USA > California > San Francisco County > San Francisco > San Francisco, a history of the Pacific coast metropolis, Volume I > Part 55
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62 | Part 63 | Part 64
That the difficulties they were to encounter were not clearly foreseen may be inferred from a statement contained in the announcement of the Seventh Industrial Exhibition of the Mechanics institute issued in July, 1869. In it the board of directors of the institute expressed the opinion that "in view of the com- pletion of the Pacific railroad, the consequent influx of visitors (principally busi- ness men) from abroad, the extension and completion of various other lines within the state limits, the successful development of the China and Japan trade and commerce, and the great interest felt in the peculiarly fortunate geographical posi- tion of San Francisco by farseeing men from all parts of the world, the exhibition should be as comprehensive and general as possible, and that there should be greater number of exhibits, each exhibitor being satisfied with a smaller amount of space in order to advance the general good of the state at large."
The circular expressed the optimism of the period and exhibits a total lack of apprehension concerning the effect of possible changes. Changes were ex- pected, but they were all to contribute to the growth of the industries of the state and the prosperity of its inhabitants. It was thought that the greatly increased demand for space by manufacturers in the pavilion then located on Union square presaged the further expansion of all branches of manufacturing industry. The enterprising men who were to be brought by the new railroad were to come and establish themselves in the City and take advantage of its peculiarly fortunate
Woolen Mills in San Francisco
Condition of Mann- facturing Industries
High Hopes Entertained
The Explolter Not Feared
400
SAN FRANCISCO
geographical position. It did not occur to the directors, and for that matter, any other San Franciscans, that they might also have in view the possibility of further exploiting a field to which the new Overland railroad would give them easier access.
Metal Industries Prosperous
San Franciscans at that time had ample reason to be proud of their progress in manufacturing. They saw in operation in their midst iron works whose out-turn of products made them worthy of notice. The Union Iron and Brass Works founded in 1849 was still in existence and prosperous, as were the Pacific Iron Works, the Fulton Foundry, the Vulcan Iron Works, the Miners Foundry, and the Golden State Iron Works, establishments without rivals nearer than 3,000 miles, enjoying the patronage of the mines constantly being opened, and whose demand for ma- chinery was continuous and profitable. They regarded with great expectation the advent of a young marine engineer named George W. Dickie, because his coming was accompanied by the announcement that there was to be an expansion of the shipbuilding industry. Previously to 1870 there had been considerable shipping construction, but it consisted almost wholly of sailing vessels for coast and bay service and some steamboats for bay and river traffic, but the machinery for the latter was chiefly procured from the East. It was proposed to change this attitude of dependence and produce engines in San Francisco. There were several com- petent shipbuilders in the various yards of the port in 1870, among whom are mentioned in the local annals of the industry, Messrs. North, Gates, Collier, Tier- nan, White, Turner, Middlemas and Boole. There was also some work done in the way of building engines for tugs, and small bay and coasting steamers, and providing boilers for the same, and there was sufficient repair work to keep several moderate sized establishments busy. The construction of larger vessels did not begin until later, but the outlook on the whole was fairly satisfactory at the close of the Sixties and the retrospect might be described by the same term.
Miscel- laneous Man- nfactures
The reduction of ores had attained to some importance in the Sixties and there were several establishments where gold and silver were refined. The wire rope works of A. S. Halladie & Co. manufactured all the wire cable used on the coast, and turned out cables miles in length. There was a large demand for this product as wire cables were principally used for operating the hoisting machinery in the mines. A glass factory was in successful operation and employed over 50 hands, but the establishment which stood out most prominently was the big sugar refinery at Harrison and Eighth streets, the buildings of which were the largest in the state at the time and were an impressive feature of the landscape and seemed to emphasize the claim made that the City was a really important manufacturing center. These mills refined one thousand tons of raw sugar monthly. In addition to this company which was known as the San Francisco and Pacific Sugar Refinery there was a rival concern, the Bay Sugar Refinery, which had a plant capable of refining 50,000 pounds daily. It was situated at Union and Battery streets.
