USA > Connecticut > The trade of Revolutionary Connecticut > Part 15
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123 C. R. XIV, 418. 124C. R. IV. 17-18.
225.
extended for six months. 125
: Gun-making took much time, but the need was pressing. Hence, additional inducement was offered by raising the bounty from five to seven shillings six pence per gun in Nay, 1776, which standard was iky continued henceforth. 126 A standard procedure for testing guns also was established in November, 1776 in order to safeguard the lives of soldiers and to save the State money. 127 .! !
In spite of the precautions taken to assure good guns, many poor mans apparently were produced. On May, 1777 the gravity of the situation precipitated legislativo action.
Whereas it is represented to this Assembly that several persons, who have been employed to make fire-aras for this State for the immediato security and defence of the country and to be made uso of in actual service against the enemy, have through unskilfulness or neglect made and put off and imposed on this State poor deficient arms, totally unfit for service, whereby the lives of many of our soldiery who were furnished with them have been greatly exposed and the whole country endangered: And whereas a fraud and breach of , trust of this kind is attended with great aggravation and productivo of the most fatal mischiefs to the public ....
4 The general assembly, therefore, resolved to appoint Colonel Samuel Talcott, Colenel John Chester, and Major Roger Newberry to investigate . the situation thoroughly and to report all frauds to the next session of the legislature. 128 .
There were a few gunsmiths who turned out a large quantity of pms. I2BC. R. XV, 127.
126C. R. XV, 317-318, 323. 8. R. I. 244.
27 s. R. 1, 72-73, 245, 877. 128 8. R. I, 246. . . ..
1977 91
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Among these was Hezekiah Huntington of Windham who manufactured and repaired guns at a shop in Willimantic from 1775 to the end of the war. In a petition to the general assembly in May, 1783, he reported a total output of three hundred and forty guns, and a bounty received upon only sixty of the guns. He asked for proper compensation for the remainder, 129 which the legislature tardily granted in the following October. It is probable that Huntington ranked first in total production among Commecticut gunsmiths.
Another very active producer was Uriah Hanks of Mansfield who specialized upca gunlooks. In the period from June 10, 1776 to June 18, 1777 he manufactured eighty-seren "double Bridle gumlooks" for the State for which he asked and received 217 8sh.180 In April, 1778 be filed and received a claim for E3 for fiftom gunlocks.131 In Gosben, three gunsmiths were noted especially for their craftmanship-John Doud, Ebeneser Forton, and Medad Hills. Doud and Norton formed a partnership. and divided the job into two parts. In one room Doud made the gualooks and barrels, while in the other room, Morton stacked them. Hills bad a government contract, and he received most of the gins from the local gunsmiths. 152 At Stratford Daniel WeEwen, a lookmith by trade, undertook gum making and repairing. He found the proposition so profitable that he regularly paid a fine in lieu of military service. 185
129g. R. V, 405, 467-468; Bayles, pp. 71, 73. 180A. R. W., II, Doo. 181. 1511. R. W., XI, Doo. 628. 1523. R. Mayer, Medad Fills Hibbard, pp. 870-371.
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Croutt, Stratford and Bridgepert, p. 575. On May 15, 1777 and September 30, 1777, for example, ka paid 23 for failure to report for militia servios.
227.
A fairly complete list of Connecticut gunsmiths during the War ce
184
includes the followings
Town
Hoto
Josiah Adkins
Gunlooks
Nathan Bailey
Bow London
Repair work
Elisha Barnh
Hartford
Stephen Chandler Ebenezer Crittenden
Guns
Guns and repair work
Jesso Curtis Samuel Dewey John Dond
Waterbury
Guns
Hebron
Barrels and bayonets
Goshen
Gmlooks and barrels
Thomas Fancher
Guns
Jonathan Goodwin
Guas
Captain Jemos Green Timothy Green 135
East Hadden
Gans
Samuel Ball
Fast Baddm
· Guns. Delivered 158.
