USA > Illinois > Cook County > History of Cook County, Illinois From the Earliest Period to the Present Time > Part 47
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The post was not occupied after the massacre of 1812 until 1816, when troops again garrisoned it and continued in occupancy until 1823, when it was evacuated, but left in charge of Dr. Alex- ander Wolcott, Indian Agent. In 1828 it was again garrisoned for military purposes and occupied until 1831, when the troops were withdrawn and it was left in charge of another agent, Mr. Oliver Newberry. In 1832 Major Whistler, of the army, once more took possession of il as a military station, and it has been continued in the occupancy of troops or authorized agents for military and other public purposes up to the present date. Up to 1824 it appears to have been occupied by virtue of the authority in the three acts of Congress above recited. In that year the Indian Agent then in charge of it applied to the Secretary of War for a special reservation for military purposes (see his letter with papers). and, in conformity with his request, Mr. Calhoun, then Secretary of War, applied to the Commissioner of the General Land-Office for the reservation. That officer, in conformity with the request of the Secretary of War, ordered the post to be reserved from sale (see their letters herewith). The land reserved was fractional Sec- tion 10, Township 39 north, Range 14 east, containing 57.50 acres. In April, 1837, the Secretary of War, J. R. Poinsett, by an act of authority March 3, 1819, appointed Matthew Birchard, Esq., agent for the War Office under special instructions to sell a portion of the military reservation at Fort Dearborn. This agent, in conformity with instructions, surveyed the entire fractional section, styling it Fort Dearborn Addition to Chicago, laying it off into lots and streets, and filing the map in the proper office in Cook County. He proceeded to sell part only of these lots, reserving from sale that portion now used for convenience of light-house and marking it upon his map in dotted lines, *
B. S. ROBERTS, Colonel U. S. A. * *
The property platted and subdivided as Fort Dear- born addition to Chicago was east of State Street, north of Madison Street, south of the main river of that time,
and west of the shore line of that period. The sub- division was made June 6, 1839, as per surveyor's cer- tificate ; was acknowledged by Matthew Birchard " of the General Land-Office, and Agent of the War Depart- ment of the United States," for J. R. Poinsett, Secretary of War, and was recorded June 17. 1839, in Book H, of Maps, page 120. The land was laid off into lots and blocks, with streets, except the Dearborn Park, of which the following remark is authentic: "On the original record of Fort Dearborn addition, in Book H page 322, no boundary line was fixed for what is called hereon "Dearborn Park" (the plot now bounded by Dearborn Place, Michigan Avenue, Washington and Randolph streets-the eastern boundary, in common with the remainder of the Fort Dearborn addition, be- ing the lake shore mcander line). All the area east of the east line of Block 12; south of the south line of Blocks 10 and 11 ; north of the north line of Block 15, and east to the water-line of Lake Michigan was marked " Public Ground ; forever to remain vacant of buildings. The certificate of acknowledgement by the Secretary of War scts forth the same thing."* This plot, to remain in its integral emptiness, was from the west line of Dear- born Place, south of the north line of Randolph Street ; north of the south line of Washington Street and west of the shore line of Lake Michigan. Upon the original plat Blocks 11 and 6 were not subdivided, their eastern portions being submerged. As stated by Mr. Went- worth, the land whereon the block-house stood, and the northern half of Block 5, was not parted with at that time, but the title was vested in the Treasury Department, and the Marine Hospital was subsequently erccted on the part of Block 5 reserved. The eastern portion of the lots, 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5, forming the north- ern half of Block 5, were submerged at the time of the subdivision; on October 14, 1842, a deed was recorded in Book 133, page 271, whereby these for- merly submerged parts of lots were conveyed by the Secretary of War to the Illinois Central Railroad. By an act passed June 14, 1852, the right of way for the Illinois Central Railroad was granted, and the city of Chicago likewise provided therefor by law,t also for the maintenance of the park in its exempted condition. By this right-of-way the eastern boundary of the exempted property became, necessarily, located at four hundred feet east of the west line of Michigan Av- enue ; such line being the west line of the right-of-way ; a line seven hundred feet east of the west line of Mich- igan Avenue being the east line of the right-of-way. The east line of Michigan Avenue became subsequently fixed by Icgislative enactment. The land taken in straightening the river channel of the Chicago River, east of Michigan Avenue, was donated by the presi- dent of the Illinois Central Railroad Company, the Mayor of Chicago, Jean Baptiste Beaubien and the United States, per J. D. Graham, in September, 1855, the deed being recorded in Book 133, page 271 ; the remainder of the land taken being purchased of the owners. These various transactions, with those cited in Mr. Wentworth's speech, passed the title from the United States to numberless individuals, and the real estate of Fort Dearborn became absorbed by the city of Chicago-all but Dearborn Park, the legal disposi- tion of which is at present in controversy.