Encouraging Home Industry
The disposition to encourage manufacturing industries asserted itself very strongly during the Sixties. Whatever may have been the earlier belief regarding the impossibility of competing with the East because of the cost of fuel and the high rate of wages generally prevalent, it was modified to such an extent that the legislature was induced at times to offer premiums for its encouragement. This practice was strongly condemned by Governor Haight in a message to the legis- lature of 1869-70. He referred to several statutes which had been passed, giving
--
11
البزا
NUCLEUS HOTEL IN 1865
It stood on the site of the Hearst Building, the present home of the San Francisco Examiner, corner of Third and Market Streets
401
SAN FRANCISCO
premiums for the raising of silk cocoons, the planting of mulberry trees and the manufacture of woolen fabrics, and objected to the practice because "it was sus- tained by the same reasoning as that urged in favor of a protective tariff," and declared "that it merely resulted in forcing capital out of one channel into another." The encouragement he deprecated was not extended on a very great scale, but there is no evidence that any serious diversion of capital occurred in consequence. Perhaps it might have been well for the community if it had been diverted into the manufacturing channel instead of being directed into that of mining stock speculation which absorbed most of the floating capital during the seventy decade.
Almost at the beginning of the decade 1860-70, Governor Stanford in a message to the legislature declared that California from being "a state entirely at the mercy of others for the necessaries and comforts of life," had risen to an independent position, and in some productions took precedence of all other states in their annual aggregate yield. "As we now lead all other states in the production of wine and barley" we may some day "rival Louisiana in the production of sugar, Virginia in tobacco and Kentucky in hemp. California may yet snatch from North Carolina the distinction of being the chief tar state." These predictions were based on what he said were promising experiments, but they were not all realized. But great store was set upon them, and many business castles in the air were built in San Francisco upon the expectations he voiced. The question of manufacturing tobacco of all kinds was investigated, and satisfactory experiments were made with the California product which was declared to be all that could be desired, but the industry has never thrived. Tobacco has never been grown in California in quan- tity, but the manufacture of cigars flourished for a while, the material used, how- ever, being imported. The sugar industry has been an important one in San Francisco for many years, but the refineries have always operated with foreign or Hawaiian raw products. Tar and turpentine have never been produced on a scale to merit particular attention and North Carolina may still retain her old time dis- tinction so far as California is concerned.
But the mention of these failures only accentuate the fact that the resources of the country tributary to San Francisco were so great and varied that they sufficed to keep up the growth of the port and make its gains in wealth and population during the decade a source of wonderment to cities less fortunately situated. Opportuni- ties were neglected during the period which would have been utilized by peoples trained along other lines, but there were some seized which were overlooked by the owners of capital in other sections of the Union who would gladly have taken ad- vantage of them had they appreciated their importance. An instance of this sort was the good fortune of a group of San Franciscans in 1870 to obtain a lease from the government to take 100,000 male seals annually from the Pribilof islands. The privilege was first awarded to Hutchinson, Kohl & Co., but subsequently the Alaska Commercial Company was formed to forward the enterprise which was successfully conducted and laid the foundations for several large fortunes.
In 1869 there was a panic in the New York gold market which gave a setback to business in the Eastern states, but its influence was not widely felt in San Francisco, which was still sufficiently insulated to resist shocks other than those of its own producing. The peculiar advantages already described served to ward off the evils of the depressions in other sections of the Union, or so modified them that recovery from their effects was not difficult. The completion of the Overland Vol. I-26
Message on Industries of California
Alaskan Fur Seal Contract
End of Isolation Period
402
SAN FRANCISCO
railroad, however, worked a change. It was scarcely noticeable at first, being ob- secured during the earlier Seventies by the discovery of the Bonanza mines and the tremendous speculation which ensued; but the decade did not complete half its course before San Franciscans were brought to a complete realization of the fact that they were firmly bound to the outside world by the rails which connected the Atlantic and Pacific sections of the Union, and that their City was no longer an isolated community.
