlist the assistance of American settlers to carry out a scheme which he thought would provoke an attack from Castro. This plan was undoubtedly not in harmony with the ideas of the authorities in Washington, who had been led to believe by the letters of Larkin, and from other information, that the people were quite ready to accept American rule, and that no serious opposition to taking possession of the country would be offered by the native Californians. Evidently the Americans headed by Ide and Fremont did not share this confidence. They were perhaps in a better position to judge than Larkin and those with whom he advised, for with them the wish was father to the thought, while the isolated American settlers, who, perhaps, had good reason to fear for themselves, knew that a bitter animosity existed against the gringo which could not be allayed by a bit of diplomacy.
In joining the names of Fremont and Ide it is necessary to point out that the association was not entirely voluntary so far as the former was concerned. Fremont had planned to compel the Californians to attack him, always keeping in mind his object of making it appear that the natives were the aggressors. To that end he caused a band of horses belonging to Castro to be seized by a party of his men under the command of Lieutenant King. The latter, before making the capture, had asked Ide and the other Americans with him what they would do in event of the seizure. Their answer was that there would be nothing left for them to do but to make a rush on Sonoma. The question put by King was merely in the nature of preparation and was not framed with the view of eliciting advice, for while the discussion was under way the horses were being stolen by the lieutenant's men, who shortly rode up to the party with the captured animals. They related that they had sent word to Castro that if he wanted them back to come and take them.
There was then no other course left for the Americans than to act promptly, and they did so. They agreed that if things went wrong, and the expected war did not break out, that they would be put in the position of horse thieves, and that it might go hard with them. Accordingly the rush on Sonoma, which made some slight pretense of being a stronghold, having nine brass cannon and a provision of muskets, followed and the place was captured. The victory was a bloodless one and was celebrated indifferently by captors and captives, but not by the adherents of Fremont, a few of whom were in the attacking force. There was an attempt made by a man named Grigsby, while the men under Ide were awaiting the dawn to make the advance on Vallejo's house, the most important on the Plaza, in which the defenders had assembled, to persuade the Americans to abandon their purpose. Grigsby was accused of being inspired by Fremont, who had shown his disapproval of the project. His arguments, however, were not sufficiently strong to allay the fear of Ide's men that unless a warlike act were committed they would be put in a dangerous position, from which they might find it difficult to extricate themselves.
Washington Authorities Misled
Fremont and Ide
Capture of Sonoma
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This fear shaped the policy of Ide, who as soon as Sonoma had surrendered began the preparation of a declaration of independence which set forth the griev- ances of the settlers. In it the charge was made that they had been invited to settle, but that they were denied the right to buy or rent lands; that they were oppressed by a military government and were threatened with extermination. The government was arraigned for its shortcomings and maladministration, and it was asserted that the property of the missions had been seized for the aggrandizement of individuals. From beginning to end the document contained evidence of a de- sire to include the native Californian in the protest; and that the latter, who were assembled in Sonoma, for the time being, regarded it as much an affair of their own as of the Americans is attested by the fact that all present joined in its ac- ceptance with enthusiasm, which may have been helped along by copious libations of the freely dispensed aguardiente.
Independent Republic Proposed
The declaration of independence was plainly the preliminary to the establish- ment of an independent republic. In part it was directly addressed to the native Californians, who were urged to join Ide in his undertaking, which he declared was as much intended for their benefit as to assert the rights of American settlers. But Ide was not in a position to push any plan he may have conceived or wished to carry out. Fremont disapproved of the movement and when Ide suggested that a hundred muskets be provided to arm men on the south side of the bay who were ready to rise he flatly refused.
Hoisting of the Bear Flag
The declaration of independence prepared by Ide was preceded by the hoist- ing of the Bear Flag, a rudely designed emblem, the execution of which scarcely matched the conception, as the animal depicted by the painter has been criticized as bearing a closer resemblance to a pig than the formidable grizzly it was meant to portray. As soon as Fremont heard of what had been done he hastened to Sonoma from Sutter's fort, where he was during the time of the attack. When he met Ide he began to upbraid him, but he soon realized the impolicy of such a course, and took steps which resulted in effecting something like a satisfactory arrangement. A convention of all the Americans was called to meet at Sonoma on July 5th, and when assembled Fremont explained that as a representative of the United States he could not interfere in California politics, but he urged that it was desirable for all to stand together. Ide and his associates still retained their fear and insisted that unless they put themselves in the position of revolutionaries they might be regarded and treated as bandits in the event of the failure of Fre- mont's enterprise.
