The trade of Revolutionary Connecticut, Part 24

Author: Van Dusen, Albert E. (Albert Edward), 1916-1999
Publication date: 1948
Publisher: 1948
Number of Pages: 886


USA > Connecticut > The trade of Revolutionary Connecticut > Part 24


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The history of the revolutionary foreign trade of Connecticut is largely a story of what happened to her West Indian trade. The almost complete stoppage of direct trade with Europe did not matter so much because in colonial times that was unimportant anyway.' t


Where were Connecticut ships going to and coming from? What were they carrying? The answers to these pertinent questions may be found in a study of entries and clearances at the two chief ports of New London and low Haven.


Unfortunately, Benedict Arnold's raiders burned the New London Customs House with all its records in the attack of September, 1781; but much information for Mow London can be culled from the newspaper files. The following table records the arrivals of ships at New London and Stonington as listed in the Connecticut Gazette for selected periods.


-


7 Soo Chap. XI.


372.


Date Published


Master


Ship


At


From


Cargo (if listed)


Aug. 1,


1779


Capt. Uzzel Clark


900 bushels salt rum


Sept. 5, 1779


Capt. Jeremiah Tryal


Michael


Stonington St. Pierre


rum, molasses, coffee


-


Capt. Goodrich


---


N. L.


Mariegallante


"much needed articles"


Oct. 3, 1777


Capt. Roland


---


N. L.


West Indies


1100 bushels of salt


Feb. 27,


Capt. Egleston


---


N. L.


Cape Fear, N.C.


?


1778


Feb. 27, 1778


Capt. Niles .


---


N. · L.


St. Eustatius


7


Mar. 13, 1778


Capt. Fitoh


---


N. L.


North Carolina


War. 20, 1778


Capt. Williams


----


N. L.


West Indies


?


Nov. 20, 1778


Capt. Cornelius [sloop] Anablo


N. L.


New Bern, N.C.


1


Feb. 19, 1779


Capt. Thomas Chestor


Hancook


N. L.


Demararra


rum


?


Capt. Bromm


[schooner] N. L.


Curacao


May 5, 1779


Capt. Hezekiah Porkins


[sloop]


N. L.


Cape Frangois


?


May 20, 1779


Capt. William Rogers


Generous Friend


N. L.


Martinique


?


Jan. 25, 1782


Capt. Subol Worth


?


N. L.


Port L'Orient, France


?


Feb. 22, 1782


Capt. Lawrence


[brig]


N. L.


Guadeloupe


?


.


---


Stonington Martinique


?


Capt. Palmer


·


.


8


N. L. - New London.


N. L. 8


St. Croix


373.


Dato Published


Master


Ship


At


From


Cargo (if listed)


Feb. 15,


Capt. Giles


[ schooner ]


N. L.


Cape François


1


1782


Sage


Mar. 1,


Capt.


Dolight


N. L.


Port-au-Prince


?


1782


Johnson


.


9


[ schooner ]


Stonington St. Vincents


t


l'ar. 15, 1782


Capt. Jones


One of the principal products imported was salt. . For example, on March 21, 1777 "Capt. Rennals arrived [at New London] from the West Indies with 1500 Bushels of Salt;" and on October 3, a Capt. Roland brought in 1100 bushels. 10 The State chartered many vessels to procure salt from the West Indies. 11 In the early days of the war, powder, which was critically short, was also transported in quantity to New London. 12 Among such shipments received from the West Indies were those carried by Captain Joseph Packwood, who brought in ten tons of powder; and Captain Bigelow, who brought five tons. Incidentally, both ships were chased and nearly


3 Alt:


caught by the British frigate Cerberus. 13 Although Nathaniel Shaw found the West Indian trade sadly reduced, he did continue limited mercantile relations and was involved in powder shipments especially. 14


9 This list makes no pretense at completeness, but is offered as indicative of the important routes and the chief products carried. The date listed in each case is that of the issue of the Gazette and usually not that of arrival of the ship.


1ºThe importation of salt continued. An entry of August 7, 1778, in the Gazette, for example, noted the arrival of 3000 bushels of salt.


