USA > California > San Francisco County > San Francisco > San Francisco, a history of the Pacific coast metropolis, Volume I > Part 17
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Men Dolug for Them- selves
This represented a diversification of callings that must have seemed astonish- ing to the most enterprising of native Californians, whose desires were never strong enough to advance them beyond the stage of attempting to gratify any but primary needs. We may be sure that the work of some of these new comers must have proved as surprising a revelation to the earlier occupants of the soil as Hinckley's effort at bridging a slough had been a few years earlier. That men should do for themselves seemed queer to those who had been accustomed to letting nature do for them; and, perhaps, like the Indians, they regarded with contempt a people so silly as to exert themselves merely for the purpose of producing things which they had found themselves able to dispense with.
Gambling in Yerba Buena
There was one feature of early California life which was promptly grafted onto the transplanted industrial stock of Yerba Buena, and that was the love of social diversion. It has already been related how Jacob Leese launched his new house, the first in the place, with a banquet, at which all the people of consequence who could get to it were assembled. Necessarily a feast at that time was followed by a dance and this custom appears to have been liberally imitated by Leese's neighbors, who neglected no opportunity that would afford an excuse for a ball.
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It is said that the Americans exhibited as marked an inclination for dancing as the natives, even if they did not so readily acquire as much proficiency in the art.
With this harmless amusement there had long been associated the gambling vice. No fiesta was ever celebrated by the native Californians at which the pro- fessional gamester was not in evidence. The Americans seem to have taken kindly to the peculiar games of the Spanish speaking people, and they introduced a few of their own. The practice of gaming must have grown rapidly and assumed a form distasteful to the new community, for at the opening of the year 1848 the authorities ordered that "all moneys found on a gambling table where cards are played" should be seized. The spasm of virtue was a short one, however, as the order was repealed at the next meeting of the council. The recital of this little in- cident suggests the necessity of accepting with caution the assumption of those writers who later attempted to account for the deliquencies of early San Francisco by attributing them to the riff-raff who came in with the "gold rush."
In the list of occupations above quoted there was no mention of servants, but the 500 inhabitants of Yerba Buena had that problem to deal with as well as those who came after them. There does not seem to have been any scarcity of domestic help, but it was of a nondescript sort, made up chiefly of Indians, Sandwich is- landers and negroes who formed about one-fifth of the population. Respecting the qualifications of these servants, who were chiefly males, we have little information, perhaps because the love of the cuisine and other creature comforts which devel- oped so speedily after the placers began yielding their nuggets and dust had not yet begun to manifest itself.
The surprisingly small number set down in the list of occupations as navigators indicates that the new port had not as yet begun to realize the expectations of those who had predicted a great future for the harbor of San Francisco. The six inland navigators mentioned probably comprised the crews of the two schooners operated by Captain Richardson, and the ocean navigator was doubtless the captain himself, who sought to distinguish between a mere sailor on the bay and one who had earned his rank serving on deep sea ships. The statistics of the commerce of the port for the year 1847 bear out the assumption that the maritime activity of the port in that year was not calculated to greatly alarm its rival at Monterey.
The value of the exports of Yerba Buena in 1847 was $19,597.53 and of the imports $53,589.73. Care was taken by the statistician to note that $30,353.35 of the amount exported represented California products, of which $21,448 went to the Sandwich islands and Peru; $560 to Mazatlan; $7,285 to Sitka and $700 to Tahiti. The imports were chiefly from the United States, Chile, Oregon and the Sandwich islands, aggregating $31,740. Sitka, Bremen and Mexico also figured in the table of imports, which did not distinguish very clearly between foreign and coastwise trade.
The chief part of the California produce exported to the Sandwich islands was destined for the use of whalers, who by this time had fallen into the habit of win- tering in the ports of the group. The policy of the Spanish and their successors, the Mexicans, had effectually succeeded in depriving the inhabitants of California of this valuable trade, the importance of which may be inferred from the fact that in 1855 there were as many as 500 vessels engaged in the whale taking industry of the North Pacific, and that they were all compelled to resort to ports in temperate regions during the winter months. As early as 1826 Captain Beechey reported
Attempts to Cheek Gambling
Servant Problem
Few Seafar- ing Men
Commerce of Yerba Buena in 1847
Whalers Not En- couraged
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that he found seven whalers anchored at Sausalito, where they were enabled tu obtain fresh water, supplies of fire wood being cut on near-by Angel island.