Urich Hanks
Gunlooks
Hasekiah Huntington Simon Huntington
Repair work
Amos Jones
Colchester
Guns
David Lowroy [Lowery]
Westhorsfield
amlooks
Joseph Leria
Grotan
Repair work
Daniel Kolaen
Stratford
Gums and repair work
Silas Merrimon
Repair work
Moses Newton
Norwich
Guns
Semmel Hoyos186
Go chan
Gums
Ebenezer Norton, Jr. Lot Osborn
Water bury
Guns
Jmasa Palmer
Findhan
Gons
Jedidiah Phelps
Lebanon
Gunlooks
Silas Phelps137
Lebanon
Gunlooks
Joseph Riggs, Jr. Lt. Ard. Welton138
Derby
Repair work
Waterbury
Gunlooks
1 "Laroy De Forest Satterles and Arcadia Gluckman, Amorican Cima Makera, passim.
155Middlebrook, 1, 201. -
156caulkins, Merwich, p. 389.
1971. R. W., XI, Dos. 95. Phelps claimed bounty for twenty-four goalocks on April 23, 1777. :
188
Bishop, p. 516; Wooden, II, 793.
Gos ben
.
Edward Williams
Waterbary Lebanon
Mensfield Tindhan
Gans
228.
It can be seen, therefore, that gunsmiths were at work in a large miaber of towns, and that production totalled enough to comprise a large contribution to the war effort.
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9. Shipbuilding
During the wer years, shipbuilding experienced a modest boom which - -
- was caused principally by the need for new ships for the State and the Continental Navies. In most cases, the privateers were simply converted merchantmen, built in pro-war days, and they did not, therefore, represent new construction. . ..
The list of ships built in the State for the Commocticut Havy was fairly impressive, and included the following: ;
Ship 4.º
Typo
Captain
PLACE BULL?
Dato
America
`brig
John Mott
Crane
row galley
Jehiel Tinker
East Haddsa
Refitted at I.H. 1776
Defence159
ship
Seth Harding
Essex
[1776]
Fanny
sloop
Whittlesey
1776
How Dofenco
row galley
Samuel Barker
Branford
1779
Old Defence
brig
Daniel Deshon and Willisa Coit
Saybrook (largest) stato Toàsel) 1776
Oliver Cromore11
24-gm chip (260 tons)
Seth Harding and Timothy Parker
Essox
1776
Rosistanoo
brig
Semzuel Chox
Schuyler
schooner
David Howley
Shark
row galley
Theodore Stanton Torwieb
1776
Whiting
row malley
John MoCloaTo
How Haven 1776
139
The Deafemos actually was purchased from Captain Jomm Griggs of Greemrich, but it was a practically new ship with only one voyage. A. R. W., I, 367; IX, 52.
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230.
For the Continental Mavy
Ship
Captain :
PLACE BUILT
Dato
Confederacy
frigato Both Barding
below Forwrich on Thamo a
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PortlandIto
Trumbull
36-gun frigato (700 tons)
Bourbon
40-pm frigato (900 tons)
Portland
Connecticut
24-gun frigate
Portland141
[1778]
The river ports were particularly suited for wartime ship construction as they were considered safe from British naval attacks, unlike the Sound ports. Hence, it is not surprising to find that the chief toms engaged in building Continental and State ships were Korwich (and vicinity) om the Thames; Hartford, Wethersfield, Rocky Hill, Portland, Middletom, Middle Beddam (Knowles Landing), Haddam (Higgemm), East Haddan Lending, and Basex on the Connecticut Rivers and Derby on the Housatonie River. 14 The Portland-Middletown-Wethersfield section stood out as probably the largest producer of new ships. In the summer of 1776, two ships for example, including a frigato, were built in Wethersfield and with great speed, according to Barnabas Deano, 195
The building of oven a small ship was an expensive proposition.
140 The Trumbull was not constructed well. See Howard V. Chapelle, History of American Sailing Ships (New York, 1935), p. 57.
141 C. C. S. II, 120-122. Middlebrook, Maritime Comestiout, I, 10-160, passin, and 204.
142 Middlebrook, I, 201.
143 Barnabas Deano to Jeremiah Wadsworth, August 26, 1777; September 2, 1776; Jeremiah Wadsworth, Miscellaneous Lettere, 1777-1783.