Middlebrook lists no less than eighteen vessels sent from liew London to the West Indies in 1776 and 1777 to get salt. See his Maritime Connecticut, II, 7-9.


12 Tbid. , . II, 5-6.


13 Gazette, August 2, 1776. Tightening of the British blockade and increased production within Connecticut caused imports of powder to decline greatly later.


14Rogers, pp. 305-306. C. R. XV, 126, 222, 241.


.


374.


1


For New Haven it is possible to give a more complete picture of the foreign trade because at least part of its records of entries and . clearances is extant. For the purposes of this study the clearances in the year 1777 have been tabulated.


3


.


375.


Date Cleared


Ship


Kaster


Ton- Crew nago


Ommers


Bound to


Cargo


Jan. 1


William


Peter Bontecou


38


10


Isaac [Sears] John Lawrance


"Burdeux" [ Bordeaux]


286 casks of flaxseed, 4 barrels pearl ashes, 400 weight of beeswax


Jan. 1 Catherim William


49


8 Isaac Sears John Lawrance


bordeaux


Davidson


300 casks flax- seed, 32 barrels of pearl ashes, ; 11 packs whale- bone, 400 weight beeswax, stores


1


Jan. 11 Polly


Timothy Tuttle


50


7 Richard Cutler ""artineco" Timothy Tuttle


1700 feet lum- ber, 8 horses, 10 oxen, 50 sheep and hogs, 30 dozen poultry 200 bushels corn 13 barrels fish


Jan. 23 Lawrance


Frances Johnson


60


7 Henry Mitchell [Mess Meselt Caldwell] [ ?]


Bordeaux


4000 feet lum- ber, 400 casks flaxseed


Feb. 28 Sally


Peter Bontecou


50


7 James Rice Peter Colt & Co.


Bordeaux


219 casks flaxseod


Apr. 14 Sally


John Sloan


30


5 James Gurley Joseph Howell


Surrinam


10,000 feet


lumber, 100 barrels fish


June 4 Friend- ship


Stephen [H]olgier


30


5


?


"St. Martins" 42,500 feet . lumber, 625 feet pino boards 1 box spermaco. ti candles, 34 casks staves, lı casks headings


Oct. 20 Pumbird


Jeremiah Guild


20


6 Jeremiah Guild "Martineco" [ ?] Griffing Aaron Liming


15,500 feet luw ber, 4 barrels pork, 1 barrel beef, 2 casks bread, 1150 bunches onions 26 bundles casi


:


----


376.


Dato Cleared


Ship


Vaster


Ton- Crew na ge


Ommers


Bound to Cargo


Nov. 4 Benjamin


Samuel Howroll


20 5


"Martineco" 18,000 feet lumber, 1 horse, - 12 sheep and


hogs, 4 barrels. pork, 3 barrels beef, 13 dozen ! poultry, 5 --


casks bread,600 bunches onions


-----


Dec. 13 Brandy


Jeremiah Gillett


35


5 James Van Horn "Martineco" Ebenezer Gracy [ ?] Whittemore


6500 feet lum- ber, 3000 bunches onions


Dec. 27 Wild Irish- William


20


6


?


man


Milos


"st. Croix" 6000 feet lum- bor, 5000 hoops


Deo. 31 Swallow


Joseph Davidson


35


7 Edward Gibbs John Gibbs


"Martineco" 13,000 feet lumber, 22 horses15


Twelve ships is a very small number of vessels to have cleared in an entire year for foreign ports, and it indicates all too clearly the severe ourtailment of foreign trade characteristic of all Connecticut ports throughout the war. Seven of the twelve ships, incidentally, had been built in Connecticut, and five had been registered in the State. The slow state of trade continued in 1778 and 1779. In 1778 only eightoon ships cleared, of which fifteen were bound to St. Croix, the Danish Island, two to St. Eustatius, and one to Martinique. In 1779, through June 5, eighteen vessels left the port, of which thirteen spread sails for St. Croix and five for Guadeloupe. The increase in trade with the Danish Island was very marked. 16 The greater frequency of sailings in


15 New Haven, Foreigners Outward.


16


Ibid.