CHAPTER XLII
NATIONAL, STATE AND MUNICIPAL POLITICS IN THE SIXTIES
THE LAST POLITICAL DUEL-CONTINUED SUCCESS OF THE PEOPLE'S PARTY-KEEPING DOWN TAXATION-PEOPLE'S PARTY SUFFERS DEFEAT-A LUKEWARM PERIOD-THE TAPE WORM TICKET AND BALLOT REFORM- LOCAL SELF GOVERNMENT DENIED- BUILDING A NEW CITY HALL ON THE INSTALLMENT PLAN-WATER SUPPLY-MOVE- MENT TO SECURE MUNICIPAL CONTROL OF WATER SYSTEM-OPPOSITION TO CREA- TION OF DEBT-WIDENING OF KEARNY STREET-PROPOSAL TO CUT DOWN RINCON HILL-QUIETING OUTSIDE LAND TITLES-SECURING LAND FOR GOLDEN GATE PARK -THE LAND FOR PARK PURPOSES ORIGINALLY A DREARY WASTE OF SAND-WOOD- WARD'S GARDENS-ACTIVE BUILDING OPERATIONS-REAL ESTATE IN FAVOR-PRICES OF REAL ESTATE-MARKET STREET IN 1870-STREET CAR CONVENIENCES-CONGES- TION OF POPULATION-BANKING AND BUSINESS CENTER-APPEARANCE OF CITY AT CLOSE OF SIXTIES.
The Last Political Duel
HE Civil war produced many political changes in San Fran- cisco. In the realignment over national issues the old dif- ferences between democrats were lost sight of for a time, and to all appearances a majority of the people were quite content to unite for one purpose, but the common desire for OF FRA the preservation of the Union which found expression in the support given to the party of that name was by no means productive of harmony, nor did it cause men to lay aside their personal am- bitions, or for that matter their old time prejudices. Changing fashions had some- what modified the asperities of politics. There was less of the "plug ugly" spirit displayed on election days than during the Fifties, and the political duel became a thing of the past, the last one fought in the state being the affair between Charles W. Piercy, a Union democrat from San Bernardino and Daniel Showalter of Mari- posa, in which Piercy was killed. The fatal quarrel was brought about by a charge made by Piercy that Showalter was a secessionist. It does not appear that the charge was unfounded, but Showalter resented it as much as if it were.
The legislature of 1863-4 availing itself of the opportunity to do mischief which the unrestrained powers granted to that body afforded, attempted to redistrict San Francisco in the interest of a candidate for United States senator in such a manner that success would have given the element which caused so much trouble during the previous decade control of local municipal politics. The picturesque designation of "short hairs" was conferred upon the supporters of this movement, and all sorts of evil intentions were attributed to them. That the name was not unaptly bestowed may be inferred from the fact that a fair proportion of those to
Political Corruption
403
404
SAN FRANCISCO
whom it was applied were devotees of the prize ring or their admirers. The dis- turbance created by the effort in a measure refutes the commonly accepted assump- tion that the Vigilante expression of disapprobation in 1856 had made such a last- ing impression that corruption did not dare to lift its ugly head during the sixty decade.
The people's party first started in 1856 continued to prove successful at the polls until 1867. It has been eulogized because it introduced what its supporters were pleased to call an era of economy. If the failure to expend money for any other purpose than the mere maintenance of a form of government merits laudation the people's party and those who supported it deserve applause, but if the exacting requirements of present day reformers are accepted as a standard of measurement the performances, or rather nonperformances of the men who held municipal office in San Francisco will not demand a high meed of praise.
A writer whose comments reflect the spirit of the warmest admirers of the people's party declared that "it was in fact ahead of the times, and it had to give way to a system more in accord with the character of the people and their disposition to extravagance." This indictment was not fairly brought against the community for it was a long way from exhibiting any signs of a desire to plunge into extravagances ; it was merely displaying restlessness over the fact that despite a not inconsiderable expenditure every year by the municipality there were absolutely no public im- provements to show for what had been expended. About all the taxpayer gained in return for the demands made upon him was a not greatly improved administration of justice, and a sort of hand to mouth management of affairs which prevented the City from absolutely falling into decay. The spirit of what came later to be known as "Silurianism" had taken possession of San Francisco. Every proposed innovation was assailed as an effort to restore the control of the elements suppressed by the Vigilantes. The only thing that commended itself to the adherents of the people's party was a promise to keep down the tax rate.