The whalers found the Bay of San Francisco greatly to their liking, and, as already related, it was their glowing accounts of the surrounding country (con- cerning whose soil they seemed to have formed a better judgment than the Amer- icans who rushed to California to search for gold) that directed the attention of the people of the East toward the desirability of acquisition. Perhaps these suggestive reports were in part responsible for the policy of trade restriction which drove the whalers to the islands to secure the supplies which were begrudged them by the short-sighted rulers of California.
The Americans after their establishment in Yerba Buena immediately began considering a complete reversal of the Mexican policy. There were discussions of the value of the trade and a disposition to offer inducements was shown which had they been extended, must ultimately have had the effect of greatly increasing the business of the port. The value of the fisheries, and the trade incident to the pur- suit of the whaling industry were well understood, and it is not improbable, had not attention been diverted to other sources of wealth, that the development of the salmon and cod fisheries, which began several years later would have been antici- pated.
The Russian American Company had abandoned Fort Ross before the close of Mexican rule, but it was not until 1846 that the Hudson Bay Company, which had preserved amicable relations with the Californians and had been accorded hunting privileges, disposed of its property in Yerba Buena and retired from the scene. This left the region about the Bay of San Francisco to American trappers and hunters, who made good use of their opportunities and contributed to the growing importance of the port; but the principal business of the latter remained the same as during the regime of the Mexicans, the chief surplus products available for ex- port being hides and tallow. These were gathered from the ranches about the bay, and with such assiduity that with the assistance of the padres, who had been compelled to abandon stock raising and had disposed of their herds, the country, which had formerly been overrun with cattle, promised to go to the other extreme of disregard of what was once its main dependence for subsistence.
Trade With New Mexico
Some fifteen or sixteen years before the American occupation a trade of some importance had sprung up between New Mexico and California but it was mainly confined to the southern part of the territory. The New Mexicans produced a blanket, which met the approval of the Californians, and a well woven serape. These articles were brought to Los Angeles by caravans, which traveled by the route that afterward became the chosen one of emigrants moving from the south- western states into California, and were exchanged for mules. A more energetic people than those living in Los Angeles at that time would have built up a distrib- uting trade, but it does not appear that efforts were made by the merchants in that part of California to supply the rest of the territory with New Mexican blankets and serapes, and the commercial intercourse between New Mexico and California, which was considerable in 1839-40, had ceased entirely before the outbreak of hostilities.
Newcomers Enterprising
One of the earliest exhibitions of enterprise of the newcomers in Yerba Buena was an attempt to supply the blanket and serape requirements of the Californians by a substitute which would be as acceptable as the New Mexican product had for- merly been to the natives. The merchants were not under the illusion that a change
Whalers Praise California
Americans Offer Indnce- ments
Hudson Bay Com- pany
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that he found seven whalers anchored at Sausalito, where they were enabled tu obtain fresh water, supplies of fire wood being cut on near-by Angel island.
The whalers found the Bay of San Francisco greatly to their liking, and, as already related, it was their glowing accounts of the surrounding country (con- cerning whose soil they seemed to have formed a better judgment than the Amer- icans who rushed to California to search for gold) that directed the attention of the people of the East toward the desirability of acquisition. Perhaps these suggestive reports were in part responsible for the policy of trade restriction which drove the whalers to the islands to secure the supplies which were begrudged them by the short-sighted rulers of California.
The Americans after their establishment in Yerba Buena immediately began considering a complete reversal of the Mexican policy. There were discussions of the value of the trade and a disposition to offer inducements was shown which had they been extended, must ultimately have had the effect of greatly increasing the business of the port. The value of the fisheries, and the trade incident to the pur- suit of the whaling industry were well understood, and it is not improbable, had not attention been diverted to other sources of wealth, that the development of the salmon and cod fisheries, which began several years later would have been antici- pated.