Otto Peltzer's Atlas of Chicago, 1871; compiled by him while in charge of the Map Department of the Board of Public Works.
t Vide Municipal Laws, 1856, P. 358.
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HISTORY OF COOK COUNTY.
THE LALIME HOMICIDE.
One of the lamentable and exciting incidents con- nected with the early history of the fort was the tragical death of J. Lalime, who had been an agent and inter- preter at the fort for many years prior to his death. He was an educated man, of quite violent temper, and per- haps more respected than beloved. In a rencounter with John Kinzie, between whom and himself there hail previously been serious disagreements, he lost his life. The narrative of Mrs. Victoire Porthier see page 105, who claims to have witnessed the tragedy, fully exoner- ates Mr. Kinzie of murderaus intent. The following letter, written by the old-time friend of the family, although differing in minor details from the testimony of Mrs. Porthier, goes to corroborate the most essential points which establishes the innocence of lohn Kinzie as to any murderous intent at the time of the unfort- unate encounter. The letter reads as follows :
" Citicaon. June 25. 158t. " HON. JOHN WENTWORTH .- Dear Sir: Your note of the 22d inst. I received yesterday. Thanks for the slip you inclosed. " In reply to your inquiries, I have to say that I think Matthew Irwin was not sub-agent at Fort Dearborn, Init that he was t'nited States factor, acting also as Indian Agent, Ilis duties were confined principally to Indian affairs, under the direction of the command- ing officer, when he was not specially instructed by the Depart- ment at Washington.
" As regards the unfortunate killing of Mr. Lalime by Mr. John Kinzie, I have heard the account of it related by Mrs. Kinzie and her daughter, Mrs. Helm. Mr. Kinzie never, in my
hearing, alluded to or spoke of it. He deeply regretted the act. Knowing his aversion to converse on the subject, I never spoke to him abinit it,
" Mrs. Kinzie said that her husband and Lalime had been for several years on aufriendly terms, and had had frequent alterca. tions : that at the time of the encounter, Mr. Kinzie had crossed the river alone, in a canoe, going to the fort ; and that Lalime met him outside of the garrison and shot him, the ball cutting the side of his neck. She supposed Lalime saw her husband cross- ing, and, taking his pistol, went through the gate purposely to meet him Mr. Kinzie closing with Lalime, stabbed him, and retreated tu his house covered with blood. He told his wife what he had done, that he feared he had killed Lalime, that probably a quad would be sent for him, anil that he must hide. She. in haste, took bandages, and with him retreated to the woods, where. as soon as possible, she dressed his wounds, returning just in time tu micet an officer with a squad, with orders to seize her husband, He could not be found. For some days he was hid in the bush and cared for by his wife.
" 1.alime was, I understood, an educated man, and quite à favorite with the officers, who were greatly excited. They decided he should be buried near Mr. Kinzie's house, and he was buried near the bank of the river, about the present terminus of Rush Street, and within about two hundred yards of Mr. Kinzie's house. in plain view from his front door and piazza. The grave was inclosed by a picket fence, which Mr. Kinzie, in his life-time kept in perfect order. My impression has ever been that Mr. Kinzie acted, as he told his wife, in self-defense. This is borne out by the fact that, after a full investigation by the officers, whose friend he was, they acquitted Mr. Kinzie, who then returned to his family.
" In some of these details ] may be in error, but the fact has ever been firm in my mind that I.alime made the attack, provoking the killing in self-defense. Most certainly Mr. Kinzie deeply regretted the result, and avoided any reference to il.
.* Yours, G. S. HURHARD."
CHICAGO IN 1830. FROM THE LAKE
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OFFICERS SERVING AT THE POST.
In the appendix to the address as published in Fergus's Historical Series, No. 16, are several rosters of officers and soldiers who served at different times at Fort Dearborn, and other matter deemed invaluable as the source from which they are derived may be deemed authentic. From the appendix the following are extracted :
The following statement shows the companies composing the garrison of the post, at different periods, after October 3, 1828, until its abandonment ; also, the commanding officers and other officers on duty at the pust, from time to time !
Curt .- 4.
Kinhwiths.
Companies PA" and " |" (5th Infantry) ITom Oct ...
[Sin3 20, 1831. temin las Por fion. December 14, 1530. to 1. 1 .. - \ \ 1. Aug 20. 18:30.
Troops withdrawn, Max go, 1230.