Naturally such a sentiment could not endure permanently in a community with opportunities to expand and eager to make use of them. It is not surprising there- fore that the people's party with its traditions of respectability and hostility to expenditure should have suffered defeat as it did in 1867, when the rival organiza- tion, which advocated improvements, succeeded in electing Frank McCoppin as mayor. Not that the democratic party, whose candidate he was, boldly came forth in support of a programme of improvement, for it did nothing of the sort, but McCoppin was known to favor the erection of a city hall, and he also had advanced ideas concerning the functions of a municipal government, all of which were re- garded as a menace to the welfare of the City by those who had come to regard the Consolidation Act with all its restrictions as a most marvelous instrument, because it made it nearly impossible to enlarge the demands upon the taxpayer.
Union Party Defeated
National questions ceased to exert a dominating influence in city politics very soon after the close of the Civil war. There was no cessation of the effort, how- ever, to make the Union party continue to do service for the local politicians, but their efforts were in vain. In the September election of 1866 the Union party suf- fered its first defeat. The democratic candidate for governor, Henry Haight, was elected. His success was chiefly due to dissensions within the ranks of the Union party. His rival was in the camp of Gorham and the element which dominated the republican party in the Seventies, and there was already more or less dissatis-
Continued Success of People's Party
Keeping Down the Tax Rate
Defeat of People's Party
405
SAN FRANCISCO
faction with them because of their too close affiliations with the railroad. Haight was an original republican. He had voted for Fremont, and later for Lincoln, but when the latter was running for a second term the Californian labored and voted for McClellan. After his election Haight became a pronounced opponent to the reconstruction policies of the government. He was apprehensive that "a negro empire would be created on our Southern border," and was vigorously opposed to the creation of military districts which he declared would prove subversive of re- publican institutions.
The strenuous language employed by Haight was in no wise indicative of the strength of sentiment in California. Remoteness from the seat of government and the withdrawal of the influence exerted so dominantly in earlier years had per- mitted California, and particularly San Francisco, to fall into political habits which bordered on perfunctoriness. The politicians thundered, and the press argued, but the people were in no mood to subordinate their domestic concerns to national af- fairs. Haight in a message to the legislature of 1869-70, expressed the belief that the Pacific states would be a unit in favor of free trade, a specie currency and the exclusive right to manage their domestic concerns; and in January, 1870, the legisla- ture refused to vote for the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment by a decisive vote, but feeling did not run high in state or City.
An idea of the paramount desire of San Francisco is obtained from the state- ment made by George H. Rogers of San Francisco, who was speaker of the as- sembly in the legislature of 1869-70. He declared that his constituents had sent him to Sacramento to procure the simplification of the registry law. The legisla- ture of 1865-6 had passed an act known as the Porter Primary Law of which great things had been expected by the reformers, but it in no wise satisfied their demands for the bosses had no difficulty in making ducks and drakes of its provisions. In a message to the legislature Haight called attention to an abuse perpetrated at Mare island by federal officials who compelled the employes to vote a ballot which was nicknamed the "tape worm ticket." These ballots were printed on paper nearly as thick as that used in ordinary playing cards, and like the latter had their backs decorated with scroll work which made them distinguishable at a distance. They were five or six inches long and about two-thirds of an inch wide, and the candidates' names were printed in the finest of type. The bosses compelled the job holders to plainly display these ballots before depositing them in the box. Any recalcitrancy would have been punished with discharge, consequently there was a solid vote for those whose names were dictated by the ring which controlled federal politics during the closing years of the decade Sixty.