The Russian American Company had abandoned Fort Ross before the close of Mexican rule, but it was not until 1846 that the Hudson Bay Company, which had preserved amicable relations with the Californians and had been accorded hunting privileges, disposed of its property in Yerba Buena and retired from the scene. This left the region about the Bay of San Francisco to American trappers and hunters, who made good use of their opportunities and contributed to the growing importance of the port; but the principal business of the latter remained the same as during the regime of the Mexicans, the chief surplus products available for ex- port being hides and tallow. These were gathered from the ranches about the bay, and with such assiduity that with the assistance of the padres, who had been compelled to abandon stock raising and had disposed of their herds, the country, which had formerly been overrun with cattle, promised to go to the other extreme of disregard of what was once its main dependence for subsistence.
Trade With New Mexico
Some fifteen or sixteen years before the American occupation a trade of some importance had sprung up between New Mexico and California but it was mainly confined to the southern part of the territory. The New Mexicans produced a blanket, which met the approval of the Californians, and a well woven serape. These articles were brought to Los Angeles by caravans, which traveled by the route that afterward became the chosen one of emigrants moving from the south- western states into California, and were exchanged for mules. A more energetic people than those living in Los Angeles at that time would have built up a distrib- uting trade, but it does not appear that efforts were made by the merchants in that part of California to supply the rest of the territory with New Mexican blankets and serapes, and the commercial intercourse between New Mexico and California, which was considerable in 1839-40, had ceased entirely before the outbreak of hostilities.
Newcomers Enterprising
One of the earliest exhibitions of enterprise of the newcomers in Yerba Buena was an attempt to supply the blanket and serape requirements of the Californians by a substitute which would be as acceptable as the New Mexican product had for- merly been to the natives. The merchants were not under the illusion that a change
Whalers Praise California
Americans Offer Indnce- ments
Hudson Bay Com- pany
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of flag would effect a revolution in Californian habits and dress. Perhaps they re- garded the latter as more picturesque than that of the Americans. At any rate, it is a well attested fact that the serape retained its hold on the Californian affection for many years after the occupation. It distinguished the native from the Amer- ican down to very recent times, and may still be seen in some of the southern coun- ties of the state from which the language of the Spaniard and his habits have not been wholly banished.
The final extinction of the missions was accomplished under the decree of May 28, 1845, and a supplementary one of September 10th, but two years before that date the Mission Dolores, the near neighbor of Yerba Buena, had fallen into a de- plorable state. In 1843 the Indians of that establishment numbered only eight, the remnant of the once large congregation. They were plunged in the depths of indigence, nakedness and hunger was their lot, and they were utterly destitute of property of any kind. This little band was composed of aged people, who had worked all their lives, but had nothing to show for their toil. They were prob- ably too feeble to do more than protest, and what their ultimate fate may have been is not recorded. On October 28, 1845, Pio Pico had issued an order direct- ing the sale of San Rafael, Dolores and other missions, and in the proclamation the doubtful privilege was accorded the Indians of doing for themselves.
In accordance with this proclamation Dolores was sold at auction and passed into private ownership. The newcomers in Yerba Buena had little opportunity, therefore, to judge of the missionary system from the evidence presented by dis- established Dolores. What they knew about it was gained from earlier observers who recorded their impressions. Even if Dolores had survived without impairment down to the date of occupation, it would hardly have furnished a fair sample of the more prosperous establishments in other parts of the territory, for it lacked many of the features which had made an impression on several visitors who have recorded what they saw in books or letters.
The mission buildings of California were generally of one type, but in some more attention was paid to architectural effect than in others. The description of San Luis Rey, so far as its practical features were concerned, would nearly fit that of all the establishments. The buildings of that mission enclosed an area of about 80 or 90 square yards, in the center of which was a fountain of pure water. The buildings around the courtyard were divided into separate apartments for the missionaries and the major domos, and with store rooms, work shops, hospi- tals and rooms for unmarried males and females.