Re-occupied, June 1 ;. 1832
Tijd an, sth Intaalt!
Wilnam Waniar ...
1
Cumpames 'G'ah! - 1.
Seth lolin-ton
por onthe 11 . Jul las, put tethighs We're 4. and 1
1. W. Pourne .
F. R. Ing .. ..
1'. M./wcIL ..
John D'al Ir .. . IL Wik ..
1 . 1. Jamisuy
lwt 1º 1ssi, and Irom September 16. 1835,
J. Allen. ..
Bir al-t ientenan sch Litet. % . 11. 1" .:
fiendge lemke ..
sth Infantry
1. AL. Daske'y. ..
sapia: 5th I .:
1
E. K. Smith
Ist-Lieutenam, sil Infantry
Al Tumtenant, stb Infanter
M.ijo stl Inf.dry
St. Clair Peuny I tajit rin sth Infantry
$1. 17-1. 1:30
1
¡thereof till June or Tuls 1837. Hat and remained in charge
No returns un file subsequent to May. 1937.
J. PlvajMan. ..
...... :
LATE THREADS OF FORT DEARBORN HISTORY.
Companies "\" and " 1" (5th Infantryl from May 14, 1833. to December 5th 1836, when the gmtriscul was withdrawn.
| | B Kingsbury
7º 11
=
1-5
1 -. 1.12
(zd Infantry) from Is ne 17. 1832, " 1" In Max 15. 1933.
Westst.mi Sprgost
EARLY MILITARY HISTORY.
It is the purpose in what follows to put in order and preserve in history all that can be gathered from records, early publications and the memories of men still living, concerning the citizen-soldiery of Chicago and Cook County; to make therefrom as complete a record as is possible of the various military organiza- tions ; to note their exploits and parades, in times of peace ; and to record their arduous and patriotic serv- ice in times of war, when, putting off the war-like appearance they became invested with the full armor of the warrior, and, soldiers in deed as well as in name, won the imperishable renown accorded in the war an- nals of the centuries to those only who have fallen un- conquered or returned victorious.
A garrison of soldiers, trained in the arts of war, and subject to strict military discipline and drill even in times of peace, constituted the first civilized white community of Chicago. A fort had been built and occupied, destroyed and rebuilt years before the vil- lage of Chicago boasted more than half a dozen huts and shanties outside the garrison. The influence of such a garrison has ever most depressing effect on the innate military ardor of the private citizen. Seldom does the civilian so far acquire the spirit of self-abase- ment as to put on his sword, and sash, and pompons, and epaulets under the critical and supercilious gaze of the regular, except under the urgent stress of danger to be met or duty to be performed, demanding other serv- ice than those involved in a dress parade. So it hap- pened that for many years the fighting qualities of the Chicago militiaman were unostentatiously held in abey- ance, and the waiting heroes, hidden in citizen's garb, quietly threaded the paths of life even to the end, un- heralded and unsung. But, remote from the protection of the garrison, the militia has ever been found, hilar- iously noisy, gaudy, and ostentatious in its preparatory demonstrations, but in emergency, the fearless and un- flinching defender of the fireside, home, and country.
Even as far back as 1812, the militia, with its char- acteristic reliability in time of extremity, makes its first appearance in the annals of Chicago. The massacre attending the evacuation of Fort Dearborn, August 15. 1812, numbered among its victims " twelve militiamen. Captain Nathan Heald, the commandant of Fort Dear- born at the time of its evacuation, in a letter written from Pittsburgh, November 7, 1812, details the losses as follows:
"Our strength was about fifty-four regulars and twelve militia, out of which twenty-six regulars and all the militia were killed in the action, with two women and twelve children. Ensign George Ronan and Dr. Isaac Van Voorhis, of my company, with Cap- tain Wells, of Fort Wayne, to my great sorrow, are numbered among the dead."
It is not believed that of the twelve militia heroes who thus early baptized the soil of Chicago with their life-blood, the name of a single one has been rescued from oblivion. Whether their homes had been in Chi- cago or its vicinity, or whether, at the call of danger, they came from a distance to the scene of peril may never be known.