Continuation of this abuse was made impossible by the passage of a uniform bal- lot law which provided for a ticket to be printed on paper the color of which was to be designated by the secretary of state. Size and style of type were also prescribed, and restrictions were placed on solicitors who were not permitted to importune a voter within one hundred feet of the polls. The law also forbade the opening of saloons on election days and threw about the ballot box numerous other precautions. On the whole, so far as mere secrecy of the ballot was concerned, this law seemed to fully meet every requirement, and undoubtedly it afforded abundant safeguards for holding a perfectly fair election, one which bosses could not control if the people chose to prevent their interference, a fact well attested by the success of various re- form movements under the system, all of which were procured by the simple device
Lukewarm Politics
The Tape Worm Ticket
Ballot Reform Effected
-406
SAN FRANCISCO
of attention to duty, which proved so efficacious in the days following the Vigilante affairs. From which it may be concluded that the machinery of election is of less consequence in securing good results than the disposition or indisposition of the people to perform their civic duties.
That the desire for good government could be easily aroused in San Francisco was frequently shown during the Sixties, but the people were not entirely their own masters at the time, nor did they succeed in becoming so until the close of the en- suing decade when the constitution of 1879 was adopted, which for the first time gave something like local self government to the City. The struggle for this right was a long one. As early as 1862 the legislature had submitted an amendment against special and local legislation, but it was rejected by the legislature of 1863. Up to that time and for many years afterward the people of San Francisco were obliged to defer to the wishes of the rest of the state. There was hardly any- thing they could do without the sanction of the legislature, but despite the draw- back of this restraint, and the restrictive features of the Consolidation Act, there was a strong sentiment prevalent that the system was the embodiment of political wisdom, as its effect was undoubtedly to prevent the community committing the in- discretion of running into debt, or overburdening the taxpayer.
It was the prevalence of this latter sentiment which must be held responsible for the fatuous course which caused the community to embark on a scheme of build- ing a city hall which would be a credit to San Francisco, on what might be called the installment plan. The hostility to debt creation was so great that a commission was formed with authority to build with the proceeds of a special annual tax levy. Operations on the new building were commenced in the early part of 1870. A portion of Yerba Buena park, which was used as a burial ground in the Fifties, was selected for a site, and the plans of an architect named Laver, who had attained a reputation as the builder of the New York state capitol at Albany were chosen. The cost as originally estimated was quite modest, but there were plenty of critics who declared that it would be largely exceeded. The most pessimistic, however, did not even remotely approach the truth in making their guesses.
The New City Hall
The result justified the apprehensions of the element which expressed the con- viction that the new city hall would be an extravagantly costly affair, but the policy of building it piecemeal was as much responsible for the unsatisfactory result as any other cause. The edifice as originally designed was not altogether inhar- monious, but succeeding commissions departed so much from the plans of the architect that when completed it was a rather incongruous affair. It was planned to have a tall tower and a mansard roof, but in place of the former there was sub- stituted a lofty dome, and the French roof was never constructed. The most fla- grant error committed by the commission was in selling the land fronting on Mar- ket street. This blunder was made in response to a demand for economy, and the result was to lessen the dignity of the structure, which would at least have been impressive because of its size, by placing it on a back street.
Fear of High Taxation
The experience of the taxpayer in the Fifties was not of the sort calculated to create enthusiasm for public improvements. It was largely responsible for the lack of interest taken in the proposal to make an attractive offer in order to secure the capital when stress of weather compelled the legislature to seek refuge in San Francisco during the winter of 1861-62, and it caused the men who were managing the destinies of the people's party to look with coldness upon all suggested im-
Local Self Govern- ment Denied
Building on the Installment Plan
407
SAN FRANCISCO
provements which would involve the expenditure of money out of the general purse. Their opposition sufficed to absolutely prevent progress, for the system pursued of putting forward candidates for office made a popular choice impossible. The selec- tions were made by a practically self perpetuating body, and while the memory of the rascalities of the men suppressed by the Vigilantes endured the recommenda- tions of this self-constituted custodian of the public welfare were accepted without much cavil.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.