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231 ..
Captain Jonathan Lester, for example, was allowed 2861 16sh. 6 1/2 p. for building the row-galley Shark in 1776.14- On the whole wartime shipbuilding was directed toward war purposes and involved a moderate amount of construction which largely compensated for the loss of normal peacetime construction.
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1900
C. R. XV. 459.
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9. Lead and sulpur mining
Lead, for obvious reasons, was required in much larger quantities than ever before. In May, 1775 the general assembly appointed Jabez Hamlin, Matthew Talcott, and Titus Homer "to provide such stores of lead as they shall judge necessary for the use of this Colony." Probably, neither the legislature as a whole nor the committee members realized how difficult of achievement this task would be.
"The only known good source of lead in the State, then, was the nine on the River just below Middletom to which reference already has been made. 145 7 The committee was authorized to make use of this mine and " supervise the refining of the ore for which E400 was appropriated. 150 John Stephany, Lessee of the mine, petitimmed for a reasonable rent to which the legislature replied with a resolve to pay him whatever amount 147 the value of the lead obtained exceeded the cost of production.
The mining and refining of lead was started quite rapidly. On August 21, 1775 Governor Trumbull wrote General Washington that seren or eight tons of rich ore had been raised, and the smelting works were being completed. 148 By the following April, Washington was calling for as much lead as possible from Middletown.149 In July the price of lead
145, 800 p. 95. Mines at New Canaan, Woodbury, and Farmington were looked over but did not prove valuable. C. R. XV, 356, 329; M.H.S.C., L, 2-5. Trumbull, History of Connecticut, II, 83. In 1779 a furnace was established at Stafford in which lead hollow ware was made, but iron goods were the more typical product there apparently. Wooden, p. 792; S. R. III, 113.
146c. R. XV, 37, 99. 147c. R. IV, 368-369.
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« . . . . 148, . . M.H.S.C., L, 2-3. 149W. a. W., IV, 497.
233.
was pegged at six pence per pound. 150
At no time did the Middletown project produce an amount sufficient for all the demands of the State and Continent. Several times the general assembly called upon the towns to collect all possible leads . . first, in June, 1776; then, in December, 1776 when penalties were ..
stipulated for non-compliance by the following March, 162 . By Deoember 1776, a considerable amount of lead had been collected at the Middletown furnace which the committee was ordered to have cast into bullets., 152
Early in 1778 the State's leaders decided that the Middletown load project had failed to prove its worth despite intense and able efforts by all parties concerned. This conclusion was based upon the belief. that the expenses incurred by the State had far exceeded the value of ... the results obtained, 153 The decision was undoubtedly a wise one, As the vein of lead ore, while rich, apparently had nearly boon exhausted in any case. 154 Yot, the project could not be considered a failure because a significant amount of cannon balls and bullets were made from the Middletown load. 155 . .
In the latter years of the War, lead apparently was prooured from
150c. R. XV, 459.
151c. R. XV, 438; S. R. I, 124-125. Mamy accounts of tam lead collections can be found in A. R. W., including VIJ 214, 262, 298, 370, 388, 483.
162g. R. I, 129.
153 S. R. I, 538. Titus Hosmer, who handled these financial transactions for the State reported in Nay, 1779 to a legislative ocmditteo disbursements to a total of 15051:4:2 3/4. A. R. W., XIV, 299.