Near at hand was the home of the superintendent and a guard house, usually occupied by ten or twelve soldiers. In the rear were granaries and store houses for maize, beans, peas and other products, and near them were corrals, in which carts and such other vehicles as the missions owned were kept. In the vicinity of these were two gardens, in which vegetables were grown, and some fruit trees. The ranches worked by the Indians were a few lengths distant.
San Luis Rey, however, was more attractive architecturally than many of the other missions. Its front was ornamented with a long corridor supported by 32 arches, and inclosed by latticed railings, which afforded protection from the inclem- ent weather to the padres in winter and from the hot sun in summer. The church at the end of the corridor gave the whole an aspect which made a distinctly favor- able impression on travelers. The church of San Luis Rey was built of stone, and
Deplorable State of Mission Dolores
Mission Dolores Sold at Auction
Mission Buildings
Arrange- ment of Mission Buildings
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its interior was decorated with numerous pictures, very highly colored, some of which, however, were not without merit.
The mission buildings at San Francisco or Dolores were much more modest. The church was built of adobe, as were the other structures used for residential purposes and storehouses. There was nothing striking about them, and they would never have served as an inspiration to succeeding architects. Already, in 1854, all the buildings but the church were little better than a confused heap of dried mud, a condition to which the adobe is speedily reduced when neglected. The old church, however, is still preserved and is the only remaining monument in San Francisco of the days of the missions. The castillo or fort at the presidio had fallen into decay before the occupation. A few guns of small caliber were still mounted, but neglect and rust had overtaken them, and they were of no value except to serve as hitching posts, a use to which they were put later.
Develop- ment of Mission Architecture
It has been suggested that mission construction had its inspiration from a com- bination of causes, among them a recognition of the fact that California was sub- ject to earthquakes, and to the fear of the incursions of Indians, but it is more than probable that the character of the material employed in building compelled the main feature, that of thick fortress-like walls. The adobe did not lend itself to a light or graceful style of construction, and there was nothing left to the build- ers but to depend upon mass and line for effect. Perhaps they did not give the subject half as much thought as the modern critic, who has found beauties where the original builders only aimed at securing results.
The Presidio
The mission and presidio were widely separated in San Francisco. The latter was at first constructed of palisades, but these were replaced by adobe walls in 1778. It is quite certain when the presidio buildings were erected there was no longer any fear of Indian uprisings, but the original style of single story, white- washed adobes, with roofs of red tiles, seen in other parts of the province, was adhered to by the builders and sixty years later the same style of construction was still pursued. Richardson built an adobe house on what is now Dupont street, west of Portsmouth square and a widow named Juana Briones caused another to be erected on the spot that is now the corner of Powell and Filbert streets.
Russian Establish- ment in Yerba Buena
The Russians had an establishment, the building of which was constructed of slabs covered with tarpaulin. This and the store of Leese, which presented some peculiarities, were the only structures that distinguished Yerba Buena from other Mexican villages in 1846, but in the early part of that year the annalist tells us there began to be an improvement. It is doubtful, however, whether the lumber substitutes for adobe, which the Americans provided for themselves, had any real advantage over the style they displaced. The flimsy wooden structures were cer- tainly not as warm as the adobes, although hygienically they marked a distinct step in advance as they were sometimes provided with floors, which could be cleansed.
Name of Yerba Buena Changed to San Fran- cisco
Perhaps the most important event of the two years preceding the gold discov- ery was the official act of Alcalde Washington A. Bartlett, who on the 30th of January, 1847, issued an ordinance which was published in the "California Star" of that date to the effect that as the use of the name Yerba Buena was liable to lead to confusion, owing to the fact that the town was designated on the public map as San Francisco, he ordered that thereafter it should be so called in all offi- cial documents.