There was not at that time, nor for many years after, any enrollment of the militia of Chicago, or of the men subject to military duty in the territory now em- braced in Cook County. In 1827 quite a panic occurred at Chicago on account of the hostilities with the Win- nebagoes, who were on the war-path during the summer of that year. Fort Dearborn was not at that time occu- pied as a military post, but was under the charge of Dr. Alexander Wolcott, the Indian Government Agent. The few traders and the families who then made up the settlement were defenseless in case of an attack. There was no militia organization at that time. Gurdon S. Hubbard, still a resident of the city, tells the story of the reception of the news and the efforts to meet the expected or probable attack as follows :*
** At the breaking out of the Winnebago war, early in July. 1827, Fort Dearborn was without military occupation. Dr. Alexander Wolcott, Indian Agent, had charge of the fort living in the brick building, just within the north stockade previously occupied by the commanding officers. The old officers' quarters built of logs on the west, and within the pickets, were occupied by Russel E. Ilea- cock, and one other American family, while a number of toyageurs with their families were living in the soldiers' quarters, on the east side of the inclosure. The store-house and guard-house were on either side of the southern gate : the sutler's store was cast of the north gate, and north of the soldiers' barracks ; the block-house was located at the southwest and the bastion at the northwest cor- ners of the fort, and the magazine, of brick, was situated about half way between the west end of the guard and block-houses. The annual payment of the Pottawatomic Indians occurred in Septem- ber of the year 1827. A large body of them had assembled, ac. cording to eustom, to receive their annuity. These left after the payment for their respective villages, except a portion of Big Foot's band. The night following the payment, there was a dance in the soldiers' barracks, during the progress of which a violent storm of wind and rain arose ; and about midnight, these quarters were struck by lightning and totally consumed, together with the store- house and a portion of the guard-house. The sleeping inmates of Mr. Kinzie's house, on the opposite bank of the river, were aroused by the cry of " fire," from Mrs, Helm, one of their number, who, from her window, had seen the flames. On hearing the alarm I. wish Robert Kinzie, late Paymaster of United States' Army, hastily arose, and only partially dressed, ran to the river. To our dismay we found the eanoe, which was used for crossing the river, filled with water : it had been partially drawn up on the beach and be- came filled by the dashing of the waves. Not being able to turn it over, and having nothing with which to bail it out, we lost no time. but swam the stream. Entering by the north gate we saw al a glance the situation. The barracks and store-house heing wrapped in flames, we directed our energies to the saving of the guard-house, the east end of which was on fire. Mr. Kinzie, rolling himself in a wet blanket, got upon the roof. The men and women, about 40 in number formed a line to the river, and with buckets, tubs, and every available utensil, passed the water to him ; this was kept up till daylight before the flames were subdued, Mr. Kinzie main. taining his dangerous position with great fortitude, though his hands, face and portions of his body were severely burned. His father, mother, and sister, Mrs, Helin, had meanwhile freed the canoe from water, and crossing in it, fell into line with those carrying water. Some of the Big Foot band of Indians were present at the fire ; bnt merely as spectators, and could not be prevailed upon to assist. They all left next day for their homes. The strangeness of their behavior was the subject of discussion among us. Six or eight days after this event, while at breakfast in Mr. Kinzie's house, we heard singing, faintly at first, but gradually growing louder as the singers approached. "Mr. Kinzie recognized the leading voice as that of Bob Forsyth, and left the table for the piazza of the house, where we all followed. About where Wells Street now crosses the
· See Fergus's Historical Series, No. to, pp. 41-46.
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EARLY MILITARY HISTORY.
river, in plain sight from where we stood, was a light birch bark canoe, manned by thirteen men, rapidly approaching. the men keeping time with their paddles to one of the Canadian boat songs ; it proved to be Governor Cass and his secretary, Robert Forsyth, and they landed and soon joined us. From them we first learned of the breaking out of the Winnebago war, and the massacre on the Upper Mississippi. Guverner C'ass was at Green Bay by appointment, to hold a treaty with the Win- nebagoes and Menomonee tribes, who, however, did not appear to meet him In council. News of hostilities reaching the Governor there, be immediately procured a light birch bark canoe, purposely made for speed, manned it with twelve men at the paddles and a steersman, and started up the river. making a portage into the Wisconsin, then down it and the Mississippi to Jefferson Barracks, below St. Louis. Here he persuaded the commanding officer to charter a steamer, and embarking troops on it, ascended the Mis- sissippi in search of the hostile Indians, and to give aid to the troops at Fort Snelling On reaching the mouth of the Ilinois River, the Governor (with his men and canoe, having been brought so far on the steamer, ) here left it, and ascending that stream and the Desplaines, passed through Mud Lake into the South Branch of the Chicago River, reached Chicago. This trip from Green Bay round was performed in about thirteen days, the Governor's party sleeping only five to seven hours, and