154 Middlebrook, I, 201. Rice and Foye, p. 82.
155 Some 15,563 pounds of balls and lead were delivered to stato agents through March 20, 1779. A. R. W., XIV, 298.
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sources outside the State. In March, 1780, for example, Captain John . Deshon was ordered by the Council to purchase two tons of lead at Boston, which họ díd. 156 :
Sulphur, an essential in the manufacture of gunpowder, was eagerly sought by the State. As already has been seen, 157 & bounty was offered from the first month of the War for its production. In December, 1775 a special committee was set up to locate sources of sulphur in the State, to organize the procedures for separating the sulphur from its ore, and - to determine the economic practicability of the process. 158
In May, 1776 the general assembly entertained an interesting proposition from a certain Thomas Bidwell of Pennsylvania. Bidwell asked the State to provide him with twenty suitable sulphur pots, and with free use of the sulphur ore obtained from the Middletown leed mine. In addition, the State should pay him [2 10sh. for every hundredweight of sulphur made within a two-year period, ending June 1, 1778. The legislators accepted the proposal, but limited the amount to be purchased
for the time being to fifty pounds." 159 Permission of the mino owners was . sooured, and Bidwell soon began operations. Ho presented a bill for [27 llsh. for thirty-one days of preliminary services through May 1776.100
156g. R. II, 513; III, 220. A. R. W., XVII, Doos. 219-220.
157 g See p .. 220. 158c. R. XV, 199.
159C. R. XV, 325-326. A special committee on sulphur had been set up to consider ways and means of encouraging sulphur manufacture. This committee recommended the acceptance of Bidwell's plan. A. R. W., V. Doos. 347-350.
160 A. R. W., III, Doc. 59.
235.
This was only the beginning of what proved to be a very expensive · undertaking. Bidwell's expense accounts mounted steadily upwards, but the output of sulphur was hardly noticeable. In fact, ho submitted a request for additional time, beyond the two years stipulated, which was granted. 161
The cessation of lead mining efforts voted in February, 1778, apparently, finally terminated Bidwell's activities since they were dependent upon a steady supply of ore. In any event, nothing further was 1 ... heard of his project.
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101 Comootiout. Miscellaneous Papers, 1637-1783. A typical bill was Bidwell's of June 12, 1777 for 223 days of work and for miscellaneous expenses, all of which totalled [39 lish. Payment was authorized. A. R. W., V, Docs. 554-355. In A. R. W., VII, Doos. 339-841. (May, 1777) . is a petition of Bidwell declaring that he was unable to obtain adequate materials and wished to be released from his contract and paid his - expenses, which was granted.
CHAPTER XV
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Connecticut Privateering
Privateering was employed very quickly as an American weapon 1 . against England, Relatively soon after the possibility of a long war was realized by Continental leaders, they took appropriate measures to open the seas to American privateers. While privateering seems to present-day Americans to be only legalized piraoy," then it was widely considered to be a thoroughly honorable procedure in wartime. Already, the British Government had authorized privateering actions against the Americans.
Certain strategie and economic considerations, moreover, recommended to Congress the commissioning of numerous privatoers as a highly desirable expedient for Americans, The size and power of the British Navy made it almost hopeless for an Amoriom Navy to operate as a serious rival. The vast British merchant marine, however, offered tempting target. Furthermore, scores of American craft, idled by the" disruption of normal foreign and intercolonial routes, and, before long, by a growing naval blockade, were available for use as privatosrs. The American shipowner, foroed by the choice of leaving his ships idle at the docks and earning nothing, or of having them commissioned as
"A privateer simified a privately-omed vessel whose commander possessed letters of marque, that is, a warrant or license granted by & stato erpowering the holder to make reprisals at sea upon the subjects of a specified enemy porrer.
"Even in revolutionary days, however, public opinion in New England upon privateering was far from unanimous. More than a few publio leaders deoried its effects upon public and private morals. Sidney G. Morse, "The Yankee Privateereman of 1776," New England Quarterly (Maroh, 1944), XV, 71.
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237.
privatoers, was likely, if ho had an adventurous spirit, to choose in favor of privateøring. If the losses tended to mount too high, there ...
was no compulsion to continue privatoering. One could get into it, and out of it, as the odds shifted back and forth. Privateering, therefore, was the chief outlet available for Connecticut merchants normally. involved, to an importent extent, in foreign and coastal trade. Congress took its initial action in November, 1775 when it declared explicitly that no master or commander of a vossel could oruise. for prizes without a commission fraa Congress. Recommendations were made to the States to set up proper courts; and procedures for handling all prise cases were outlined, with right of appeal to Congress reserved, S
In March and April, 1776 more specific legislation was passed regulating the commissioning and other details relating to privateors. . Blank commissions were to be sent to each State, bonds of $5000 or . $10,000 (depending on size of ship) were required, and the division of prizes was left to the individual state to decide." In the case of Connecticut, the State took one half of the proceeds. In the other half, the owner (s), officers, and crew shared according to a prearranged plan which varied from ship to ship.