-


377.


1779 as compared with 1777, and 1778, would seem to verify the belief that the British blockade of the Sound grow less tight after the shift of major British military efforts to the South. 1


To complete the picture, a brief glance will be taken at the cargoes of several vessels coming from the West Indies. The sloop Three Friends, for example, made port on April 10, 1779 with a cargo consisting of 2160 gallons rum, 10 casks of sugar, and 2900 gallons of molasses -- all from Guadeloupe. . On June 15 Elijah Forbes brought the schooner Sally into harbor with 4500 gallons of rum from St. Croix. 17 While the foreign trade of the port of New Haven, therefore, must be described as small in volume, it cannot be considered unimportant either to the people of Connecticut.or to those of the West Indian Islands, who desperately wanted the foodstuffs and other surplus goods of the State. State . 18


Despite great wartime hazards, Connecticut mariners carried to the West Indies such products as flaxseed, pearl ashes, beeswax, whalebone, lumber, hoops, staves, horses, oxen, sheep, poultry, corn, onions, fish, candles, pork, and beef. In return, they brought home chiefly molasses, sugar, and salt, just as before the war. The only important chango, aside from the greatly reduced quantities, was that the exigencies of the war supplies situation made it necessary to concentrate, at times, upon the import of critically needed items, such as salt. The chief West Indian islands with which trade was conducted were the following: the Danish islands of St. Croix and St. Thomas; the French Islands of


17 New Haven, Foreigners Inwards.


18In this connection Governor Trumbull received urgent requests for food from the West Indian island of Martinique and he proposed encouraging private enterprise to furnish the supplies, although he recognized the need of an armed escort. Trumbull to Washington, November 6, 1781, Sparks, III, 437-438.


378.


Martinique, Guadeloupe, and St. Dominique; the Spanish Islands of Grenada and Hispaniola; and the Dutch Island of St. Eustatius. The entry of France, Holland, and then Spain into the war, in 1778, 1780, and 1781 respectively, complicated the situation enormously as the fluctuating tides of war largely determined where American ships could go. St. Eustatius, for example, was captured by Admiral Rodney in 1781, and at times the entire West Indian area was cut off by the British Havy and the seizure or blockade of French, Dutch, and Spanish ports.


A few vessels traded between Connecticut ports and South American ports, especially Surrinam, Curacao, and Trinidad. Examples of ships trading with these ports already have been cited. These ships took southward lumber, fish, and various provisions, and brought back various tropical and European products. This entry in the Gazette is suggestive:


Last Monday, Capt. Tobaoda arrived here in a Sloop from Curracos, which Place he left the 22d of November ... The Cargo of the above sloop is very valuable, consisting of Blankets, ruck, come Powder, &c.19


The Dutch island of St. Eustatius, a mall rocky eminence, strategically located close to St. Croix, St. Christopher, St. Bartholome, Puerto Rico, and most of the other West Indian Islands, became a very important transshipment point. The Dutch made it a free port, and it had a thriving trade. A very large mmber of goods of European and ( specifically) British origin were traded at the island for American goods. Kuch of the American powder in 1776 cmno from there, for example; and salt, too, was


19


Gazette, January 17, 1777.


J


-


379.


funnelled in quantity through St. Eustatius. 20 A New London Gazette of October 17, 1780 was indicative: Last Thursday a Ship from St. Eustatia, laden with about 6000 Bushels of Salt, besides West India Goods, arrived here. Nathaniel Shaw had established commercial relations with St. Eustatius merchants including the firm of Milner, Burch, and Haynes. 21