averaging sixty to seventy miles travel each day. On the Wisconsin River they passed Win- nebago encanipments without molestation. They did not stop to parley, passing rapidly by, singing their boat-songs ; the Indians were so taken by surprise that, before they recovered from their astonishment, the canoe was out of danger. Governor Cass re- mained at Chicago but a few hours, coasting Lake Michigan back to Green Bay. As soon as he left, the inhabitants of Chicago as- sembled for consultation. Big Foot was suspected of acting in concert with the Winnebagoes, as he was known to be friendly to them, and many of his band had intermarried with that tribe. Shawbonce was not here at the payment. his money having been drawn for him by his friend, Billy Caldwell. The evening before Governor Cass's visit, however, he was in Chicago, and then the guest of Caldwell. At my suggestion, he and Caldwell were en. gaged to visit Big Foot's village (tieneva Lake), and get what in- formation they could of the plans of the Winnebagues ; and also learn what action Big Foot's band intended taking. They left im- mediately, and on nearing Geneva Lake arranged that Shawbonce should enter the village alone, Caldwell remaining hledlen, Upon entering the village, Shawbonee was made a prisoner, and accused of being a friend of the Americans and a spy. He affected great indignation at these charges and said to Big Foot : 'I was not at the payment, but was told by my braves that you desired us to join the Winnebagoes and make war on the Americans, I think the Winnebagoes have been foolish ; alone they cannot succeed. So I have come to council with you, hear what you have to say. when I will return to my people and report all you tell me ; if they shall then say, we will join you, I will consent." After talking nearly all night they agreed to let him go, provided he was accom- panied by one of their own number ; to this proposal Shawbonee readily consented, though it placed him in a dangerous position. Ilis friend Caldwell was waiting for him in the outskirts of the.vil- lage, and his presence must not be known, as it would endanger both of their lives. Shawbonee was equal to the emergency. After leaving, In company with one of Big Foot's braves, as the place of Caldwell's concealment was neared, he commenced complaining in a loud voice of being suspected aml made a prisoner, and when quite near said : "We must have no one with us in going to Chicago, Should we meet any one of your band or any one else, we must tell them to go away : we must go by ourselves, and get to Chicago by noon to-morrow. Kinzie will give us something to eat, and we can go on next day.' C'ald- well heard and understood the meaning of this, and started alone by another route. Strategy was still to be used, as Shawhonce desired to report ; so on nearing Chicago, he said to his companion, ' If Kinzie sees you, he will ask why your band did not assist in putting out the fire? Maybe he has heard news of the war and is angry with Big Foot : let us camp here, for our horses are very tired." This they did, and after a little, the ltig Foot brave sig- gested that Shawbonce should go to the fort for food and informa- tion. This was what he wanted to do, and he lost no time in reporting the result of his expedition, and procuring food returned to his camp. Starting the next morning with his companion for his own village ; on reaching it he called a council of his Indians, who were addressed by Big Foot's emissary : hut they declined to take part with the Winnebagoes, advising Big Foot to remain neutral.
"On receiving Shawhonee's report, the inhabitants of Chicago were greatly excited ; fearing an attack, we assembled for consulta- tion, when I suggested sending to the Wabash for assistance, and tendered my services as messenger. This was at first objected
to, on the ground that a majority of the men at the fort were in my employ, and in case of an attack, no one could manage them or enforce their aid but myself. It was, however, decided that I should goas I knew the route and all the settlers. An attack would probably not be made until Big Foot's embassador had returned with his report : this would give at least two weeks' security, and in that time I could, if successful, make the trip and return. I started between four and five r. M., reaching my trading house on the Iroquois River by midnight, where I changed my horse and went on ; it was a dark, rainy night. On reaching Sugar Creek, I found the stream swollen out of its banks, and my horse refusing to cross, 1 was obliged to wait till daylight, when I discovered that a large tree had fallen across the trail, making the ford impas- sable. I swam the stream and went on, reaching my friend Mr. Spencer's honse at noon, tired out. Mr. Spencer started imme. diately to give the alarm, asking for volunteers to meet ai Danville the next evening, with five days' rations. By the day following at the hour appointed, one hundred men were organized into a com- pany, and appointing a Mr. Morgan, an old frontier fighter, as their captain, we immediately started for Chicago, camping that night on the north fork of the Vermillion River. It rained con- tinually, the trail was very muddy, and we were obliged to swim most of the streams and many of the large sloughs, but we still pushed on, reaching Fort Dearborn the seventh day after my departure, to the great joy of the waiting people. We re-organ- ized, and had a force of abont one hundred and fifty men. Morgan commanding. At the end of thirty days, news came of the defeat of the Winnebagoes, and of their treaty with the commanding offi- ver, who went from Jefferson Barracks, as before stated. Upon hearing this, Morgan disbanded his company. who returned to their homes, leaving Fort Dearborn in charge of the Indian Agent as before."
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