Connecticut's first official action was taken at the May, 1776 session of the Legislature when it authorized Governor Trumbull to fill
Journals of Congress, III, 372-375 (November 25, 1775).
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4 Ibid., IV, 251-254 (April 3, 1776). Hmdreds of privateors woro commissioned directly by Congress, and hundreds more, by individual states. The privateors of Connecticut seems to have belonged in largo mmbers to both categories. Gardner Allen, A Kaval History of the American Revolution (Boston, 1913), 1, 46.
238.
the blank commissions "for Private Ships of War and Letters of Marque and Reprizal" sent by Congress. 5 At the same time, the general assembly gave the regular county courts jurisdiction over all cases involving captures brought into the respective county .. -
Actually, the first recorded action in Connecticut supporting privateering had already occurred before the May, 1776 session. About . month earlier, on April 15, the Council of Safety voted to furnish four individuals of Fairfield with five hundred pounds of powder "to set forth an armed vessel against the enemies of America."" This action was followed shortly by others authorizing privateers and looking to their equipment and arms. . .
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Privateering attracted immediate and strong interest, for the colonial muggler gravitated smoothly into privateering. In general, as Trevelyan suocinotly expressed it: "they now fastened eagerly upon an occupation which had an appearance of reconoiling the claims of patriotio duty with the attractions of an adventurous life, and the prospect of emormons -
The total member of Comsotiout privateers in service at one time or another during the conflict is variously estimated at from less than
ºC. R. IV, 318.
6 C. R. IV, 281. . 'c. R. IV, 262.
a C. R. XV, 266, 401, 462, 525; I, 513. 6
George Otto Trevelyan, The American Revolution, Part III, 345. .
239.
two hundred to nearly three hundred. 10 Probably, the higher total comes closer to the actual number.
New London ranked clearly as the leading privateering port in Commactiout. In fact, only Essex County, Massachusetts, exceeded it 11 among the American seaports. Sir George Collier, Commodore of the British Fleet in New England waters from 1776 to 1779, referred to How London as "a famous receptaole for Privateers ... [which ] was thought on that account to injure the British trade as much as any harbour in America, .12
For New London it soon became a choice between privateering, or no shipping at all. After the British occupation of New York and Long Island, British privateers infested the Sound and soon captured or destroyed marly all the boats belonging to New London. A serious econado depression set in which never fully lifted until the War ended. 18
The difficulties confronting New London privateors were formidable. The configuration of the Coast and Long Island made it easy for the
Middlebrook states that they were "nearly three hundred privateers commissioned," I. 10. George F. Emmons, in Y'avy of the United States (Washington, 1653), listed 202 vessels and 7/24 ren, and inc as S. Collier, in Revolutionary Privataers of Connecticut (New London, 1802), pp. 27-31, listed 220 chips. Tra ) rid of : vious of Connecticut l'on in the War of the Revolution, pp. 604-607, gives, in all, only 171 privatosrs.
11 John Avery, History of the Town of Ledvard (Norwich, Connecticut, 1901), p. 77. Martin, p. 38." Massachusetts sent out a much larger mummber of privateors then Connecticut. Some 1600 letters of marque, in all, were issued to l'ascachusetts shipowners. S. E. Morison, Maritime History of Massachusetts (Boston, 1921), p. 29.
12 Middlebrook, I, iv.
13 Caulkins, Low Lendong pp. 506, 536.
240.