A very limited amount of direct trade with friendly European countries went on. No great amount could be expected since there had been little in the prewar period. A large increase with friendly harbors might have occurred had not the British Navy exercised control of the seas for most of the war period. . Also, the poor state of American credit 1 seriously handicapped trading possibilities. An occasional ship went to or from France, and some got through the blockade. 22 On April 16, 1778, for instance, Nathaniel Shaw noted that Captain l'ichel of the French ship Lyon, lately arrived at New London from France had almost finished the sale of his cargo. 23 After the conclusion of the Treaty of Alliance with: France, trado between the countries naturally increased. In the last years of the war, French goods were occasionally advertised, as in the Courant by Selah Norton in April, 1778, and by James and Hezekiah Dull in October and November 1781. The Bulls, incidentally, offered Dutch and English goods as well.24 As shown earlier, soveral ships cleared from


20Jameson, pp. 682-688. British reaction to the situation was bittert "In short, Yorke writes to William Eden in this same month of May [1776], St. Eustatius is the rendezvous of everything and everybody meant to be clandestinoly conveyed to America." Ibid., p. 688.


21Nathaniel Shaw, Letters, 1776.


22L'argaret Martin, p. 38. 23Rogers, p. 312. 24c. c., April 7, 1778; October 23, November 6, 13, 20, 1781.


380.


New Haven for Bordeaux, France.


Likewise, a small amount of commerce with Holland was carried on. Jeremiah Wadsworth seems to have been involved in this, and also Nathaniel Shaw. Actually, much of this was indirect trade via Boston or Philadelphia. Shaw apparently had a rather active account with John De Neufville and Sons, merchants of Amsterdam, but many of the goods 25 came in through Boston. Ono finds E. A. Austin of New Haven advertising tea from Holland for sale in the fall of 1782.26 The next spring Jedidiah Huntington of Norwich congratulated his brother Androw upon "the Arrival of the long expected Goods from Holland."27


"European goods" in general were offered in Connecticut toms during the whole war period, and particularly during the latter half. l'o less than five advertisements offering European goods appeared in a single issue of the Courant, that of February 23, 1779.28


At long intervals a solitary ship slipped into port from the neutral Scandinavian countries, as witness this report from New London in 1781: "Last week, the brigantine la Imprometour Captain Pes, arrived here in 52 days from Bergon in Norway.29


As a matter of fact, some British goods continued to find their way


-


25 l'artin, pp. 78-79, Rogers, pp. 328, 329, 333.


26 Journal, October 3, 10, 17, 24, 1782.


27 Jedidiah Huntington to Andrew Huntington, March, 1783, Jedidiah Huntington Letters, Vol. 3.


28 Two of the merchants, James Lamb and William Imlay, specifically listed "British" goods for sale.


29 Journal, October, 18, 1781. Barnabas Deane had an interest in a brigantine bound for Gottenburg, Sweden. Margaret Martin, pp. 38-39.


1


381.


to New England sources, and vice versa, throughout the war, although this was strictly against the law on both sides. " In some cases, of In so course, the English goods advertised and sold represented prize goods seized by our privateers; but this was not always the case. Also, the British West Indian islands had desperate need of food supplies, since America was their normal sources. It is very likely, too, that some .. Connecticut food found its way via noutral ports to the British West Indies. 31 By 1783 trade with Great Britain again had become important as the definitive Treaty of Peace was signed on March 20. During the year, New England imported some [200,000 worth of goods32 of which a sizeable portion undoubtedly went to Connecticut. A return to 80m0 degree of normalcy was well reflected in Peter Colt's advertisement of dry goods from London in the Courant for December 9, 1783.


30 Ernest L. Bogart, Economic History of the American People (New York, 1937), p. 211.


31 A Captain Goodrich upon arrival at New London from St. Eustatius on January 9, 1778 reported that provisions were so scarce in Barbados that the inhabitants were close to starvation. Only the supplies slipped through from the American Continent had prevented wholesale desertion of the [British] West Indian islands. C. C., January 13, 1778.