Elimination of Ide by Fremont
It required manipulation to accomplish Fremont's object of eliminating Ide, but he succeeded in his efforts. A pledge drawn up by Ide, which required all signing it to stick together until the object of attaining a full degree of rational liberty was achieved, did not prove satisfactory to Fremont, who managed to have the commit- tee dealing with it increased to three, which formulated a document to his liking, but he could not prevent Ide putting forward a minority report in which he pre- sented his views. Two days after the adoption of the majority report the Bear Flag, with its single star and grizzly, with the words "California Republic" be- neath it, was hauled down and the American flag was hoisted in its place.
Whether Ide's plan if it had not been interfered with could have been carried out no one can tell. It is not impossible that owing to the distance from the cen- tral authority that a revolution might have proved successful, in which event the
Ide's Declaration of Inde- pendence
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same process which effected the acquisition of Texas would have been resorted to, for California, like the vast state north of the Rio Grande, was predestined to fall into American hands. The only question of interest connected with the different methods of procedure is that raised by the subsequent hostilities which undoubtedly were responsible for a great deal of bad feeling that might have been overcome by following a plan which would have seemed to give the Californians a voice in the disposition of the territory they had so long occupied.
That the authorities in Washington hoped that the acquisition of California could be effected without bloodshed is reasonably certain. When Commodore Sloat arrived on the second of July, apparently acting under instructions, he issued a proclamation saying that he had come as a friend of California, and up to the day of the transfer of his command to Commodore Stockton he persisted in his efforts to smooth over matters, Stockton on the other hand fell in with the views of Fre- mont, and issued a proclamation in which he took the absurd stand that he was present in California to protect the natives against such men as Castro. Sloat sub- sequently wrote to the secretary of the navy to inform him that Stockton did not truly present his (Sloat's) reasons for taking possession of the country. These he said were to be found in his proclamation of July 7, 1846, at the hoisting of the flag, in which he promised the inhabitants that they should enjoy the same rights and privileges they were then in possession of; that they should choose their own magistrates and other officers for the administration of justice among themselves, and that the same protection would be accorded to them as to the other parts of the Union. He also predicted the rapid advancement of agriculture and commerce and a career of prosperity.
These promises and predictions might have produced a different result had Fremont and Stockton cooperated to bring it about, but they adopted a course which prevented a graceful acceptance of conditions by the Californians, and pre- cipitated a war in which neither side covered itself with glory, but which was speedily terminated by the superior force and resources of the Americans. The story of the conflict is not part of the history of San Francisco. It was wholly confined to the South, to which the leaders of the native Californians with their followers had fled.
At its conclusion, and even before the signing of the treaty of peace, a disposi- tion to adapt themselves to the new conditions was shown by the Californians. They gave no signs of being enthusiastic over the promise of material improve- ment which the occupation held forth, their attitude was simply one of acquiescence in results. Whether they really believed that Commodore Sloat's predictions would be realized it would be hard to tell, but it is permissible to say that they showed no signs of desire to contribute to the result. What was accomplished was wholly due to American effort. After the raising of the flag at Monterey and over Ports- mouth square in San Francisco the native Californian ceased to be a factor in the history of the state or City.
No Bloodshed Anticipated
Unfulfilled Promises
Californians Adapt Them- selves to the Change
THE PIONEERING PERIOD 1846-1861
CHAPTER XVI
ACQUISITION OF CALIFORNIA BY THE UNITED STATES
THE CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA-YERBA BUENA- EARLY INHABITANTS OF THE VILLAGE -ARRIVAL OF MORMONS-THE DONNER PARTY-YERBA BUENA GROWING-OCCU- PATIONS OF THE FIRST SETTLERS-COMMERCE OF THE PORT IN 1847-TEMPTING THE WHALERS-TRADE WITH NEW MEXICO-THE MISSION DOLORES-MISSION ARCHI- TECTURE-YERBA BUENA CHANGED TO SAN FRANCISCO-FIRST REAL ESTATE TRANS- ACTIONS-THE ORIGINAL STREETS OF YERBA BUENA.
CITY
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EARLY eighty years had elapsed between the date of the establishment of the first mission in San Diego and the occupation of California by the Americans and at the end of that interval the white population of the territory was still so insignificant that a handful of strangers found no difficulty in wresting it from its possessors.
The Greeks vaunted the march of the 10,000 and the conquerors of England have had the story of their exploit told by a score of historians ; the piratical excursion of Pizarro and his overturning of the Inca civilization, and the performance of Cortez in Mexico have all been duly recounted by writers who found themselves unable to divest their narratives of something like admiration for the con- querors even while denouncing the motives of the invaders whose feats of arms they recorded. But no Xenophon or Prescott has yet arisen to tell the story of the invasion of California as it will be told when the impression produced upon the world by what the awakening conscience of the period could not help regarding as an un- scrupulous act of land grabbing has faded away.