Back of Bartlett's action, however, was an attempt, which proved successful,
Modest Buildings in San Francisco
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to head off an ambitious rival. On the 15th of September, 1846, Mariano G. Val- lejo, of Sonoma, and Robert Semple, of Monterey, formed a project of creating a town on the Straits of Carquinez, which they purposed naming the City of Fran- cisca, after one of the Christian names of Vallejo's wife. This document was pre- sented to Alcalde Bartlett for record on January 19, 1847, and he objected to the similarity of the designation and refused to accede to the request. Vallejo, Semple, and Thomas O. Larkin protested, but Bartlett remained firm and they accepted the situation, choosing another of Señora Vallejo's Christian names, that of Benicia. From that date the title Yerba Buena was dropped, and the town, including the mission, came to be known as San Francisco.
In all the years intervening between the promulgation of the ordinance by Gov- ernor Figueroa, which prohibited the granting of lands around Yerba Buena cove nearer than 200 varas from the beach, which was followed by the laying out of the "Street of the Foundation," there appears to have been no movement in real estate until the Americans took charge of affairs. As already stated, a survey was made in 1839, under the direction of Alcalde Haro, but it was not followed by any active demand for lots. A sudden change in this attitude of indifference took place in 1847, when the principal part of the town was laid out in fifty vara lots. Seven hundred and fifty of these were surveyed, and 450 that had been applied for were sold by the alcalde at a nominal price. The amount demanded for fifty varas was $12, to which were added the charges for deed and recording, making the cost to the purchaser $16.
The buyers of these lots were required to inclose them with fences and to build upon them within a year, under penalty of reversion in case of failure to comply with the regulation. In addition to the 750 fifty vara lots there were also sold lots 100 varas square, six of which formed a block bounded by streets on the four sides. The price established for these lots was $25 each, plus the cost of the deed and recording which, as in the case of the 50 vara lots, was $4.
The streets as originally laid out in Yerba Buena were only 60 feet wide, but in the new survey none was less than 70 feet in width, and one broad thorough- fare of 110 feet was provided. The expectation that San Francisco would develop into a maritime city of importance stimulated the desire for water front lots, and the far seeing and speculatively inclined caused measures to be taken as early as 1847 to extend the town over the shoal places of the cove.
Water front lots were sold in pursuance of an order made by the military gov- ernor, General Kearny, on the 10th of March, 1847, between Fort Montgomery and the Rincon, but the work of filling in did not begin until a year later. The eagerness with which this sort of property was sought in 1847 indicates that there was little doubt in the minds of the would-be purchasers that the port of San Francisco would have a rapid growth.
Earliest Real Estate Transactions
Restrictions on Buyers of Lots
The First Streets
Water Front Lots
CHAPTER XVII
THE BAY OF SAN FRANCISCO AND ITS GREAT IMPORTANCE
SURROUNDED BY A WILDERNESS-THE "GOLDEN GATE" NAMED BY FREMONT-THE NAME "CALIFORNIA"-THE ENTRANCE TO THE HARBOR-THE SHORES OF THE BAY OF SAN FRANCISCO-A NATURAL BASIN FILLED IN BY THE PIONEERS-CONTOUR OF THE BAY NOT GREATLY CHANGED-FIRST STEAM VESSEL ON THE BAY-RUSSIANS IN ALASKA-ALASKA A SOURCE OF SUPPLIES-COMMERCE OF THE PORT IN 1848- HUNDREDS OF SHIPS IN THE HARBOR-THE DAWN OF COMMERCIAL GREATNESS.
CI
HE port so eagerly sought by the Spaniards and so jealously guarded by them from intrusion; the body of water whose OF magnificent opportunities had excited the cupidity of rival nations, until the Americans took possession and perma- nently settled its ownership, was as nearly neglected up to SE OF SAN F that time as during the centuries preceding the year when Drake sailed past its mouth without discovering it, and anchored in a roadstead when he might have enjoyed the shelter of a land-locked harbor. It cannot be said, however, that there was lack of interest. That was kept alive by frequent descriptions given to the outside world by navigators, who could not refrain from extolling its advantages, and who appeared more keenly alive to the possibilities of the development of the region surrounding it than those who occupied the soil and should have some knowledge of its resources.
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