32 Tryon, p. 59.


CHAPTER XXIII


The Coming of Peace


The year 1782 was, in a sense, a transitional one from war to peace, which at times seemed weighted on the grim, warlike side; and at other times, more on the peaceful side. Large requisitions for Continental supplies continued to be levied on the State, and heavy taxes were necessary to meet these obligations." As the tide of war ebbed, illicit 1 trade tended to increase, as already noted, so that various measures to check it were enacted. 2


Although the British blockade of the New England coast had lost much of its earlier vigor and efficiency, it still constituted a significant danger. This is reflected in a petition by the town of Now Haven asking that the frigate Alliance be sent to convoy a member of loaded ships from New Haven to New London. The Council moved that the Governor send a letter to Captain Barry of the Alliance with the request that he perform the convoy duty if reasonably possible. 3


In the field of embargoes one may study advantageously the process of relaxation of economic controls attendant upon the coming of peace. This lossoning of controls came rather suddenly and forcibly at the October, 1781 session of the general assembly. Previous to this date, for a long period, public sentiment against embargoes had been growing,


1 S. R. IV, 8. This act, for example, involved raising [200,000 for Continental supplies. (January, 1782). A similar act is found in S. R. IV, 171 (May, 1782)


2s. R. IV, 107, 114, 161, 281. 3S. R. IV, 244 (Yay 20, 1782).


!


383.


and export permits had been granted with increasing liberality. 4 Beyond this, the evasion of the embargo - lams had been notoriously widespread for many months. In October, 1781, therefore, when a special committee under Benjamin Huntington's charge submitted a report to the general assembly advising the repeal of all embargo acts passed since June, 1777 in order to promote commerce, the embargo walls crumbled like those of Jericho. 5 It is true that the legislators tacked on a few minor amendments, but the bill passed substantially as recommended under the title, "An Act for promoting Commerce." All embargoes instituted since June, 1777 were repealed, but a careful system of licensing and bonding of ships was set up to prevent trade with the enemy. 6


The lifting of controls continued apace in 1782 with further legislation in January which repealed all embargoes imposed since October 1, 1776. It had been reported to the legislature, however, that after the repeal of the act of January, 1780, by the act of October, 1781, many live cattle and other produce had been driven over the border into New York and enemy hands. To prevent this, the pertinent paragraphs of the 1780 act were revived, and the loophole was plugged. 7


An easing of the supply problem is reflected in another trade


-


4 A special legislative committee had been appointed in May, 1781 to revise the embargo laws. Richard Law (upper house ) and Stephen Mitchell and Captain Hillhand (lower house) were on this committee, but no action was taken upon their recommendations. The catment in the Gazette of the next fall deserves notice : "Previous to their Adjournment they repealed the Embargo Act, which has long been considered by the inhabitants of the eastern part of the State, as a great Grievance." Gazette, October 26, 1781.


5A. R. W., Sor. II, LIII, Docs. 25-26. 6S. R. III, 519-521. 7g. R. IV, 4.


384.


relaxation act of the same session. The Governor and Council were authorized to sell or export to Havana or other foreign ports as much of the beef, flour, and other produce collected under recent taxes as they deemed prudent, as long as an adequate reserve was retained. 8 In May, some backtracking toward greater regulation was done. The importation of any goods manufactured in England or her colonies was absolutely prohibited and condemnation of such goods was provided for. 9


With the coming of the peace the few acts still in effect concerning exports or imports became dead letters. A proclamation by Trumbull issued at Lebanon on April. 18 declared that due to "a favourable change of circumstances in our public affairs" restraints on trado between Connecticut and the Enemy had become unnecessary, especially in the matter of cattle, beef, and provisions. Trumbull concluded: "I DO therefore hereby declare any such Lines or Restraints to be terminated. .10


Statistics upon registrations of ships in the port of New Haven reveal, unmistakably, the revival of mercantile life in New Haven and all along the coast. In 1781 four ships were registered; in 1782, fifteen ships; and from January 24, to April 28, 1783, eight ships. The next twelve months (June 2, 1783-June 26, 1784), however, saw the flood gates of sea-borne commerce burst wide open, for some forty ships were registered, of which thirty were Connecticut-tuilt. 11 The return to a


8 S. R. IV, 24. In a similar vein, the Council on June 14, 1782 authorized commissary Ebenezer Bernard to transport supplies to any suitable markets for sale, which suggests a surplus of goods due to diminishing army noods. S. R. IV, 257.