Some day when kindly time has softened the asperities of criticism, and when results are regarded as of more importance than the mode of achieving them, some one will set the happenings in California in the years immediately preceding 1846 in such a form that only the brilliant fact will stand forth that a handful of men achieved the conquest of what in the fullness of time is destined to be the Empire state of the American Union.
When the time for writing the story arrives the author will tell that in 1803 Humboldt, in an essay, estimated that the entire population of California did not exceed nine thousand, and that this small number had only increased to ten or twelve thousand when the covetous American laid hands on the neglected territory and put it to the uses which Nature had designed it for; and if he is given to making startling comparisons he will relate how in less than four years after that act of depredation had been committed, the 12,000 had multiplied more than twenty-fold.
He will also describe the wonderful metamorphosis of the village of Yerba
Conquest of California
The Verdict of Time
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Buena, which in the midsummer of 1846 contained only two hundred people, indif- ferently accommodated in forty or fifty houses, but which eight years later had grown to be a city of 50,000 inhabitants, whose name was known to the whole world and was on the lips of all men. He will not, however, lightly pass over the few years in which this extraordinary growth was effected, for they were filled with events, some of them serious and tragic enough to have a place in history, and others not so grave but equally interesting because the actors in them were unlike any ever before gathered together in so short a time, unless perhaps the motley throng which rushed to Colchis in search of the "Golden Fleece" may have formed such an assemblage.
Yerba Buena In 1847
Descending to minute particulars we find that in the first year after the occu- pation there were 459 residents of Yerba Buena, the place that is now San Fran- cisco; and that of this number 375 were whites, the remainder being Sandwich islanders, Indians and negroes. Of the whites 268 were adults. The 107 children were made up of 51 under 5 years of age, 32 who were between 5 and 10 and 24 between 15 and 20. Of Indians there were only 34, and they like the 10 negroes, were chiefly in domestic service. The 40 Sandwich islanders were almost all sail- ors, Captain Richardson, and the few others engaged in transportation, finding them the only material available for that purpose, the native Californian having no liking for the water, and still less for the work attendant upon the navigation and the loading and unloading of the few craft on the bay.
The composition of the population of Yerba Buena in 1847 foreshadowed the cosmopolitanism which later became so marked a characteristic of San Francisco. As might have been expected the largest part of the addition during the first year of occupation was made up of whites born in the United States. There were 228 who called themselves Americans, 38 Californians, 2 from other Mexican depart- ments, 5 Canadians, 2 Chileans, 22 Englishmen, 3 Frenchmen, 27 Germans, 14 Irish, 14 Scotch, 6 Swiss, 4 born at sea and Peru, Poland, Russia, Sweden, the West Indies, Denmark, New Holland and New Zealand had one representative each.
There is scant information concerning the occupations of these first settlers of the future metropolis of the Pacific, but we know that among them were numbered a fair proportion of adventurers, who had come to spy out the land. A regiment formed in New York, which Colonel Jonathan Stevenson commanded, had the rep- utation of being made up of men especially selected with reference to their habits, the idea being that at the conclusion of the war they would settle in California, but how many of them remained in San Francisco after the disbandment of the com- mand is not accurately known. During 1846 and 1847 a large number of immigrants journeyed over the Rockies. These latter were chiefly from what would now be called the middle west and the most of them were farmers, and their purpose was to settle on the land. That was also the object of a colony of Mormons, formed in the Eastern states, which was among the first considerable bodies of men to enter the port of San Francisco.
These prospective agriculturists contributed something to the growth of the new town. They arrived from New York on a vessel called the "Brooklyn," on July 31, 1846. Before reaching California they had quarreled among themselves. They were headed by Samuel Brannan, who had joined them in 1842 and published a newspaper for the cult. He is credited with having conceived the idea of settling on the Bay of San Francisco, but the party which left on the "Brooklyn" in Feb-
Prospective Agricul- turists
A Cosmopoli- tan Popu- lation
Occupations of the Villagers
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ruary of 1846 gave out that their destination was to be Oregon. Their undoubted purpose, however, was to establish a tabernacle on the shores of the bay, and to accomplish that end they expected to secure a concession from the Mexican govern- ment.