British to blockade New London harbor, and, in fact, all the Connecticut coastline. On June 19, 1776 Nathaniel Shaw wrote pessimistically to friend at Philadelphias
- Att Press I think their is no Chance Of Escaping the Men of Warr. Capt Kenedy also in the Ship is Still hear, they have made Several Attempts to git out, but have been drove back by the Men of Warr & an much of the mind they will not go out any more.14
Although many privateers were fitted out in New London in the first three years of the war, few had any success. The blockade remained tight and not a single prize was brought in for many months during 1776 and 1777.15
Some privateers were owned by one individual; others, by firms; and some were supported through a "shares" arrangement whereby individual risk was lessened. 16 The toll of losses ran high. Such news entries as these testified to its "Captain Bigelow, belonging to Connecticut River, is taken in the West Indies." "Captain Palmer, in a small Sloop Privateor from Stonington, is taken and carried into Newport. "17 Likewise, Captain Joseph Bell in a aloop from New London bound for Forth Carolim was captured on that coast and taken to New York. 18 New York, 18 Breath Eren the highly - successful privateers usually were finally captured by the British. For example, the American Revenue, of How London, owned by Nathaniel 8har
1 Rogers, p. 282.
Marshall, p. 106. 15 Adams, p. 49.
17c. C., July 18, 1777. Asa Palmer's ship was the American, Middlebrook, 11, 50.
18c. c., April 21, 1780.
241
and Company, enjoyed fabulous success in taking some thirteen prizes in 1777 and 1778; but at last fell' victim to the British frigate, Greyhound,
in August, 1779. 19 9 Ano1 Another extremely successful privateer . was the ' General Putnam, owned, too, by Nathaniel Shaw and Company, which took fourteen prizes. 20
Catchy advertisements were employed to lura young men into
4 - privatoering.
The fortunate and swift sailing BRIGANTTHE DEANE,
4
DAN SCOVEL, Commander, Kounting 18 six-poundera, will sail on a Three Months Cruise, against the enemies of the United States in 10 days :-- All Gentlemen Seamen and Able-bodied Landsmen, who are desirous of making their fortunes, will meet with the best encouragement, by applying immediately on board sald brig, at New London.
July 20, 1781.21
The high hopes of the "gentlemen adventurers" were soon dashed, however. for the Doane was taken by the British the following October.22 . . .
The Connecticut River towns sent out a large number of printeers- at least eighty-six. Wethersfield claimed twenty-sight; Middletown, sixteen; Saybrook, eleren; Hartford, ten; East Haddam, nins; Chatham, eight; Glastonbury, three; and Lyme, one. In Wethersfield the enthusiasm for privateering zoomed to great heights. As early as Movember, 1778 Barnabas Deane advocated privateering, and later, engaged actively in it. 23
19Middlebrook, II, 51-62.
20Ibid., pp. 98-99. Later the ship was taken into Continental service and burned in the Penobscot expedition.
21c. c., Angust 7, 1781.
. 22Middlebrook, 11, 68. 25 Martin, p. 38.
242.
Capital for privateering came from many parts of the State. Among the prominent amers of and investors in privateers may be listed: John Deshan and Nathaniel Shaw of New London; William Coit, Joseph Howland, Andrew and Ebenezer Huntington, Christopher Leffingwell, Joseph Packwood, Jabez Perkins, and Joseph Williams of Norwich; Frederick Bull, James Church, Samuel Kilbourne, Abraham Miller, Jeremiah Platt, and Jeremiah Wadsworth of Hartford; the Deane and Webb brothers, Joseph Bulkley, John Foster, Justus Riley, and John Wright of Wethersfield; John Wolles 24 of Glastonbury; Benjamin Henshaw, Comfort Sage, and Matthew Talcott of Middletom; David Bates of Chatham; Jabez Chapman, Humphrey Lyon, and Sylvanus Tinker of East Haddam; John Blagge, Abel Buel, Pierpont Edwards, and Michael Todd of New Haven; Thomas Munford of Groton, and Benjamin Tallmadge of Litchfield.25
The British shifted their main attack to the South in 1778 which recalted in some relaxation of the blockade along the New England coast. The amount of privateoring increased steadily, therefore. In 1778 there was a big upturn over previous years; and 1779 and 1780 saw the peak of privateering reached. In 1781, privateering continued at a lower but still active level, after which it tapered off until the end of the War. 26 Frequent notices in the newspapers of the sale of prize goods attested
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