9s. R. IV, 161.


10c. c., April 29, 1783; Jounal, May 1, 1783. IRecord of All Ships and Vessels Registered at New Haven.


385.


more normal, peacetime pattern of activity was manifest.


On the supply front, a rather large amount of routine activity went on in 1782 and early 1783. Chauncey Whittlesey was again appointed Quarter master General for the militia; and, from time to time, supplies wore voted for the militia detachments stationed along the coast. 12 Taxes were levied to help meet the State's large quota of supplies for the Continental Army. On May 27, 1782 one finds that the Council voted that rations be drawn for one hundred and forty teamsters for one month. These teamsters had been hired by Ralph Pomeroy for service with the United States. 13


The supply business continued in an active sense to the very end; and even after news of the definitive peace arrived, it required several years more to clear up and settle all accounts. Supplying the State and United States troops, however, had ceased to be a real problem by the spring of 1783. On April 4 the Council spoke of the evacuation of the posts around Stamford, and the need of protection of the supplies left there.' 14 At the May session of 1783, the general assembly by official


act, virtually accomplished the termination of the active supply effort. The Quarter master General of the State was ordered to consult with the Governor and Council and to obtain their orders for the disposal of all "warlike Stores" on hand after the definitive treaty of peace was concluded.


15


12 'S. R. IV, 182, 245.


13 S. R. IV, 249. 14s. R. V, 104. 15 S. R. V, 123-124.


386.


News of the conclusion of the preliminary peace treaty of January 20, 1783 already had been received in Hartford, as it was published in the Courant for April 1.16


V


Official concern about illicit trade persisted right down into the early months of 1783. The approach of peace convinced many traders that the laws on illicit trade either were or ought to be dead letters. Hence, illegal trade was flourishing in certain areas, as was pointed out earlier. 17 As a result, the legislators made one final attempt. to destroy the trade by enacting two additional laws. The first included a provision that all goods going to enemy territory by water or land were liable to seizure and condermation. The second law ordered the tom officials in the coastal tomms to report any suspicious behavior immediately. In addition, any person convicted of illegal trade was deprived of his right to go to law or to hold a public office. 18 February 7 the Council requested l'ajor Benjamin Tallmadge to report any misconduct by the armed boats which were cruising in the Sound


supposedly trying to prevent illicit trading.


19


After this, no more


was heard of attempts to break up trade with British-held areas until the May session of the general assembly.


From a caroful examination of the output of the general assembly and the Council of Safety for the year 1782 and the first few months


16 liens of the definitive Treat; of Paris of September 20, 1783 was published in the Courant for December 9, 1783.


17 See pp. 359-361.


18 S. R. V, 21-22.


19 S. R. V, 94.


-


387.


of 1783, one can characterize the economic record as one concerned chiefly with minutiae and trivia. There were scores of minor acts and ʻ -


-


resolves dealing with such matters as collection of taxes, forwarding of supplies, sale of confiscated estates, and measures against illicit trade. The sense of urgency noticeable in earlier years, however, was : no longer apparent. Ome almost gets the feeling that the legislators were merely "going through the motions" while they looked ahead to days of peace and prosperity. Except for the two embargo acts and one or two acts on illicit trade, considered earlier, no really basic economic . legislation was put through. The State was "coasting along," and waiting for peace.


From an economic viewpoint the war ended for Connecticut in May, 1783, when the general assembly repealed practically all of the econonto regulatory lars. These specifically includedt


An Act to compel the furnishing necessary Supplies and assistance to the Quarter Master General and Commissary General of Forage of the Continental Army.


An Act more effectually to prevent Illicit Trade and the Several Acts made in addition thereto,


An Act to compel the furnishing Provisions and necessary Supplies to the superintending Commissary of Purchases, and their Assistants in this State,


An Act for securing Boats and other small Craft for preventing any Persons going out of any Harbour River or Creek with such Craft without License,


An Act for promoting Commerce, and all the Acts repealed by said Act .... 20


To all intents and purposes, however, public opinion had already repealed the acts months earlier when peace was seen as an imminent certainty.




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