The changed condition of affairs frustrated their plans. The occupation of California cut off all hopes of negotiating with Mexico but it did not deter the colonists from attempting to effect a settlement. They had been driven from the East by public sentiment, but they probably hoped that in the new and sparsely settled country there would be less antagonism, and this emboldened them to make the attempt to remain on the shores of the bay, and accordingly they made a camp in the sand hills near Yerba Buena. The Mormon colonists numbered 238, and they were provided with many of the essentials of a modern town. Among these was a printing plant, which produced the "California Star," a weekly paper, the first number of which was issued January 9, 1847.
Their neighbors at Yerba Buena apparently made no objections to their pres- ence, and it is among the possibilities that these Mormons, had not the gold rush which took place in 1848 completely submerged them, might have succeeded in creating a mart of commerce as successfully as members of their peculiar sect sub- sequently created a prosperous agricultural community in the region about the Great Salt Lake of Utah. The discovery of the precious metals brought them good fortune, but it also resulted in serious dissensions, which finally disrupted the col- ony. Brannan, who was the high priest of the church, had assumed the right to collect tithes, but the prospects of securing wealth independently had weakened the ties which bound the brethren together, and his privilege was challenged. One of their number, William S. Clarke, refused to pay, and when the others saw that Brannan lacked the power to enforce they imitated his example. Brannan, who had already collected sufficient to lay the ground work of a fortune when his tithes were cut off, refused to recognize the claims of the church and the association dissolved.
There is little to record of commercial or social activity in Yerba Buena until the discovery of gold at Sutter's mill in 1848. Emigrants were leaving the East in considerable numbers during 1847 and their movements occupied the minds of the settlers on the bay, who evidently looked upon them as the agency which would result in promoting the realization of their expectation, that their little village would develop into a seaport of consequence. Occasionally they were called upon to render assistance to emigrants who had miscalculated the demands that would be made upon them in their hazardous journey from civilization to the promised land of California.
The "California Star" of April 10, 1847, relates the doings of a relief meet- ing, at which $1,500 were subscribed for fitting out an expedition to go to the relief of the Donner party in the Sierra. Of some eighty persons who composed the orig- inal company, thirty-six perished. Horrible stories of the condition to which the emigrants were reduced were told, and one of them named Kingsbury was charged with cannibalism. The accused man denied the charge, but evidence that he had taken the precaution to salt down parts of several bodies, induced the relief party to believe that he had committed a number of murders and it was with difficulty that they were dissuaded from hanging him. Kingsbury lived several years in Brighton, near Sacramento, with two idiotic children, and protested his innocence Vol. 1-8
Mormon Colonists
Gold Discovery Disrupts Mormon Plans
Social Activities
The Donner Party
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to the last. That his life was spared was wholly owing to the impression created by the horrible sufferings to which the party was reduced by starvation.
Signs of Improvement
Despite the lack of recorded information of the social and other happenings of the little community in 1847, we can form some sort of an idea of what occurred. In the absence of any mention of serious trouble we may assume that the residents of Yerba Buena occupied themselves pretty much as a similar number of people gathered in any small village would. But, even in this early stage of the career of the place, they took account of the callings and the accomplishments of the in- habitants and from the recital we may gather that the new society differed in a marked fashion from any that had previously existed in California.
Mechanic Arts and Professions
In the days of Spanish and Mexican rule there was absolutely no disposition on the part of the better element to engage in professional work, the mechanical arts were almost wholly neglected, commerce was at an exceedingly low ebb and there was a close approach to general illiterateness. One year after American occu- pation Yerba Buena in its population of nearly five hundred boasted 273 who could read and write, and 13 who could read but not write. It acknowledged to 89 who could do neither, but they were children under ten years of age. We have no account of what they read and wrote, excepting that they had an opportunity to peruse the weekly "California Star," but we may be assured that the new settlers had brought with them more books than California had gathered in all the years before the gringo began to rule.
Occupations of First Residents
The list of occupations of the inhabitants of the settlement is in striking con- trast to that which could have been made up for any other town in California at that date. It embraced 1 minister, 3 doctors, 3 lawyers, 2 surveyors, 1 school teacher, 11 agriculturists, 2 gunsmiths, 4 masons, 7 bakers, 6 blacksmiths, 1 brewer, 6 brickmakers, 7 butchers, 2 cabinet makers, 3 hotel keepers, 11 merchants, 26 carpenters, 1 cigar maker, 13 clerks, 3 coopers, 1 gardener, 5 grocers, 20 laborers, 1 miner, 1 morocco case maker, 6 inland navigators, 1 ocean navigator, 1 painter, 6 printers, 1 saddler, 4 shoemakers, 1 silversmith, 4 tailors, 2 tanners, I watch- maker and 1 weaver.
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